Press translations [Japan]. Social Series 0033, 1945-11-27.

Summary:

Neighborhood associations will always be necessary social organizations. The present neighborhood association system was organized by the authorities as a means of giving information and directives to the people. Later, however, the system changed to one in which the people were enabled to voice their own opinions and to solve problems by means of cooperation and discussion.

In the beginning, the people were not allowed to express their own thoughts through neighborhood associations, but now circumstances have changed. This system should be continued until the new spirit of democracy is fully attained. The people are beginning to see their neighborhood associations and neighborhood group associations as democratic institutions, and this is surely a very desirable tendency.

Extracts:

Two young demobilized soldiers recently returned from overseas called on the Military Affairs Section of the War Ministry on 16 November and talked with Colonel TAKAYAMA and two other officials. They complained of the treatment received by repatriated, demobilized soldiers from the authorities at KAJIKI, where they landed.

The two soldiers were Sergeant INAI, Hisao, of OSAKA and Leading Private KATAOKA, Takezo of NISHINOMIYA. According to KATAOKA, they left the PHILIPPINES on a coast defense ship and arrived at KAJIKI on 2 November. The demobilized soldiers quarters in KAJIKI is about 30 minutes walk from the wharf. KATAOKA stated, "It was formerly a sanatorium for consumptive patients, now it is almost deserted. We couldn't even fix a cup of tea. Our clothes were ragged and infected with lice, but there was no good clean warm clothing for us to wear. They gave us no blankets, though the nights were cold. They gave only 30 yen in cash, and 7 go of rice, not enough to sustain those who faced long journeys home. However, sailors returning on the same ship were each supplied with an army winter overcoat and 200 yen in cash.

Sergeant INAI told a similar story of his own experience.

Conditions for soldiers returning to KYUSHU were investigated last

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ITEM 2 (Continued)

September and steps are being taken for their improvement, according to a War Ministry Spokesman. Permission has been obtained from MacARTHUR's Headquarters to distribute to troops from abroad the same quantity of supplies as is given to demobilized home troops. However, distribution is now through the prefectural offices which have been giving supplies intended for demobilized soldiers to civilians.

Full translation:

A bogus detective, wearing a close-buttoned black jacket and dark gray overcoat, swindled 1,615 yen from Mr. YAMADA, Tsugiroku, of Z-1697, HONGI-CHO, ADACHI Ward, near his house, on the 17 November 1945.

A man appearing to be a worker broke-into the house of Dr. IIOKA, Nobuo, 173, JIYUGAOKA, MEGURO Ward, saying that he was a member of the Metropolitan Police Office and had come to investigate the quantity of narcotics[illegible]on hand. He fled with 0.7 kg. of morphine and 4 kg. of hydrochloric medicine.

Summary:

MINOBE, Torakichi writes an article in today's MAINICHI SHIMBUN on the reform of universities. MINOBE writes that even under Supreme Headquarters directives, the present government has carried out a surprising number of reforms, amendments, and repeals each of which under ordinary peace time conditions would have caused several Cabinet changes. Only the reform of universities has made little progress. Many universities have still ultra-nationalists as presidents, and others an inefficient staff. The reason is to be looked for in the question of self-rule of the universities.

The Japanese universities have always obeyed authority. Only when the authority in question became inconvenient was self rule of the universities stressed. All Japanese universities have become reactionary during the war. All the more surprising is the fact that up to now only the faculty of one department of a single university, which was known as the most fascistic of the whole lot; that is, the economic faculty of the TOKYO Imperial University, was changed. Professor OUCHI and seven professors were reinstated. Professor ARAKI and five reactionary professors resigned, Among the professors reinstated is YAMADA, who was dismissed as far back as 1931.

This change is indeed a most sweeping democratic reform of the deepest significance for all other Japanese universities. But MINOBE is of the opinion that all the professors in the economic faculty should have resigned. In support of this contention, he writes that Professors OUCHI, ARISAWA, and WAKIMURA were arrested in 1938 on a charge of having had relations with the Labor-Farmer Party. After six years of hardship, this charge was proved groundless. Inspite of this fact the professors of the Economic faculty of the TOKYO Imperial University unanimously voiced their opposition to the reinstatement of these three professors and President UCHIDA supported this opposition, although the whole Japanese scientific world sup-

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ITEM 4 (Continued)

ported their reinstatement. In view of this fact, MINOBE is of the opinion that the remaining reactionary professors in the Economic faculty should be dismissed.

Professor MINOBE then continues that the reason such an unjust decision could he reached, lies in the absolute secrecy of such professors' meetings. The public is not admitted to such meetings, the records of such meetings are kept in absolute secrecy. Decisions are by majority vote. By this measure, many unjust decisions are reached, and very often professors and assistant professors are appointed, not on account of their ability or knowledge, but due to favoritism. A reform of the universities must, therefore, change this undemocratic character of the teachers' meetings.

Extracts:

The YOMIURI employees, who started, a movement against the president and other directors, have been encouraged by many people and groups seeking democratization. The JAPAN Social Party and the JAPAN Communist Party are among these.

Now, the preparatory commission of the JAPAN People's Party and the Federation of JAPAN Co-operation Society have decided to support the employees' strike.

Full translation:

The students of the HIROSAKI High School struck on Friday. It seems that the school authorities refused the students' request for: (l) prompt retirement of professors of opportunistic trend, including Professor UNO, the Principal; (2) withdrawal of the militaristic dormitory system; (3) prompt restoration of three year system in the High School course.

The representatives of students visited and petitioned the Education Ministry on Saturday. The Ministry answered that it would summon the Principal for an inquiry into this matter.

Summary:

ASAIUMA, Inajiro, vice-chairman of the TOKYO city assembly yesterday gave the following statement to the ASA[illegible]I SHI[illegible]on the democratization of the TOKYO administration: "Before 1942, TOKYO was administered on fairly democratic principles, but since then the city mayor, who used to be selected by public election, was selected by the government. The terms of the city assembly meetings were so short that the assemblymen often were unable to investigate bills presented to them; and budgets over 100,000 yen which formerly needed the approval of the city assembly were passed by the city

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SOCIAL SERIES: 33 (Continued)

ITEM 7 (Continued)

advisory committee.

"When the status of TOKYO was changed from a city to a metropolitan area, the first mayor of greater TOKYO, OTATSU, actually shut out the city assemblymen from the administration of TOKYO, the second mayor, NISHIO, robbed the city assembly of the right to amend supplementary city budgets and the advisory committee of the right to examine the accounts of TOKYO. Public officials nominated by the city were theoretically placed on an equal footing with the state officials, but actually state officials dominated the TOKYO city administration. So the public officials endeavored to become state officials and in some wards all the city officials donned uniforms.

"The result of this state administration was that within two years the TOKYO city mayor changed three times and each time a personnel change occurred by directive of the Ministry of Interior. This was especially bad in the case of such posts as that of the Finance Department Manager."

ASANUMA then proposes the following administrative reform measures, TOKYO city mayor is to be publicly elected for a fixed term of office. TOKYO transportation and city employees unions are to be formed in order to increase the sense of responsibility of the union members. The recurrence of boss politics in TOKYO wards as in prewar times must be avoided, but the ward assembly members must be given the right to investigate the ward budgets, and the self-rule of the individual wards must be strengthened. TOKYO citizens must be given a chance to submit constructive criticism of their city administration.

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