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Press translations [Japan]. Editorial Series 0255, 1946-01-18.
Supreme Commander for The Allied Powers. Allied Translator and Interpreter Section.

translation-number: editorial-0809

call-number: DS801 .S82



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GENERAL HEADQUARTERS
SUPREME COMMANDER FOR THE ALLIED POWERS
ALLIED TRANSLATOR AND INTERPRETER SECTION
PRESS TRANSLATIONS
No 809 Date: 18 Jan 46

EDITORIAL SERIES: 255

ITEM 1 Let Us Emerge From Our Status as a Fourth Class Nation - Nippon S angyo-Keizai Shimbun - 16 January l946. Translator: I. Kuniko.
Full Translation:
A few of the war trials have been completed, and the accused have be on sentenced; some were condemned to hang, others to life imprisonment. With the progress of the trials, we wore informed in too great detail about the crimes. Against our will, we were forced to see or hear too much, and the reports of the cases were generally so thorough that we could not help saving, "Enough! We've had quite enough."
Among the details of Lieutenant KOJIMA's crimes, such atrocities as forcing prisoners to drink foul water, or dragging prisoners up above stairs by the legs related. Others were stripped naked in public, and wounds were cauterized with moxa. Testimony revealed that the clothing issued was totally inadequate.
It wasn't only the women who were shocked at such atrocities perpetrated by Japanese. It is a matter of eternal regret that such cruel Japanese were so numerous among the military who had long cultivated such barbarism.
In TSUCHIYA's trial, it was argued by the defense that such punishment as boxing of ears could not be construed an atrocity since it was common practice in the Japanese Army. It must indeed have been a shock to the Americans. But it is well known among Japanese that conscripts wore frequently disciplined in such a manner, and that, frequently, innocent soldiers were so punished.
Such evils were not confined solely to the military: it was evident in officialdom, and even in the relations between ordinary citizens. Even many intellectuals were compelled to endure in silence several atrocities in a guardhouse where the policemen used torture to force a confession from suspects. Confessions were extracted in such a manner from even the innocent, such cases indicate atrocities in official circles.
In places such as school dormitories, banks, factories, offices, and among groups of young men on the streets, innocent youths are taken to gay places and taught indecent acts, being told that by such means they will become men. Such conduct, regardless of its form, is very uncivilized, and is a custom that approximates in barbarism the atrocities perpetrated by the military and the officials.
In many schools, traditions are exhibited in a bad manner. Students make it a principle to dress shabbily and practice primitive customs. Some are notorious for uncouth practices such as disturbing the neighborhood in the middle of the night by urinating from their windows.

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EDITORIAL SERIES: 255 (Continued)
ITEM 1 (Continued)
Under the influence of liquor, many create disturbances on the street by making noises, smashing glass or earthenware. Nor do the authorities make an effort to quiet them. Graduates occupy leading positions in official circles, or among groups of people. Barbarism is rampant in our Nation.
Immediately upon JAPAN's surrender and subsequent occupation, the Allies, noting true conditions and anticipating JAPAN's reconstruction, concluded that JAPAN belongs in the fourth-rate nation category. This statement was like a sharp knife, cutting deeply into our love for the fatherland. Politically, economically, culturally, and socially JAPAN has been relegated to the status of a fourth-rate nation.
The constituents of such a JAPAN are the individual Japanese. Unless we endeavor to progress politically, socially, economically, and culturally the "fourth-rate nation" stigma will never be removed. It is quite a come-down from the former self-imposed "first-rate nation" idea. But when we consider barbarism still evident in actions of the people, the reduction may be deemed just and proper.
We are bewildered, and we don't know what to do with democracy. It is generally felt that in all respects, our national standards are low. As a first step toward improvement, it would be vise to rid ourselves of barbaric habits.
ITEM 2 1. Delivery of Rice From the Farmers' Viewpoints 2. The Standard Harvest - Asahi Shimbun - 16 January 1946. Translator: K. Nobunaga.
Summary:
Poor delivery of rice is due to the Government's unreasonable policy. Some farmers barter or sell at high black market prices instead of doing their duty and delivering rice. Therefore, they have sufficient agricultural tools, fertilizers and clothing, while honest farmers, who have delivered all their rice, suffer from a shortage of necessities. The farmers say, "We have bought tools and fertilizers at black market prices in order to harvest. We have hardly received any tools or fertilizer at the fixed prices. Consequently, we do not want to deliver rice at a fixed price."
It is reported that the Government will distribute fertilizer only to farmers who deliver over 70 per cent of their rice. This will not encourage a better delivery of rice.
We might more easily get a reasonable amount of fertilizer through barter then by delivery of rice at the rate of 150 yen per koku. After all, the special distribution of fertilizer, sake, or clothing does not make for a batter delivery of rice.
(A letter from TAKAGI, Soiichi, a farmer in SAITAMA-Ken.)
The Standard Harvest
The price of one bale of sweet potatoes is now over 120 yen, while farmers receive only 1.28 yen for its delivery. There is the same great difference of price in potatoes, barley, and wheat.
How much is the price of rice delivery? What is the cause of poor delivery? This is due to the standard harvest system which is far from practical. In my village the standard harvest is 1.6 koku per tan, whereas, actually, most of us have less than 1.2 koku. We have been forced to complete 100 per cent delivery, and some farmers have delivered even the seed.
We soon expect steady methods of delivery, based on the real harvest
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EDITORIAL SERIES: 255 (Continued)
ITEM 2 (Continued)
amounts, to be put into practice. We farmers want nothing but enough rice to eat so that we may work. That the agricultural association has allotted such delivery quotas is rather annoving.
(A letter from MURAOKA, Ken, a farmer in GUMMA prefecture.)
ITEM 3 Major Problem in Unifying the Popular Front - Mainichi Shimbun - 16 January 1946. Translator: H. Furukawa.
Full Translation:
The formation of a joint democratic front has now become on urgent problem, with the opportunity of a Cabinet reshuffle and Mr. NOZAKA's return from YENAN. The Communist Party, in greeting Mr. NOZAKA, issued a joint statement on 14 January, stating that the unification of all the democratic fronts should be made on the basis of a common program, agreed to in principle by each party or faction. Each party or faction can be free in their individual status so long as the r stand, on this program, and the Communists argue that every party should be friendly and compromise with each other on the basis of freedom of criticism, if necessary. It is remarkable that the Communists made it clear that they believe a joint front can be formed by compromise and concession.
At present, there exist many newly-arisen political parties, as well as the Big Five; that is, the Progressive, Liberal, Co-operative, Social Democrat and Communist Parties. Among these, the Communist, Social Democrat and Liberal can be called democratic at any rate. The Communists, who advocated the formation of the popular front last fall, made a proposal several times to the Social Democrats, on this problem, and the Social Democrats have repeatedly refused the proposals so far. The Social Democrats explained in their refusal that the formation of the party platform is a pending problem and that the coming election and all other problems should be treated from an independent standpoint.
It is a matter of course, however, that the biggest barrier to a joint front has been the different attitudes between the two parties as to the existence of the Emperor system.
This problem concerns not only the Social Democrats and Communists. Whether or not the Emperor system should be retained is the fundamental question of the Japanese democracy. It is well known that the Communists proclaimed their slogan, "The extension of the organization for joint campaign by all the democratic elements, and the establishment of a people's republican government, overthrowing the Emperor rule," in the first article of their fundamental program on the unification of the democratic front. At the time of the Cabinet reshuffle some days ago, the Communists stated that the popular fronts in EUROPE were formed on the basis of a joint struggle against Nazism and Fascism. In JAPAN, they argued, the state organization, headed by the Emperor, is the equivalent to Nazism and Fascism in EUROPE, and the popular front in a real sense should be formed aiming at the overthrow of the Emperor system. As to the Emperor system, the Communists reaffirmed again that their principle on the abolition of the Emperor system, which is feared will obstruct the preservation of permanent world peace and the revival of the Japanese Nation, could not be changed by Mr. NOZAKA's return. The Communists added, however, that the overthrow of the Emperor system means the expulsion of the Emperor from the state institution. It is mother problem whether or not the Imperial Family continues thereafter. They say that the fate of the Imperial Household should be determined by the will of the Japanese Nation after the democratization of JAPAN has been accomplished.
The Communist Party, as is obvious, modified their doctrine on the abolition of the Emperor system by making a distinction between the
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EDITORIAL SERIES: 255 (Continued)
ITEM 3 (Continued)
abolition of the system as a state institution and the determination of the existence of the Imperial Household by the will of the people. Then, what do they mean by the Imperial Household without the Emperor system as a state institution? Is it not a republic if the state lacks the Emperor system at its head?
We suppose that even the Emperor, as a titular or religious sovereign, is doubtlessly ignored in this argument by the Communists. What the Imperial Household could be without being a state institution is not made clear in the statement issued by the Communist Party.
Nevertheless, the Communists argue that the joint front can be formed on the basis of a minimum program common to each party. It can be understood that this statement means that the Communists might not touch the problem of the Emperor system which has been the obstacle to the formation of a joint front.
What the people are most anxious to know, however, is the view of the Communists and Mr. NOZAKA on the Emperor system and their intentions toward the joint front, which they urged in connection with the Emperor system. Is it impossible, as the Communists argue, to carry out the democratization of JAPAN under the Emperor system? Or, is it a normal way for JAPAN to be democratized under the Emperor system? The above question is a fundamental one for the democratization of JAPAN.
This problem must be thoroughly studied, both for the formation of the joint front and for the democratization of JAPAN. To establish firmly a real democracy we believe in a joint front, formed by each party or faction. It should be an organized movement supported by the farmers, workers, and intellectuals at large. For the above purpose a joint conference by each party will be required at the same time. By what measures will the Communists, the advocates of the joint front, cope with inflation, foodstuffs and unemployment problems in connection with the other parties? Is it not that the solution of these questions is the way to contribute to the establishment of the democratic front?
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HomePress translations [Japan]. Editorial Series 0255, 1946-01-18.
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