Press translations [Japan]. Editorial Series 0017, 1945-11-23.

Extracts:

Once there was a period when the "blue intellectuals" lamented sorrowfully that they could not plunge into the waves of social movement. Next came the war in which they were mobilized into factories or onto battlefields and were forbidden to criticize war aims. Now they must be critical of the war itself and not of the "cause of defeat". They must feel the responsibility and be conscious that it is they who can grasp the ideas of American democracy most exactly.

They must make efforts, not only as idealistic leaders, but also as part of the people, for reconstruction of a peaceful JAPAN. True Japanese democracy should not be constructed on the prejudicial consciousness of class conflict or mere idealism of past communists, but oh the real aspects of the defeat in war. The Japanese intelligentsia consists mainly of medium or low salaried men, who reflect the threat of starvation and the problem of unemployment. Only through these troubles can true social revision be born.

Great responsibility and a positive attitude towards social distress is demanded. Now that their eyes have been opened by America, they must find a future way of life.

Full Translation:

A certain late senior member of the SEIYUKAI, discontented with the prevalent inactivity of the existing political parties, just after the outbreak of the Manchurian Incident, said one day: "In order to rejuvenate the SEIYUKAI Party, we have no alternative but to form a joint front with the proletarian parties" Nearly fifteen years have passed since he said that. And during those fifteen years the people have been under strong militaristic pressure. That storm of militarism was heavy enough to forbid all activity not only of the forsaken SEIYUKAI Party but also of the Proletarian Party which was reorganized by that old statesman as the only promising party in those days.

In this way the Japanese political world in general was subjugated to militarism and was in a sadder condition than when our country was later ruined by air raids. Today we are occupied with the birth of new political parties out of the chaos that prevailed. But the fact is that in all these new political parties, including the Proletarian Party, the same members are in command as in those days more

EDITORIAL SERIES: 17 (Continued)

ITEM 2 (Continued)

than fifteen years ago. HATOYAMA, Ichiro, who had been watching the development of the situation from his villa in KARUIZAWA, NAGANO Prefecture, has been elected President of the JAPAN Liberal Party. We venture to say that there exists but little difference between the new JAPAN Liberal Party and the SEIYUKAI just before its dissolution. We must not forget that President HATOYAMA, Ichiro, was engaged in suppression of militarism when he was Education Minister. Chief men of sections, to say nothing of the notorious chief secretary of that party, are apparently the bosses of the former degenerated parties. When looking over the other personnel, we find many politicians just like those connected with a branch of "TAMMANY HALL". They caused a disturbance in the administration of TOKYO.

We cannot expect any flowers or fruits to come out of the old stump of last year, but potentially new life is to be found in the very lovely buds which are beginning to come out of the old stem. Our hope is placed in these fresh buds. Contrary to our expectation, however, we fail to find these lovely buds coming out among all new political parties, including the JAPAN Liberal Party as well as in the SHIDEHARAI Cabinet.

To our great disappointment, most of the younger people in JAPAN, who are assured now of voting, are lacking in the basic knowledge of politics due to the fact that they have grown up in the forced blindness to the political circumstances for the past fifteen years. This is the reason why the importance of political education is keenly felt. The old things must be eliminated to help the fresh buds come out.

Full Translation:

The Communist Party of JAPAN has entered Japanese politics for the first time since its organization by gaining legal recognition after 22 years of underground existence.

Its recognition is an epoch making event in the political history of JAPAN. Members of the Communist Party of JAPAN had hitherto been denounced as traitors or rebels by government propaganda and the principles of the party were not divulged to the people. And today, the very same party intends to reveal its true character for the judgment of the nation.

The policies of the party, previously published in detail, are included under the following headings: the Platform, the 12 Point Popular Front Proposal, a Summary for a New Constitution, a Program for Immediate Action, and so forth. Their policies make it obvious that the Communist Party is not a fearsome organization.

They are demanding sovereignty of the people, supporting the single house system of government, pursuing policies for the improvement of living conditions, and proposing a popular front. These principles coincide with those of idealistic men of common sense who are resolved to reconstruct JAPAN along democratic lines.

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EDITORIAL SERIES: 17 (Continued)

ITEM 3 (Continued)

Whatever the policies of other parties, it cannot he denied that those of the Communist Party are of a. highly idealistic nature. The Communist Party is direct in its demands, and other parties circuitous. Abolition of the Emperor system may not be regarded as a lofty ideal by the average man. Toward a better understanding the "average" man of JAPAN should rid himself of militaristic and feudal prejudices by reexamining the history of JAPAN, especially the age of gods and modern history since the Restoration, with a scientific approach.

If the Emperor system is to be kept, it should stand on something more substantial than blind faith and inertia.

The Communist Party does not advocate abolition of the system by violence, but rather favors a national plebiscite. The problem of the Emperor system requires thorough, dispassionate scrutiny divorced from emotion and prejudice. Measures proposed by the Communist Party to cope with the present crisis were rather unexpected. They accept the temporary existence of the capitalistic system and disavow revolution by violence; and disapprove of strikes which hinder production. They have exhorted farmers and laborers to do their utmost toward. expanding production for the restoration of the nation.

These declarations must have seriously affected the thinking of good citizens who have been emotionally anti-communist.

The nation is in great danger. Unless all classes of people and all types of political thought are united, disaster is imminent. That the Communist Party has made adjustments in its policies, displaying its eagerness to restore national life, is indeed commendable.

The Communist Party advocates the formation of a popular front of all the democratic forces toward attaining a democratic revolution. This is vitally necessary. There is much room for cooperation between the Communist Party and other parties despite differences in policy. Mutual distrust and animosity will only create a situation advantageous to the enemies of democracy.

Considerable doubt and anxiety still exist among some people concerning the intentions of the Communist Party. Toward remedying this condition, the party should endeavor to deal with all questions as they arise. Their spirit of sacrifice and their enthusiasm are well known. The Communist Party is the only party on which not the least stigma of war responsibility can be found.

Its debut as a legal organization is heartening. Men with progressive leanings in JAPAN are usually branded Communists and consigned thereby into political oblivion. Reactionary forces are always anxious to take advantage of the prejudices and ignorance of the people.

As an example, the authorities in trying to suppress the struggle of YOMIURI HOCHI employees for democratization, have stated that Communists are directing the proceedings. We have great respect for the Communist Party for its stand in such matters against the forces of reaction.

The democratization of JAPAN is making slow progress. We expect the Communist Party will become the propelling force in the democratic revolution by crystallizing the activities of all democratic forces.

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EDITORIAL SERIES: 17 (Continued)

Full Translation:

A survey of general conditions, after the occupation of JAPAN, was revealed in statements by Supreme Headquarters, which give us various indications of future Allied policy.

The main objects of the occupational forces are:

• 1.Destruction of pre-existing systems.
• 2.Atonement for past sins.
• 3.Creation of a nation which will permanently pursue democratic principles.

However, some of the people can understand only one aspect of these three principles. Furthermore, they do not fully realize or appreciate the import of them and the fact that these three principles are inseparable in order to attain the complete realization of the occupation policy.

In short, the Allied forces have no intention of imposing democracy upon the Japanese nation, but rather their main aim is to do away with the obstructions which are hindering the establishment of a democratic nation. Now the Japanese people are merely waiting for the next move. In fact, it seems that they are representing the preservation of the present status of the character of the country (KOKUTAl) or the character of the political system (SEITAI) by their "silence". But, seen through the foreigners' eyes, the Japanese would seem to consider the serious problem of war criminals or responsibility for the war as something spectacular, and are busy with miscellaneous private affairs or with long trips to buy food.

Hence, as to the problem of the Imperial system, if they do not show clearly and boldly the true public opinion that the system is closely allied with the nation's welfare, they will give the impression that democracy is superficial and that atonement is difficult. The editor thinks that the opinions of BAJOT on the usefulness of the Imperial Household will give basis to the opinions of the Japanese concerning their Imperial Household. According to him, the monarchy type of political system is most comprehensible to them. The nature of the constitution or the idea of parliament or the political party is very incomprehensible and is apt to be misunderstood, whereas the actions, or orders of a single person are understood by everyone. In short, the republic system appeals to reason, whereas the monarchy system appeals widely to sentiment; and the constitutional monarchy system has both sides; namely, the one side which appeals to the reason and the other side which appeals to the sentiment.

Moreover, he admits that the English people owe much to their monarch, and points out a method that measures to what extent they do, by showing at first how ENGLAND would have been if it had not been for the monarchs. He stresses that though they might seem to be, as it were, useless ornaments, they are never so. And their is no document in England containing an enumeration of duties of the monarchs. According to him, it is interesting that there is no written constitution.

As to the revision of the Japanese constitution, serious consideration

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EDITORIAL SERIES: 17 (Continued)

ITEM 4 (Continued)

must be paid to the matter of representing the character of the country and the political system as regards the Grand Rights of the Emperor. There must be a constitution unique to JAPAN, and every non-democratic method, should be abolished. There will be difficulty in revision of the constitution and ground for misunderstanding.

It cannot be denied that the reform of JAPAN since the end of the war has been very slow and incomplete in its scope, and that it seems to be made unwillingly. It is progressing like a cow, walking slowly, lashed by whips of the Allied Headquarters orders. The hopeless and conventional inefficiency in assuming the duties of office on the part of bureaucrats is, as is generally said, one of the causes of this delay in reformation. But, fundamentally, it is due to their lack of realization that because of its defeat JAPAN is now faced with complete reform.

They probably think a gradual reform is sufficient to remedy the present conditions. As a matter of fact, the authorities are busy in national activities, which cannot be stopped even for a day, and still are forced to deal with the serious question of food supply. When faced with these specific problems they slowly came to the conclusion that changes must be made in this country.

Lack of thoroughness on the part of the bureaucrats is found everywhere. On one hand, the recent intention of Prince KONOE and Marquis KIDO to relinquish their titles has not been put into effect, and the relinquishing of the rank of general by UGAKI is left unrealized. There is no use in keeping the title of general in a JAPAN which has been defeated and no longer has a military machine. The retention of the titles under these conditions can be considered, similar to criminal activity.

It has been urged recently that all the officers in this country relinquish their ranks. This will be instantly out into effect, if only they realize that revolution faces them.

It is said, that their Highnesses Prince HIGASHIKUNI and Prince KAYANOMIYA intend to return their Imperial family membership. Really, this state of things is uncommon. Revolutionary facts are coming forth, here and there, as stated above, but all those are as yet no more than isolated cases. Our nation's greatest defects are found herein.

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