Press translations [Japan]. Editorial Series 0185, 1945-12-31.
Date31 December, 1945
translation numbereditorial-0579
call numberDS801 .S82
Persistent Identifier
EDITORIAL SERIES: 185
ITEM 1 From God to Mortal - Kahuku Shimpo (-SENDAI) - 25 December 1945. Translator: H. Furukawa.
Full Translation:
The SCAP directive on the abolition of State SHI[illegible]TC will have a great influence upon the spiritual
life of our Nation. The Emperor System is now obliged to make a new departure as a
result of this directive.
The so-called "Divine Theory", which has been the ideological basis of the Emperor
System, is considerably different in
meaning from that of the Occident. In the "Divine Theory" of the Occident, "God" is
defined as universal to all mankind, and
the sovereignty of the monarch is considered to be based on the will of God. Similar
in this respect is the Chinese theory of
"Devine Right".
God in JAPAN denotes the ancestors of the Imperial Family and cannot be applied to
other races. This difference is clearly
shown in the Imperial edict en the Constitution, beginning with the phrase "Succeeding
the distinguished deeds of our
ancestors", which would be replaced by the usual Occidental phrase "By the grace of
God". Moreover, as is widely known, a
patriachal idea was adopted along with the "Divine Theory" in order to rationalize
the Divine Rescript of the Imperial
Ancestors, which forces the whole nation to recognize the dignity of the Imperial
Household. This idea maintains that the
Country of JAPAN is one large family branching off from the Imperial family, and the
sovereignty of the Emperor comes from his
position as the head of the rations' main family.
The "KOJIKI" and "NIH[illegible]-SHOKI" (TN. Both are records of the legendary history of ancient JAPAN.)
are partly aimed at explaining this thought. In conclusion, we may say that the conventional
idea of the state in JAPAN has
been the "Divine Theory" combined with the patriarchal idea.
There were a few, however who intended to make a rational explanation of the state,
opposing the above-mentioned ideas. The
so-called "Instrument Theory", which interpretes the Emperor's position as a more
instrument of the State, is one example of
that. The "Instrument Theory", however, cannot stand equally with the "Divine Theory"
because it is only a legal
interpretation of the existing Emperor's position, the basis of which it doesn't attempt
to touch.
Now SCAP has ordered the Government to completely abolish the idea of divine right.
It can be understood that this directive
means, in the main, the denial of support to the dignity of the Divine Rescript of
the Imperial Ancestors, which restricted
the people. It means the abolition of its legal coercion of the people and the abolishment
of all institutions and customs
based on that idea.
EDITORIAL SERIES: 165 (Continued)
ITEM 1 (Continued)
The Shrine of ISE should be limited in its character to the individual and not be
national, while ministers or other
Government officials should not be allowed to visit ISE or attend the festivals there
in an official capacity. All these facts
can be concluded from the object of this directive. Therefore, although the Emperor
may he a decendant of the God and a man of
the noblest family in JAPAN, it cannot he directly ascertained from this fact that
the Emperor is capable of reigning over the
country. Consequently, the position of the Emperor as the ruler of the country should
hereafter be based on a new idea, alone
with the wishes of the people.
It seems to be clear that that is the real intention of SCAP. This is true if we
judge from SCAP's several declarations about
the Emperor system, the fate of which it wishes to be decided by the free will of
the Japanese nation, although it didn't
touch on this point directly. In other words, it means the transformation of the idea
of the Emperor "from God to an ordinary
person". It is not lamentable, but rather delightful because we can take it as a new
departure of the idea of the State. If
there is something lamentable, it is only the lack of power of the thinkers in JAPAN,
who couldn't execute this transformation
by themselves.
We think that the "Devine Theory" is rooted in the minds of the people, as are all
other thoughts, so long as they form parts
of an ideology. In other words, the difference between the "Divine Theory" and all
the other ideologies lies in their
respective creeds. All ideologies are effective as long as the people believe in them
or their own free will. Accordingly,
when the people respect and trust the Imperial Household, there is no need to adhere
to the "Divine Theory".
We should be rather satisfied with a more universal and rational interpretation of
sovereignty than that of the Divine Theory
if such can be obtained. The traditional view which regarded our country as one family
is, of course, a nonsensical allegory
in itself. The abolition of the "Divine Right Theory", however, may be considered
a good opportunity for the renewal of the
national idea, on a firm basis, since the Japanese are still united into one nation
and want the symbol of this unity in the
Imperial Household. The American view that the abolition of State SHINTO does not
weaken in any the position of the Emperor
may be true, and we earnestly hope that it is so.
ITEM 2 Constitutional Reform Must be Made by the People - Yomiuri Hochi Shimbun - 29 December 1945. Translator: K. Nagatani.
Full Translation;
The Government, having already decided the principles upon which constitutional,
reform should be based, is now ready to
deliberate on each article of the Constitution. The Constitutional Research Institute
submitted to the Government its draft of
a new Constitution covering all articles. The Communists have already published a
"Foundation for a Pew Constitution". The
Government's constitutional reform plan is not only still academic in connection with
the sovereignty of the Emperor and the
Nation, but also lukewarm in restricting the Imperial prerogatives. Under these circumstances,
it is commendable that
non-official institutions are making out their respective drafts of a new truly democratic
constitution and that the people
are becoming interested in this matter.
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EDITORIAL SERIES: 185 (Continued)
ITEM 2 (Continued)
The proposed draft of the Constitutional Research Institute, which aims at the formation
of a new constitution instead of
constitutional reform, is extremely fresh compared to the existing Constitution. Nevertheless,
it still remains questionable
whether or not that draft is perfectly consistent with the current democratic revolution.
This plan is not the decisive one,
which has been, or will be presented by the non-official groups. Noteworthy is the
fact that even within the Constitutional
Research Institute, there exests a few members who intend to create a Japanese Republic.
In this connection it may be recalled
that in the MEIJI Era, when movements for Popular rights were prevalent throughout
this country, even the Government's draft
of the Constitution was as progressive in regards to sovereignty as the present drafts
by the non-official groups. This
progressive plan was gradually remodeled into a reactionary one by our bureaucracy.
Today the civilian groups as well as the
Government authorities are making a [illegible]cewarm start in the matter of constitutional reform. It is up
to the people to promote a mere democratic, more progressive revision of the Constitution.
There are two possible: methods in the creation of constitutions. One is that a constitution
be so created as to embody the
ideals of democracy. In this case a democratic revolution is based upon to created
constitution, and then democracy is
established. Another was is that the constitution be established after the resolution
has occurred so as to reflect the
political state of affairs. It is true that if the former method is adopted the present
Japanese democratic revolution will
run smoothly. This method, however, requires the existence of a revolutionary regime
with noble ideals. In JAPAN today no such
regime exists. Accordingly, we have no alternative but to adept the latter method.
How far should the Japanese democratic revolution, which has been started with outside
power proceed? The contents of the new
constitution will be decided by the answer to this question, and here lurks the possible
danger in the non-official
institutions' drafts of a new constitution. There are many possibilities that the
non-official groups will unconsciously
create a lukewarm Constitution and slacken the speed of our revolution simply because
they are unable to understand our
revolutionary perspective. Subsequently, the non-official groups first need to understand
our revolution.
Most outstanding in the proposed constitutional plans by the non-official groups
are the specifications of the people's rights
and some articles concerning economy. Such regulations are necessary lest we be tyranized
by autocracy again. The people's
right to enjoy a certain standard of living is one of the most fundamental requirements
for a new democracy following the
present war. Economic articles are needed to realize this ideal.
Since the new constitution is the code of our revolution, it is quite natural that
a broad system of legislation, social
insurance, and social policy should be established. At any rate, a new Japanese constitution
must be one which places
sovereignty in the Nation, insures the people's rights, including the right to enjoy
a certain standard of living, and
completely eliminates every remnant of feudalism, fascism, and militarism. Whatever
other miner regulations there may be, our
constitutional reform will be empty unless these conditions are all fulfilled.
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EDITORIAL SERIES: 185 (Continued)
ITEM 2 (Continued)
Nevertheless, to our great regret, the Government is apparently creating a constitution
on the basis of the present situation
in order to prevent further progress of our revolution. The Government is intending
to reform the current Imperial
Constitution, instead of creating a new constitution worthy of our revolution. Such
a stop-gap reform may he easily upset as
the revolution progresses, and constitutional reforms may occur again and again in
the future. If the Government cannot make a
drastic reform of the Constitution on account of express previsions providing for
constitutional reform, the Government should
refrain, from constitutional reform. The Government need not deliberate on each article.
The Japanese people themselves will
revise the existing Constitution.
DISTRIBUTION "X"
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