Press translations [Japan]. Editorial Series 0035, 1945-11-25.
Date25 November, 1945
translation numbereditorial-0158
call numberDS801 .S82
Persistent Identifier
EDITORIAL SERIES: 35
ITEM 1 "The Abolition of the Privy Council is now inevitable". 25 Nov 1945. Translator: H. [illegible]wa.
Full Translation:
According to Baro[illegible]
[illegible]Chief of the Privy Council, the powers of the Privy Council may be reduced, but its
abolition is
not being considered. Baron [illegible]did not show clearly the extent to which the[illegible]e powers would be reduced. However since the entire revision of the present Constitution
has now
became inevitable, the Privy Council which has been closely connected with the provisions
of the present Constitution is not
free from fundamental criticism.
Originally, the Privy Council was established in 1888 for the enactment of the Constitution
and the Imperial House Law. From
May to December of that year it discussed the drafts of the Constitution, the [illegible]Law, the Diet Law,
the Electoral Law of the Lower House and the [illegible]of the Upper House. All this was done under the
title of the Constructional Conference. The Conference was memorable as the only [illegible]achievement of
the Privy Council. After the enactment of these important laws, the Privy Council,
which had been originally set up as a
supreme advisory organ, began to interfere in actual administrative matters, with
powers similar to these of the Legislative
Bureau in spite of the clause prohibiting its in[illegible]in political affairs.
When the Privy Council opened a government bill there was often a shift of [illegible]the provision of the
law prohibiting the interference of the Privy Council in political affairs became
a dead-letter. For example, when the
emergency Imperial ordinance for a subsidiary to the Bank of FORMOSA was presented
to the Privy Council by the first WAKATSUKI
ministry, the ministry collapsed. Also in the cases of the TANAKA cabinet's: bill
for ratification of toe Peace Pact or the
ratification of the LONDON Naval Treaty presented by the [illegible]GU CHI cabinet, the Privy Council and
the government firmly opposed them and the political situation shifted [illegible]. In these cases, the
Privy Council showed great political [illegible]independent of the government.
The Privy Council, when it works as "the second Legislative Bureau" or as the opposition
of the government maintains to date a
unique political position [illegible]that it can interfer with the responsible administrations of the
government. Since the political power has been turned over to the people and only
parliamentary government is entitled to take
responsibility in state affairs,
EDITORIAL SERIES: 35 (Continued)
ITEM 1 (Continued)
no more need be said as to the unreasonable existence of a Privy Council endowed
with powerful political powers.
In the days of absolute monarchy, every country had a body advisory to the monarch.
In ENGLAND, the Privy Council existed
before the beginning of the cabinet system. By the creation of the cabinet system,
the real power of the privy council was
transferred to the responsible cabinet. Consequently the existence of the privy council
became nominal. Only because of the
old law which provides that the privy council be advisory to the king, are cabinet
members customarily given the official
title of privy councillors. By this fact, it can be said that legally in ENGLAND there
is only a privy council and no cabinet,
but in reality there is no privy council and only a cabinet.
In our country, on the centrary, both the cabinet and the privy council remain equal,
so political disputes often occur. The
privy council overshadowed the responsibility of the government to a greater extent
then the Army or Navy staffs. All this has
been an historical process in which the political power will finally be transferred
to the people. However, as long as the
monarchy exists, its advisor or advisory organ may be permitted to maintain its existence,
and the officials may be called
privy council or councillor. The question lies in the extent of competency with which
a privy council should be endowed. The
answer to this question only depends on the terms of the Constitution to be revised.
According to the provision of the
Ordinance of the Privy Council, the matters to be inquired into by the Privy Council
include those pertaining to the Imperial
House Law, the Constitution and its attached laws and ordinances, martial law, emergency
Imperial ordinance, treaties, etc.
When the prerogatives are reduced, the competence of the Privy council will consequently
be largely curtailed. However, should
a certain part of the prerogative remain in some form, the Privy Council, which is
not representative of the people, should
abolish the matter of secret meetings which it holds when discussing matters entailing
the exercise of its prerogatives. The
responsibility of the cabinet for the exercise of the prerogative must be regarded
as supreme. In any case, the future Privy
Council, whatever its title may be, must be made a mere court; group which can not
interfere with any political affairs, and
its functions should be similar to those of the Minister of the Imperial Household,
grand Chamberlain and other organs of the
court.
The post of the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal has already been abolished, and the
unification of the Privy Council and the
Board of Chamberlains should be pressed forward. In fact, former instances when the
post of the chief of the Privy Council aid
the Grand Chamberlain were alternately occupied by the same man several times, shows
the possibility of their unifiction. In
short, following the present action on the revision of the Constitution, the fate
of the present Privy Council will finally be
decided.
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EDITORIAL SERIES: 35 (Continued)
ITEM 2 About the Arbitration Committee. Yomiuri-Hochi. 25 Nov 1945. Translator: M. Kato.
Full Translation:
In the editorial and other columns of the November 21 edition, dissatisfaction was
expressed with regard to the method of
nomination, of the members, of the Labor Disputes Arbitration Committee. I wish here
to make myself understood since it
concerns me.
First, there is a question as to which side I belong on the committee, the capitalists
or to the laborers. The seeming
ambiguity as to my assignment arose as a result of my position as clerk in the Technical
Association. I presented my
resignation to the Technical Association after the peace was restored and am now devoting
myself to the establishment of a
labors union as a member of the Central Preparatory Committee of the General Labor
Union. The ambiguity is either due to my
position as a clerk or due to the institution where I worked; that is, the Technical
Association.
Second, I was reported to be a follower of MATSUOKA, Komakichi, since reportedly
I had formerly belonged to the General Labor
Union. However, I never belonged to that Union, nor have I become a follower of MATSUOKA,
Komakichi, who is my trustworthy
elder in the labor movement. The attitude of looking upon us as leader and follower
is a feudalistic attitude.
Third, that the number of the laborers represented in the committee is not sufficient,
is stated in your paper. Nevertheless
as fighters, our side excels the capitalists.
In addition, I want to express my opinion that our committee has no legal basis;
therefore, there can be no differences
between the standing and extraordinary committees and there will arise no question
of voting.
In conclusion, now that various intrigues are being attempted to hinder to the formation
of a single labor union, I am afraid
that the attitude of your paper may be utilized by the ruling class to split up our
coalition.
I wish your paper would be more prudent in treating your subjects since your paper
is not the personal possession of SHORIKI,
the chief editor.
Signed: WATANABE, Konosuke.
ITEM 3 Our Present Political Situation. Yomiuri-Hochi. 26 Nov 1945. Translator: B.Ishibashi.
Full Translation:
Revolution is always headed by destructive phenomenon. In the case of militaristic
fascism, the attach is made on liberalism
and democracy. In the reverse case, it may be the exposure and attack which is now
executed in our country towards everything
connected with war.
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EDITORIAL SERIES: 35 (Continued)
ITEM 3 (Continued)
The Communists wish to cut off the fabulous elements from Japanese history and to
abolish the Imperial system. The Socialists
and Liberals are crying for the submission of a bill on the pursuit of war criminals.
The general public, getting hungry, is
hoping to expose and destroy financial combines, great landowners, war profiteers,
black marketeers, the extraordinary
military expenditures and the usurpers of goods at the close of the war.
The press magazines and radio broadcasts are full of these exposures. Such a radical
destructive phenomenon has not appeared
since the MEIJI era in our country. The moderate thought of the Golden mean or the
worldly wisdom of common sense is almost
useless. Our democratic revolution is still without bloodshed, but no one can deny
the possibility of a forceful upsurge of
the masses, resulting from the development of the serious food and housing situations.
However even if it happened in JAPAN, I
think it does not necessarily mean misfortune for JAPAN. It would rather hasten her
in regulating herself, in cleaning up,
airing out or casting off the devils. Thus, great opportunities may open up for the
reconstruction of JAPAN. In the
forthcoming Extraordinary Diet Session, they will perhaps pursue the ordinary course
true of every revolution. They are likely
to be confined to competitions among the old powers within the limits of the Imperial
democracy since there are no Communists
Seats.
It is pityful for the present cabinet to have to prepare for all these destructive
attacks. At any rate for purpose of
reconstructing JAPAN, I think the first step should be to obtain a supply of 2.500
calories per day to the people.
DISTRIBUTION: "X"
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