Press translations [Japan]. Editorial Series 0281, 1946-01-22.

Full Translation:

Our expectations of Mr. NOZAKA were fulfilled by his joint statement with the Communist Party.

The important items are as follows: (l) He separated the Emperor from the Emperor System; (2) He has found the first ray of hope for the organization of the popular front.

We have been dissatisfied with the Communist Party while having theoretically agreed with them. You would be able to understand this fact if you listen to public opinion. The people would agree with the Party, but afterwards they would say, "but I am not a Communist." This might result from the people's subconscious misconception of the Party in former days when it instituted the underground movement, as well as from the Party's attitude against the Emperor system in defiance of public feeling. The Japanese People have not yet completely abandoned their affection for the Emperor, even if they wish for the [illegible]ousting of the feudal remnants, such as the Zaibatsu, the bureaucrats, and the like, who surrounded the Emperor.

It is praiseworthy that Mr. NOZAKA's perspicacity pierced this point, and he tried adequate measures without delay. Judging from the Party's attitude towards the united front, we could only doubt its success in the organization of the front. This was true because we thought that the Party's tactics, like that of a strike would not succeed in this affair. We even entertained the fear that the Party would be omitted from the united front, to be organized among other parties. This was due to the Party's attitude towards the Emperor system (including the personality of the Emperor), as well as its criticism of its opponents.

The recent statement of the Party issued against the Social Democrat Party was a complete failure. It had the inverse effect, of making the gap between the two parties deeper and wider.

Generally speaking, we had doubts about the party's political ability in fair dealing, judging from the fact that the party had been mainly undertaking an underground movement in the past. According to the third item of the joint statement, we can presume that Mr. NOZAKA realized and corrected this point. Hereupon, I ardently hope that by closing the gap between the Communist Party and other parties as well as by the activity of Mr. NOZAKA, the popular front will be organized as soon as possible.

(YOSHIDA, Hiroshi, clerk of a company)

EDITORIAL SERIES: 281 (Continued)

ITEM 1 (Continued)

I should like to offer my opinion concerning the title of TENNO discussed in an essay entitled "Is it Really 2606 Years?" The writer said that in old times the word TENNO did not exist, but the people referred to it as SUMERAGI. However, according to the old documents, KIMI is the oldest word (in the NIHON-SHOKI, an ancient document), and with the change of times, SUMERAMIKOTO SUMERAGI and other words were used. There was no fixed word. In later times when the Chinese characters were imported, the Chinese character WANG was applied to the Japanese word KIMI, and TA-CHUN to O-KIMI. However, the title of TENNO was fixed by the Emperor KEIJI's message issued on 1 January 1868 to the effect that he had used the title of O-KIMI in the previous treaties, but hereafter he would use the title of TENNO instead.

In the second place, CHI[illegible], pronoun of the first person used by the Emperor, is the Chinese character applied to the old Japanese word A or ARE. I know of course that the writer's intention was not to explain the title of TENNO and the pronoun CHIN. Since I found some difficulty arising from the application of imported, Chinese characters to purely Japanese words, I wrote this note to establish the truth of the language.

(YAMADA, Chiyuki, teacher of girls' high school, AKITA)

Full Translation:

The other day Mr. Robert BUNNEL, a correspondent of Associated Press said over the radio that the continued existence of the Labor Party Cabinet in ENGLAND depends upon the problem of houses. In JAPAN any sort of democratic government will be unable to solve the food problem easily. Even if an urgent Imperial ordinance is issued, farmers are not afraid of it.

We cannot but feel helpless, as our intermediate Cabinet cannot be expected tomorrow, and starvation is gradually approaching us. Of course, unions which sabotage delivery should be resolutely punished. On the other hand, prefectural governments should establish the standardization of the allotment to farmers, as the Social-Democrat Party has declared.

Agricultural associations, which are bureaucratic organizations, should not be allowed to oppress farmers. SOEJIMA, Agricultural Minister, says that the price of rice is low at 150 yen per koku. If that is the case, it is unreasonable to force delivery on farmers. A democratic government should not be unreasonable. Some farmers, however, misunderstand sympathy on the part of SCAP, and not a few farmers merely want the price of their products to be higher.

The food crisis is accompanied by inflation. Farmers should comprehend that Inflation will turn 50 billion yen into waste paper. In order to maintain the value of money, farmers should give up their greed for money. The Government's purchasing prices of staple foods are surely low, according to the current quotations.

It is urgently necessary for JAPAN's salvation that necessities are distributed to farmers, rather than have the prices of their products raised a little. It is unreasonable for anyone without the political ability to increase production or prevent inflation by exerting pressure on the farmers.

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EDITORIAL SERIES: 281 (Continued)

Full Translation:

I have read the articles on "The People's Movement" by Mr. NIHEI and "The Dual Power Movement" by Mr. SANO in the New Year's issue of the "KAIZO" magazine. Mr. NIHEI's intention is to point out the paralyzed condition of the political power of the bureaucrats, the war sufferers movement, the independent movement of agricultural associations for the delivery of rice, and the employees movement. Mr. NIHEI further states that the various living problems can be solved only by the people themselves. He criticizes the Diet as too small to act as an efficient organ of the people's will. However, from my point of view, there are some doubtful points in Mr. NIHEI's ideas.

My opinion is that the main object of our Nation is first to destroy the feudal system, which has oppressed the people for so long. Secondly, we should form a really democratic front in order to transfer the national authority from the bureaucrats to a national parliament. Thirdly, we should make the government agencies the public servants of the Nation, under the authority of a democratic parliament. That is to say, we should establish a democratic constitution.

To gain these ends, the establishment of an extensive democratic front is urgently needed. Politically all these movements of the masses are connected with that object. If a democratic administrative authority is achieved, the Diet will become the kernel of it. The result of the forth-coming general election will demonstrate whether JAPAN is to be saved or collapse.

The question concerning the participation of employees in management must necessarily be kept within democratic limits, but such matters should be confined only to a special state of affairs, such as when a lockout of a factory is unavoidable. If it is carried beyond that limit, matters will, perhaps, go too far. The problem of a fresh start in production cannot be solved by half-measures in administration by employees, but by dealing with many problems such as management, wages, prices, food, and materials. However, nothing can be realized without the establishment of a democratic administrative authority.

The aims of our Nation are to advance towards the establishment of a national parliament, to development a large-scale educational movemement by means of a coalition of all real democratic Influences and to formulate a united, democratic front.

Our Nation's object is, I believe, neither the participation of employees in management nor the realization of socialism, but the acheivement of a pure democratic policy, which will save the messes from starvation and indigence and take the first step towards the "revival of the fatherland."

(Letter from HOTORI, Kei)

I have a genuine and simple plan for accelerating the delivery of rice. In order to distinguish those who have already sent their allotments of rice from those who refuse to deliver rice, mark-plates, which certify that the rice has been delivered, should be

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EDITORIAL SERIES: 281 (Continued)

ITEM 3 (Continued)

supplied by the offices. These mark-plates, containing the number, name, and the date of delivery, should be placed beneath the nameplates at the entrance of every house. Those who have not yet offered their allotments to the authorities will feel to some extent a sense of responsibility, and they will be ashamed to continue profiteering in the black market. Supposing that a food riot will occur as a chief of a defense section has predicted for the people in HOKKAIDO, these mark-plates will serve as a protection to the honest farmers who offered their rice.

(Letter from a resident of KANAMACHI)

DISTRIBUTION "X"

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