Press translations [Japan]. Editorial Series 0124, 1945-12-21.

Summary:

Common sense tells us that inflation, the fundamental weak point in the economy of a defeated country, is inevitably brought about by the excessive issue of currency and shortage of goods. To counteract this, most economic circles feel that deflation will come in the near future. This view is probably based on counter measures adopted against inflation. That is, by the suppression of currency issuance and the balance effected by the property tax and the war profits tax to be carried out under the Supreme Headquarters directive. Anyhow, an overall control of currency may result in deflation.

Second, the view that inflation and deflation are to go side by side has been expressed. As for food inflation will be gradually intensified and malnutrition plus destitution of the people are expected. Meanwhile, other commodities will have a deflationary tendency. The economic world, being attacked on both flanks by inflation and deflation, will fall into a more serious panic. Third, the view that inflation will merely be strengthened has also been heard. Owing to the overflow of food and other necessities on the black-market, the prices of goods have a downward tendency, but this is only a temporary phenomenon. After the goods have been depleted, a shortage of commodities is expected, and the prices will again soar.

Bewildered by the unexpected deflationary tendency, both the Government and the people are now confused, and they are being oppressed by the two nightmares of deflation and inflation. The establishment of a measure for controlling currency is a relief, but the basis of our industries has not yet been established. Especially the coal dearth which, suddenly disolved, has thrown the people into a panic, for coal is the fundamental material of industry. We presume that from these causes has arisen the three confused views.

The solution of the problem is simple, for by increasing the production of coal we should prompt the re-establishment of civilian industry. The stability of the economic world is anticipated by solving the problem of the supply and in the production of goods.

Summary:

We observe many instances of the fair justice of the Allied Forces. For example, Mr. KEENAN Allied reparation's chief, said, "Trials shall be carried out in the manner of Anglo-Saxon fair judgement." We see this applied in such cases as General YAMASHITA's trial or in their way of

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arresting suspected war criminals, who are only required to present themselves instead of being taken to prison by police. The fairness of Allied authorities in their treatment of war criminals can be called "generosity," when compared with the war criminals' own cruel treatment of their former adversaries. We are afraid lest the criminals, presuming too greatly upon this generosity of Allied authorities and forgetting self-criticism, will fail to realize what wretched experiences they forced upon the people.

It was by the actions of these war criminals that the people had their houses destroyed, lost their property, and even sacrificed their freedom and lives. Moreover, the history of JAPAN has been stained with an indelible blot, a cause of mental agony to all Japanese hereafter. However, the war criminals are so shameless and impudent that they do not recognize actual reality. If they come back to society without self-reflection or repentance, who can be assured that the time will not come when they will deceive the people and lead them again into great adversity? Hence we are afraid that such generosity in treating them might do more harm than good.

Therefore, independent of the judgement of Allied Forces, we, the Japanese, should start a thorough investigation of war responsibility in the name of the people of JAPAN to make war criminals recognize how grave their crimes are. This is the final purpose of deep inquiry into war responsibility and accordingly, all measures must be taken to achieve this purpose.

Though the people, are busy fighting against many difficulties and hardships of living, and seem to have no time to consider others, they are all concerned with the problem of war responsibility. Moreover, they are instinctively conscious of an inseparable relation between the impeachment of the responsibility for the war in the past and a new turn in the present for future reconstruction, inspite of their outward appearance of having no concern. It is the heaviest war sufferers that should be the best judges of war guilt.

Full Translation:

The discussions on the Emperor System and the revision of the Constitution in the Diet made slight progress in spite of increased debate. The present members of the Diet may be regarded as incompetent to discuss such political problems. However, it is the Government's duty to publicly express its belief on this question through the Diet and lead the people to a fair understanding. The Government which is so confident as to declare that it will present the Peers' House Reform Bill at the coming session of the newly-elected Diet, ought to have mapped out, in principle its course of constructional revision. Furthermore, since the senior statesmen such as KONOYE, KIDO and HIRANUMA have been arrested or have committed suicide, only the Government is responsible for the solution of this question and the matter should be prolonged.

For the present, only the personal view of Mr. MATSUMOTO, Minister Without-Portfolio, was expressed in the Diet, and it is regrettable that even this opinion can not be regarded as a clue to the solution of the important problem. Mr. MATSUMOTO, referring to the governing power of the Emperor which is the basis of the Constitution, said, "The fundamental

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principle that the Emperor exercises the rights of sovereignty combined in Himself needs no amendment and I have no intention to amend it. In this regard, I think, almost all the intellectuals of our country also agree."

In this reply "by Mr. MATSUMOTO, the view of the Government, or at least of Mr. MATSUMOTO, is expressed in outline. However, a fundemental investigation of the present Constitution is necessary and the meaning of the constitutional term "to exercise all the rights of sovereignty" must be clarified. Heretofore, orthodox theory has held the view that the term "there exercise of all the rights of sovereignty" provided in the Emperial Constitution means that sovereignty is the source of legislative, administrative and judicial power, and is superior to these three powers; and that the supreme and final will of the State is determined through the exercise of sovereignty. This view has been adopted by both the so-called "organ theoripts" and to opponents. Of the three powers, the administrative is to be entrusted to the Ministers of State, the judicial to the courts, and legislation is to be approved by the Diet. The final determination on the exercise of these three powers is to rest with the Emperor. The difference between the two theories lies only in the point whether this final determination should be made by the State or by the Emperor.

Since the term "exercise all rights of sovereignty" has the abovementioned meaning there is left, merely the question of whether this theory should be adopted only in form or should be put into practice. Of course, the Emperor has had hitherto the formal right to determine the supreme will of the State. In practice, however, those who hold responsible posts in the three branches (TN: Administrative, polical, and legislative) have made final determinations on these respective matters. That is what made the smooth operation of state affairs possible in spite of the provisions of the Constitution. However, this is merely an acknowledged fact, conventionally practised.

Never[illegible]heless it cannot be said to be wrong for the Emperor, in view of the spirit of the Constitution, to directly exercise sovereignty. In this sense, our country may be called a country directly ruled by the Emperor, which differs fundamentally from ENGLAND. In ENGLAND, where no written constitution exists, the King is free from legal restrictions to exercise directly his Royal Prerogative. However, the rule "the King reigns, but does not rule" has been firmly recognized by the people in view of the spirit of her unwritten constitution, and this rule has become the firm belief of the Nation.

The view of Mr. MATSUMOTO may be that the judsment of the Emperor's actual power is not to be considered since it is made clear in our country where the responsibility for the exercise of the three powers lies. On maybe, Mr. MATSUMOTO thinks that in the future constitutionalism similar to that of ENGLAND will be established in our country by the political development of democratic thought and through extension of the Diet's competency, which Mr. MATSUMOTO himself is now planning.

However, each country has its own history and social conditions, and the same holds true with our country. Therefore, the radical change of our own conditions can not be desired. For example, we wonder if the retention of the constitutional provisions concerning sovereign power will involve the Imperial Household in difficulties through misuse of said provision by any group within the nation. The above danger should be deeply considered in our country where democratic

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thought is not yet firmly rooted in the minds of the people.

Democratic government is required for our country, not only for the fulfilment of the terms of the POTSDAM Declaration hut it is inevitable. To establish a government by the people and not only for the people, must be the aim of our Nation which possessed democratic feelings during its early history. The legal conception of "the exercise of all the rights of sovereignty" must be deliberated carefully.

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