Press translations [Japan]. Political Series 0288, 1946-02-06.

Full Translation:

by SANO, Gaku

A member of the Communist Party and sometime Professor at Waseda University.

A Japanese Revolution

A revolution is not a thing to be afraid of but rather is a sovereignty remedy. A corrupted and degenerated society is rejuvenated through a revolution, making it possible for that race to make a new contribution to world history. The revolutions of historical significance in this century are first the Russian and second the Chinese Revolutions, and, by a whim of fate, the third one is on the program of world history in the shape of a Japanese Revolution ca[illegible]ed by bar defeat in the war. The defeat has so far wrecked JAPAN'S history, but our nation, far from perishing in the catastrophe is striving for a new raciall revival. The basic movement of our revolution lic in the development to socialism in substance through consistent democracy. The historic significance of this revolution is to create, anticipating the world, a model peaceful country, devoid of [illegible]but endowed with a noble spirit. The Japanese themselves must be strongly conscious of the profound meaning and honor of the Japanese Revolution.

Three Practical and Fundamental Rules

An immediate task confronting the Japanese Revolution is the thoro[illegible]prosecution of democracy, the guiding power of which should be who masses, including workmen who are engaged in both material and yon spirtual production, with the workers as their core. The bourgeoists even their progressive element, being no more than reformists, its gentlemen of the Diet are not fit for the accomplishment of the revolution. An all front fight to oust the feudalistic influence must necessarily accompany a combat against the great bourgeoisie, and for the conduct of this combat there are three practical cast-iron rules.

The first of the rules is a democratic fight from the bottom stratu The purge directive on 4 January dealt a crushing blow to the old leaders, but look at the village which is the basic social unit, where you still find cases of a chief being a member of the Progressive Party or an executive of an agricultural society stealing rice destined for public distribution. Also, the Neighborhood Block Associations of the towns are still functioning on the feudalastic framework. Unless a democratic gale blows up from below, caused by

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a committee composed of the people, the democratization of the whole country can never he realized.

The second is the establishment of a nation-wide revolutionary party. The Social Democratic and the Communist Parties may be aiming at it, but it is regrettable that they have not arrived at that stage yet.

The third is the formation of a united democratic front which I am now going to advocate.

National and Constructive

The fact that even in progressive camps there soon emerge feudalistic faction and feudalistic bosses, amply tells us that feudalism still strongly survives in our society. The masses never require such antiquities. It is all very well that each party, retaining the freedom of criticism argues to its heart's content regarding the other's [illegible]program, but as far as the thorough realization of democracy is concerned they should be broad minded enough to form a unified front as soon as possible. The unified front should not stop at merely confronting the feudalistic influence The popular front led by BLUM in pre-war FRANCE, assumed outwardly a wall organized aspect aiming at anti-fascism but owing to the leftist workmen's sabotage, it collapsed with the country without showing a shadow of resistance when invaded by HITLER. On the other hand the unified front after the war under the leadership of THOREZ, because of its stress on the restoration of the national life, and working on that line, has made a great success with the support of the French people. The reason that the present-day European unified fronts are showing signs of continuing is due to their firmly getting hold of the national motive. Our nation, now gasping in the pit of defeat, cannot look forward to re-construction without the revival of production. In order that our nation may not degenerate into the state of quasi colonial slaves, I fervently prefer the earliest revival of our national independence.

The unification of our front must contain in its program national and constructive objectives, such as the revival of production starting from the bottom and the return to rational independence, together with the complete destruction of feudalistic influences. Such being the case it is not the time for indulging in class egoistic and ped[illegible]ideological fighting.

Uniform Front from the Bottom

It is of course desilable that the central executives of both Social Democratic and Communist Parties form a unified front, but it is spectacular that such fronts are rapidly being formed one after another by the bottom structures in the country, The working masses who are hard pressed by destitute living are acting by the correct political instinct. Among the resolutions passed by the KANTO Industrial Workers' Representatives Conference on the 20th, are the items rejecting Capitalistic sabotage, increased production by the workers and increased production of agricultural necessities by the labor unions, which indicate a class alliance between the workers and farmers based on a unified front and a national motive, freed from party restrictions. A people's revolution is a revolution from the bottom, Combination of power from a broad basis is most precious, therefore the present trend of forming a unified front from the bottom must be consciously propelled.

Create the Kernel

My hearty respect and agreement are due to Mr. YAMAKAWA, Hitoshi, my

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esteemed socialist friend, who proposed a unified front. The question is its concrete contents and it is desired that a conference, which will be the kernel, as proposed by him, comes into being. The successful formation of the unified front depends on the scope and nature of the bodies and persons invited to the conference and I hope as many classes as possible be included in the invitation, such as comprising the Social Democratic, the Communist, the JAPAN Popular Party, the Cooperative Party, the Independent Social Party, parties o[illegible]assured democratic tendencies out of many mushroom parties in towns and in the country, artists, thinkers, technicians, educators, lawyer of democratic inclination, etc.

Basic Slogans

With these three objectives in view we should roughly combine all the democratic influences. When the Bolsheviks formed a common front with the Mensheviks, LENIN always declared and maintained the "freedom of criticism". It is absolutely necessary that every party should dispute on the basic program, retaining the freedom of criticism, otherwise there is no raison d'etre for different parties. There is the controversy over republicanism or the Emperor System regarding the form of the people's right. This question itself should be the basic program of every party, but for the formation of a unified front, the accord on the people's right is quite sufficient. Asking them to form a unified front with the abolition of the Emperor System for the center is an impracticable request making impossible the formation of the front. Also, in the democratic stage, I am against a majority party cabinet and instead assert the necessity of the immediate formation of a ecalition cabinet composed of a proportional number of personnel from various democratic influences. The present cabinet is like a dilapidated house with no prop to lean on and I do not know where it got such a fantastic idea as to exercise a "strong hand" in accelerating the farmers' rice shipments. What ever "strong hand" the present Government may pretend to resort to, the fixed [illegible]of rice KYUSHUTSU must be undertaken by a new popular formula.

ITEM 2 Rehabilitation of National Life Most Important for Next Government - Tokyo Shimbun - 5 Feb 46. Translator: T. Kitayame.

Summary:

Ever since its formation, the SHIDEHARA Cabinet has been showing [illegible]inefficiency in handling the problems of monetary inflation and the food crisis. Among the poor measures which it has been carrying out since it took office, the following three are those by which it has most glaringly revealed its conservative end bureaucratic character: enactment of coercive authority on foodstuff control, control of labor union movements, and the revision of the Constitution, for the last of which it has been making every possible effort ever since its formation. Concerning these three problems, various political parties have already published their individual views, which vividly show their characters. That is to say, it has gradually come to be seen that each party, under camouflage of democracy, is simply taking advantage of democracy. Under these circumstances, it is quite noteworthy that the two big parties, Progressive and Liberal, each of

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which is seeking the government at the next election, have no measures essentially different from those of the SHIDEHARA Cabinet which they so severely attack. Let us here sound the views held by the Progressive and Liberal Parties on these three problems.

1. Problem of Coercive Food Central.

All political parties and factions have charged the Government with its enactment of arbitrary control on food delivery. The Social Democratic and Communist Parties supported a democratic way of delivery and control instead of coercive control, while the Progressive Party attacked the Government for its compulsory control without taking measures for raising the price of rice, making awaris [illegible]delivery. a distributing of fertilizers, agricultural implements, etc. The Liberal Party insisted upon an increase in the price of rice. There is a vivid difference between the democratic ways of delivery and control which the Social Democratic and Communist Parties advocate. Both of these are premature as a policy. In order to put it into execution, not only is there ample room for further investigation, but also it cannot be realized until a change takes place in the present situation. The democratic way advocated by the two parties points to method opposed to those which the Government is taking. On the contrary, the contention of the Progressive and Liberal Parties is by no means opposed to that of the Government. What the two parties insist on, the Government is also endeavouring to bring about. Only the Government is not capable enough to cope with the problem.

2. Problem of Arbitrary Control on Labor Unions.

The problem of controlling foodstuffs concerns the agricultural villages, and in consequence, exerts a great deal of influence upon measures for the coming election. Concerning this problem, therefore, all parties try to curb their utterances about it, doing everything to gain the good-will of the farming districts. In spite of [illegible]fact that the Progressive and Liberal Parties have nothing essentially different from the government, they have artfully emphasized their opposition to the Government's coercive control. But confronted with the problem of the labor union movement, they have at last disclosed their real intentions, supporting the Government most clearly

3. The problem of the Revision of the Constitution.

It goes without saying that the CHIDEHARA Cabinet makes it its creed as it were, to support the Emperor System. The Progressive and Leberal Parties, which also advocate the maintenance of the Emperor System and the Emperor, have nothing to oppose the contents and method for revision of the Constiturion that the Government is adopting. This only too natural. State Minister MATSUMOTO has reassured us that in the Government's revision draft no change is made in Articles I to IV. Concerning this the Liberal Party criticizes the Government from the viewpoint of joint rule by the Emperor and the people and also from the point of view of the theory of the State as the judicial body. But these are nothing but explanations of the Constitution, and have nothing to do with the essential elements of the Constitution.

Thus the essence of the two parties little differs from that of the SHIDEHARA Cabinet, and indeed they are in some cases even reactiona[illegible]How then should the nation take this attitude of the two parties? At the last extraordinary session of the Diet a certain member of the Progressive Party emphasized that the political power should naturally be transferred to some party after the general election whatever the

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result might be. It is true that the transference of political power from the bureaucratic Cabinet to a party cabinet may be a step of progress toward the democratization of JAPAN, and in this sense the Progressive Party was once supported by the people at large. Three months have elapsed since then, and the situation of this country has changed very rapidly. The nation is threatened with hunger and starvation owing to the shortage of foodstuffs. Perhaps some party will shoulder the next political power. But the party must be the one that can tide over this national crisis by means of fundamental measures. The question is, therefore, not merely one of the transference of political power from a bureaucratic cabinet to a political cabinet, but as to what party will hold that power. With the general election just ahead, the nation must not be made a fool of by the vision of "party politics".

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