Press translations [Japan]. Editorial Series 0255, 1946-01-18.
Date18 January, 1946
translation numbereditorial-0809
call numberDS801 .S82
Persistent Identifier
EDITORIAL SERIES: 255
ITEM 1 Let Us Emerge From Our Status as a Fourth Class Nation - Nippon S angyo-Keizai Shimbun - 16 January l946. Translator: I. Kuniko.
Full Translation:
A few of the war trials have been completed, and the accused have be on sentenced;
some were condemned to hang, others to life
imprisonment. With the progress of the trials, we wore informed in too great detail
about the crimes. Against our will, we
were forced to see or hear too much, and the reports of the cases were generally so
thorough that we could not help saving,
"Enough! We've had quite enough."
Among the details of Lieutenant KOJIMA's crimes, such atrocities as forcing prisoners
to drink foul water, or dragging
prisoners up above stairs by the legs related. Others were stripped naked in public,
and wounds were cauterized with moxa.
Testimony revealed that the clothing issued was totally inadequate.
It wasn't only the women who were shocked at such atrocities perpetrated by Japanese.
It is a matter of eternal regret that
such cruel Japanese were so numerous among the military who had long cultivated such
barbarism.
In TSUCHIYA's trial, it was argued by the defense that such punishment as boxing
of ears could not be construed an atrocity
since it was common practice in the Japanese Army. It must indeed have been a shock
to the Americans. But it is well known
among Japanese that conscripts wore frequently disciplined in such a manner, and that,
frequently, innocent soldiers were so
punished.
Such evils were not confined solely to the military: it was evident in officialdom,
and even in the relations between ordinary
citizens. Even many intellectuals were compelled to endure in silence several atrocities
in a guardhouse where the policemen
used torture to force a confession from suspects. Confessions were extracted in such
a manner from even the innocent, such
cases indicate atrocities in official circles.
In places such as school dormitories, banks, factories, offices, and among groups
of young men on the streets, innocent youths
are taken to gay places and taught indecent acts, being told that by such means they
will become men. Such conduct, regardless
of its form, is very uncivilized, and is a custom that approximates in barbarism the
atrocities perpetrated by the military
and the officials.
In many schools, traditions are exhibited in a bad manner. Students make it a principle
to dress shabbily and practice
primitive customs. Some are notorious for uncouth practices such as disturbing the
neighborhood in the middle of the night by
urinating from their windows.
EDITORIAL SERIES: 255 (Continued)
ITEM 1 (Continued)
Under the influence of liquor, many create disturbances on the street by making noises,
smashing glass or earthenware. Nor do
the authorities make an effort to quiet them. Graduates occupy leading positions in
official circles, or among groups of
people. Barbarism is rampant in our Nation.
Immediately upon JAPAN's surrender and subsequent occupation, the Allies, noting
true conditions and anticipating JAPAN's
reconstruction, concluded that JAPAN belongs in the fourth-rate nation category. This
statement was like a sharp knife,
cutting deeply into our love for the fatherland. Politically, economically, culturally,
and socially JAPAN has been relegated
to the status of a fourth-rate nation.
The constituents of such a JAPAN are the individual Japanese. Unless we endeavor
to progress politically, socially,
economically, and culturally the "fourth-rate nation" stigma will never be removed.
It is quite a come-down from the former
self-imposed "first-rate nation" idea. But when we consider barbarism still evident
in actions of the people, the reduction
may be deemed just and proper.
We are bewildered, and we don't know what to do with democracy. It is generally felt
that in all respects, our national
standards are low. As a first step toward improvement, it would be vise to rid ourselves
of barbaric habits.
ITEM 2 1. Delivery of Rice From the Farmers' Viewpoints 2. The Standard Harvest - Asahi Shimbun - 16 January 1946. Translator: K. Nobunaga.
Summary:
Poor delivery of rice is due to the Government's unreasonable policy. Some farmers
barter or sell at high black market prices
instead of doing their duty and delivering rice. Therefore, they have sufficient agricultural
tools, fertilizers and clothing,
while honest farmers, who have delivered all their rice, suffer from a shortage of
necessities. The farmers say, "We have
bought tools and fertilizers at black market prices in order to harvest. We have hardly
received any tools or fertilizer at
the fixed prices. Consequently, we do not want to deliver rice at a fixed price."
It is reported that the Government will distribute fertilizer only to farmers who
deliver over 70 per cent of their rice. This
will not encourage a better delivery of rice.
We might more easily get a reasonable amount of fertilizer through barter then by
delivery of rice at the rate of 150 yen per
koku. After all, the special distribution of fertilizer, sake, or clothing does not
make for a batter delivery of rice.
(A letter from TAKAGI, Soiichi, a farmer in SAITAMA-Ken.)
The Standard Harvest
The price of one bale of sweet potatoes is now over 120 yen, while farmers receive
only 1.28 yen for its delivery. There is
the same great difference of price in potatoes, barley, and wheat.
How much is the price of rice delivery? What is the cause of poor delivery? This
is due to the standard harvest system which
is far from practical. In my village the standard harvest is 1.6 koku per tan, whereas,
actually, most of us have less than
1.2 koku. We have been forced to complete 100 per cent delivery, and some farmers
have delivered even the seed.
We soon expect steady methods of delivery, based on the real harvest
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EDITORIAL SERIES: 255 (Continued)
ITEM 2 (Continued)
amounts, to be put into practice. We farmers want nothing but enough rice to eat
so that we may work. That the agricultural
association has allotted such delivery quotas is rather annoving.
(A letter from MURAOKA, Ken, a farmer in GUMMA prefecture.)
ITEM 3 Major Problem in Unifying the Popular Front - Mainichi Shimbun - 16 January 1946. Translator: H. Furukawa.
Full Translation:
The formation of a joint democratic front has now become on urgent problem, with
the opportunity of a Cabinet reshuffle and
Mr. NOZAKA's return from YENAN. The Communist Party, in greeting Mr. NOZAKA, issued
a joint statement on 14 January, stating
that the unification of all the democratic fronts should be made on the basis of a
common program, agreed to in principle by
each party or faction. Each party or faction can be free in their individual status
so long as the r stand, on this program,
and the Communists argue that every party should be friendly and compromise with each
other on the basis of freedom of
criticism, if necessary. It is remarkable that the Communists made it clear that they
believe a joint front can be formed by
compromise and concession.
At present, there exist many newly-arisen political parties, as well as the Big Five;
that is, the Progressive, Liberal,
Co-operative, Social Democrat and Communist Parties. Among these, the Communist, Social
Democrat and Liberal can be called
democratic at any rate. The Communists, who advocated the formation of the popular
front last fall, made a proposal several
times to the Social Democrats, on this problem, and the Social Democrats have repeatedly
refused the proposals so far. The
Social Democrats explained in their refusal that the formation of the party platform
is a pending problem and that the coming
election and all other problems should be treated from an independent standpoint.
It is a matter of course, however, that the biggest barrier to a joint front has
been the different attitudes between the two
parties as to the existence of the Emperor system.
This problem concerns not only the Social Democrats and Communists. Whether or not
the Emperor system should be retained is
the fundamental question of the Japanese democracy. It is well known that the Communists
proclaimed their slogan, "The
extension of the organization for joint campaign by all the democratic elements, and
the establishment of a people's
republican government, overthrowing the Emperor rule," in the first article of their
fundamental program on the unification of
the democratic front. At the time of the Cabinet reshuffle some days ago, the Communists
stated that the popular fronts in
EUROPE were formed on the basis of a joint struggle against Nazism and Fascism. In
JAPAN, they argued, the state organization,
headed by the Emperor, is the equivalent to Nazism and Fascism in EUROPE, and the
popular front in a real sense should be
formed aiming at the overthrow of the Emperor system. As to the Emperor system, the
Communists reaffirmed again that their
principle on the abolition of the Emperor system, which is feared will obstruct the
preservation of permanent world peace and
the revival of the Japanese Nation, could not be changed by Mr. NOZAKA's return. The
Communists added, however, that the
overthrow of the Emperor system means the expulsion of the Emperor from the state
institution. It is mother problem whether or
not the Imperial Family continues thereafter. They say that the fate of the Imperial
Household should be determined by the
will of the Japanese Nation after the democratization of JAPAN has been accomplished.
The Communist Party, as is obvious, modified their doctrine on the abolition of the
Emperor system by making a distinction
between the
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EDITORIAL SERIES: 255 (Continued)
ITEM 3 (Continued)
abolition of the system as a state institution and the determination of the existence
of the Imperial Household by the will of
the people. Then, what do they mean by the Imperial Household without the Emperor
system as a state institution? Is it not a
republic if the state lacks the Emperor system at its head?
We suppose that even the Emperor, as a titular or religious sovereign, is doubtlessly
ignored in this argument by the
Communists. What the Imperial Household could be without being a state institution
is not made clear in the statement issued
by the Communist Party.
Nevertheless, the Communists argue that the joint front can be formed on the basis
of a minimum program common to each party.
It can be understood that this statement means that the Communists might not touch
the problem of the Emperor system which has
been the obstacle to the formation of a joint front.
What the people are most anxious to know, however, is the view of the Communists
and Mr. NOZAKA on the Emperor system and
their intentions toward the joint front, which they urged in connection with the Emperor
system. Is it impossible, as the
Communists argue, to carry out the democratization of JAPAN under the Emperor system?
Or, is it a normal way for JAPAN to be
democratized under the Emperor system? The above question is a fundamental one for
the democratization of JAPAN.
This problem must be thoroughly studied, both for the formation of the joint front
and for the democratization of JAPAN. To
establish firmly a real democracy we believe in a joint front, formed by each party
or faction. It should be an organized
movement supported by the farmers, workers, and intellectuals at large. For the above
purpose a joint conference by each party
will be required at the same time. By what measures will the Communists, the advocates
of the joint front, cope with
inflation, foodstuffs and unemployment problems in connection with the other parties?
Is it not that the solution of these
questions is the way to contribute to the establishment of the democratic front?
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