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    Encyclopedia Arctica 11: Territorial Sovereignty and History

    Early Mediterranean Views on the Northlands

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    (George H. T. Kimble)


            Curiosity concerning the unknown is as old as men and as universal. In–

    deed, it seems that three of the commonest words in any language are "where?"

    "how," and "why?" The earliest dwellers in the valleys of Mesopotamia, follow–

    ing a settled habit of life, could hardly refrain from asking where the floods

    came from and what lay beyond the flanking hills. Thos of Minos would be no

    less concerned to discover where the sea began and why it was always in motion.

    Those of Troy would want to know where the Boreas acquired its force, and the

    south wind its moisture. The fact that correct answers to such questions could

    not be given matters little. Many of their answers were indeed highly improb–

    able, for who had ever heard in Greece or Rome of four feet tall pigmies? Of

    frozen seas and six month-long nights? Of single-breasted women who fought

    better than men? And how could there possibly be men with dogs' heads and others

    with heads in their chests? What is more important is that the world, both in

    Antiquity and later times, has never lacked men who were prepared to seek out

    answers, even though the search involved grievous hazards. It is to these men,

    most of whom have left no memorial, that the beginnings of geographical thought


            And not only geographical thought, either. For some of those who carried

    their quest into distant lands returned with new metals and precious stones, with

    animal furs and cunningly wrought tools and weapons, the like of which no Medi–

    terranean-dweller had ever seen. On this wise was the first earth knowledge

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    EA-History. Kimble: Early Mediterranean Views on Northlands


            It was, of course, a long time before such knowledge and theories were

    rationalized and made common to the whole community, and longer still before

    they were communicated to other communities. "Com

            page 2 of MS missing

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    EA-History. Kimble: Early Mediterranean Views on Northlands

    ancient as any, can only be inferred with difficulty. We do know, however,

    that in the third millennium B. C. there were Babylonian trading colonies in

    the Taurus Mountains working copper and silver, and that Sargon (c. 2,500 B.C.)

    is supposed to have raided the islands of the "upper sea" or "sunset sea," pre–

    sumably Cyprus and Crete, since the Persian Gulf is described as the "lower sea."

    Metal vessels executed in the early Sumerian manner have been found as far north

    as the Caspian Sea, but it is dou tb bt ful whether we should, on that account,

    assume that the Caspian was known to the Sumerians of the third millennium.

    Much later (6th century B.C.) a clay tablet map, said to be a copy of a more

    ancient one, portrays a circumambient river, called the Bitter River, surround–

    ing the Tigris-Euphrates valley. Some writers have read into this circle a

    knowledge of the Persian Gulf, Caspian, Black and Mediterranean seas, but it

    would seem more logical to regard it simply as the expression of the known Baby–

    lonian belief in a water-girt earth. After all, what could have been more nat–

    ural in a valley where the earth was annually inundated and where the dry land

    appeared as islands, slowly emerging from the spring floods? As the scholars

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    of mediaeval Christendom later found, it is not impossible to reconcile the

    Biblical story of the Creation (which has striking affinities to the Babylon–

    ian version) with belief in an ocean-girt earth.

            It is now widely held that one of the most ancient summaries of world know–

    ledge is, in fact, contained in the early chapters of Genesis . Chapter X is

    particularly illuminating in this respect. From the list of genealogies given

    here, it would appear that the world in, say, Abraham's time, was bounded on

    the northwest by the Aegean (Dodanim being a corruption of Rodanim, i.e. Rhodes),

    on the north by the Armenian Mountains (so A. H. Sayce interprets Ashkenaz) and

    the Anatolian plateau including possibly the southern shores of the Black Sea

    (Gomer being identified with the land that appears in later Assyrian literature

    as Gimmira and in Herodotus as the land of the Cimmerians), and on the north–

    east by the mountains of Elam and Media.

            The records of the early dynastic period of Egyptian civilization are

    completely silent even about land bordering the north shore of the Mediterranean,

    and although the argument from silence is sometimes risky, it cannot be dismissed

    when the silence lasts for a millennium or more. By the XVIII dynasty (c. 1,400

    B.C.), however, Asia Minor and Crete had been added to the Egyptian area of know–

    ledge, thanks, in part no doubt, to the Hyksos who are believed to have origin–

    ated in that part of the world. Before the second millennium B.C., Egyptian

    ships were regularly doing the round trip to the "Isles of the Very Green," to

    "Keftui and the Isles," these presumably being the islands (including Crete) of

    the Aegean which had been influenced by Minoan culture. Notwithstanding the

    notable expansion of inter-regional commerce which took place about this time,

    the geographical ideas of the Egyptians continued to be of the vaguest, as, for

    instance, when they made the Euphrates rise in "the marshes." Nor does it appear

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    likely that the ancient tradition associating Sesostris with the discovery of

    the eastern end of the Black Sea has any basis in fact. Equally without founda–

    tion are other statements about eastern conquests by him or a Rameses as far as

    India. As for lands to the west of the Aegean, there is no written evidence

    that the Egyptians sailed there or even that they had an inkling that their great

    sea was connected with an outer ocean. In their records the whole mass of main–

    land Europe is a blank, unless we suppose that some of the sea-raiders who harried

    the coast of the Delta from time to time, came from there. Admittedly, we hear

    of such "northern" wares as amber, tin and furs reaching Egypt at an early date,

    but this does not prove that there was direct trade between the source regions

    and the markets, or that the geographical horizons of the Egyptians were widen–

    ing. It has ever been a habit of middlemen to conceal the source of their profits!


    The Homeric Age

            With the gradual northward migration of land-based and sea-based cultures

    in the latter half of the second millennium, it is to be supposed that the Hitt–

    ites, the Minoans and their more ambitious contemporaries in the Aegean proper

    began to obtain an inkling of what lay to northward of them. But such of their

    records as have [ ?] so far been deciphered tell us remarkably little about any

    ideas they may have had on this subject. If the Hittites did know of the exist–

    ence of the Black Sea lands (and this is generally taken to be a reasonable assump–

    tion in view of the extent of their trading operations), they were thoughtless

    enough not to record the fact. The Myceneans and Achaeans waged military cam–

    paigns around the shores of the Bosphorus with tribes who were almost certainly

    of eastern European origin; however,by the time of Homer they were but a ghostly


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            The Iliad and the Odyssey are scarcely more revealing. The poet has heard

    of the mountains of Thrace whence blows the northern blast (= rhipeé ); beyond

    them he locates, without indicating distance or direction, the Mysians and mare–

    milking nomads, who are "noble" and "just." Here, it seems, we have the very

    first hints of the Rhipean Mountains and the happy Hyperboreans whose Utopian

    existence ("beyond the north wind") was later to become one of the most popular of

    all ancient and mediaeval themes. Where they lived is not clear, but it would

    be gratuitous, on the textual evidence, to suppose that Homer thought of them

    as living any further north than the steppelands of the lower Denube or wouth–

    western Ukraine. As knowledge expanded, both the mountains and the people were

    gradually pushed further and further northwards: notwithstanding, belief in their

    existence continued for fully 2,500 years after the Homeric age. The Amazons of

    the Iliad pose rather more of a problem. For one thing, Homer was not completely

    convinced of their existence, though, on one occasion, he does represent them as

    attacking the Phrygians and their Trojan allies; and, for another, it is diffi–

    cult to tell where they were supposed to dwell. Sometimes they are brought from

    Thrace to help Troy: at others they are domiciled about half-way along the southern

    shores of the Black Sea. (When, five hundred years or more afterwards, Greek col–

    onists failed to find them hereabouts, it was thought that they had withdrawn

    northwards beyond the Don to become a people ruled by women.) The origin of the

    whole notion of warrior women is still obscure. Possibly it represents a fusion

    of two cultural traits found in the Black Sea region about this time, namely the

    matriarchal code of the Azov tribes and the predilection of the Hittites for women–

    lile garb. Others believe that the story of the Golden Fleece is capable of a

    similar rationalization. Thus Strabo explains that, at a river near Colchis near

    the southeastern end of the Black Sea, it was the practice of the natives to trap

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    the alluvial gold in sheep fleeces.

            The Odyssey tells us even less, for only here and there would it appear

    that Homer was describing actual places, winds and currents. Westward beyond

    Sicily and northward beyond the Bosphorus the task of identifying landfalls,

    never easy, becomes virtually impossible. Having tried it, we feel strongly

    inclined to endorse Eratosthenes' dictum (quoted by Strabo, Geography , I, ii,

    15) that, to learn where Ulysses went, "one must find the cobbler who sewed up

    the bag of the winds!" For what could be more frustrating than to find the

    following description of the Cimmerians applied to a region that, on the evidence

    supplied, could not be more than a day or so's sail from Sicily?

            "Thus she (Circe) brought us to the deep-flowing

    River of Ocean and the frontiers of the world,

    where the fog-bound Cimmerians live in the City

    of Perpetual Mist. When the bright Sun climbs the

    sky and puts the stars to flight, no ray from him

    can penetrate to them, nor can he see them as he

    drops from heaven and sinks once more to earth.

    For dreadful Night has spread her mantle over the

    heads of that unhappy folk." ( Odyssey , Book XI,

    Rieu's translation).

            Whether those Cimmerians are the Kymry of Britain, as Hennig and others

    have argued rather unconvincingly, or the Cimbri of Jutland, or even the Gimmira

    of the Crimea (it was not until c. 700 B.C. that they sought refuge from the

    Scythians by settling along the southern shores of the Black Sea), matters

    very little for our immediate purpose. What is important is the implication

    of the story. Long winter and short summer nights speak of much higher lati–

    tudes than those of the Mediterranean, while the mention of fog-bound coasts on

    the "River of Ocean" suggests that ships were already sailing out into the waters

    of the western Atlantic. With the Phoenicians established in Cadiz by 1,100 B.C.,

    and doing business with well-nigh every inhabited part of the Mediterranean, there

    was no good reason why Homer should not have heard of these things. Some have

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    even supposed that his references to a floating island and clashing rocks imply

    that ships had penetrated northward into the Atlantic far enough to see icebergs,

    but in view of the general air of fiction which permeates the epic, such an assump–

    tion rests on a frail foundation. Also implying awareness of lands well to the

    north of the Mediterranean is the statement Homer makes in the Odyssey concern–

    ing Telepylus, the city of the Laestrygones. It is described as a place "where

    shepherds bringing in their flocks at night hail and are answered by their fel–

    lows driving out at dawn. For in this land nightfall and morning tread so close–

    ly on each other's heels that a man who could do without sleep might earn a

    double set of wages, one as a neatherd and the other for shepherding white flocks

    of sheep." ( Odyssey , Book X, Rieu's translation.) The meaning of the last

    clause becomes clear if, for "night and day" we substitute "darkness and dawn"

    or "sunset and sunrise:" indeed, as Tozer pointed out long ago, it then begins

    to sound uncommonly like Tacitus' description of the short summer nights in the

    north of Britain - "finem atque initium lucis exiguo discrimine inter noscas."

    No sooner does night threatan, than day reappears; consequently there is not the

    same need for work to cease, as when darkness falls.


    From Homer to Herodotus

            Though Homer almost certainly did not invent the notion of an all-embracing

    river or ocean, he succeeded in giving it immortality. From the Odyssey onward

    it became part of the geographical stock-in-trade of poets and prose writers alike.

    In Homer it was merely represented as a deep-flowing river, with little or nothing

    said about its further boundary. Hesiod, however, had it studded with islands –

    the Hesperides, Erythea and the Isles of the Blessed. Hecataeus believed it to

    encompass a circular-shaped earth. Herodotus was more skeptical about its extent

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    and continuity: while maintaining that there was an ocean to the west of the

    Mediterranean (to which he first applied the name Atlantic) and also probably

    to the south, he claimed that its existence to north and northeast had not been

    proved. In support of this view he asserted (what was stoutly denied by the

    Miletus school of geographers) that the Caspian Sea was not an arm of the ocean,

    but an inland sea. How far north the oikoumene extended he had no means of

    telling: "whether sea girds Europe round on the north none can say." While ad–

    mitting that tin and amber came from the north, he discounted the stories of

    the Tin Islands and had no use for the amber-bearing, north-flowing river Erid–

    anus, spoken of by some of his contemporaries. He was equally skeptical about

    a good many other northern matters, as for instance, the Hyperboreans and the


            The Hyperboreans are first mentioned in cwrtain poems doubtfully attributed

    to Hesiod, but which can scarcely be later than the 7th century B.C. By Herod–

    otus' time it seems almost everybody supposed that, in the far north of Europe,

    "under the shining way" (the clear northern sky?) lived a people who passed their

    days in perpetual peace and merriment. War, injustice, sickness and infirmity

    were unknown to them, and only those who tired of life ever died. Because they

    dwelt beyond Boreas, the north wind, the climate was perpetually temperate, a

    condition which did away with the need of houses. But Herodotus could not bring

    himself to believe in them, for three reasons. Firstly, if they existed, their

    neighbors to the south, the Issedonians and the Scythians, would have heard about

    them, which, he avers, was not the case. Secondly, if there were Hyperboreans,

    there must be Hypernotians - dwellers beyond the south wind, an argument which

    really proved nothing except that he shared his contemporaries' feeling for sym–

    metry. Thirdly, such evidence as there was pointed to a deterioration of the

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    environment with distance northward. The "northern regions," he affirms, "are

    uninhabitable, by reason of the severity of the winter." The idea of the Sleep–

    ers, who were said to sleep for six months at a time, was likewise rejected,

    though as we can readily see, it was much the less fanciful of the two; in all

    likelihood it represents a fusion of the tales about the long northern night –

    the length of which was generally reckoned, in Herodotus' day, to be six months,

    and about the inhabitants of these regions who were wont to pass much of the

    winter in a state of semi-hibernation. (Until quite recently this was still a

    common practice among many of the more primitive Russian tribes.) Equally "un–

    worthy of credit" so Herodotus claimed, are the stories of the goat-footed men

    dwelling in "lofty and precipitous mountains" north of the Scythians: of the gold–

    guarding griffins, and of their enemies, the one-eyed Arimaspians. On the other

    hand, he believed in the Amazons, though he declined to say whether or no they

    dwelt in the north. Herodctus' unbelieving turn of mind was also employed to

    good advantage when he argued that the "feathers" with which the Scythians were said

    to fill the air for the purpose of preventing persons from having any view of

    their regions, were in reality only snow flakes. For, as he pointed out in the

    same book, the Scythian winter was eight months long and received "scarcely no

    rain worth mentioning."

            Concerning his views on the northwestern limits of the oikoumene , Herodotus

    has left us in very little doubt. "I do not allow," he declared, "that there is

    any river, to which the barbarians give the name Eridanus, emptying itself into

    the northern sea, whence, as the tale goes, amber is procured: nor do I know of

    any islands called the Cassiterides whence the tin comes which we use. For in

    the first place "the name Eridanus is manifestly not a barbarian word at all, but

    a Greek name, invented by some poet or other: and, secondly, though I have taken

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    vast pains, I have never been able to get an assurance from an eye-witness

    that there is any sea on the further side of Europe. Nevertheless, tin and

    amber do certainly come to us from the ends of the earth." If Herodotus was

    reluctant to hazard what lay beyond the limits of certain knowledge, the above

    quotation makes it clear that there must have been many around him who were

    troubled by no such inhabitions, but were ready to accept the existence both of

    the Cassiterides and the northern ocean. Elsewhere he tells us that these men

    even drew maps of their fancies, "making, as they do, the ocean-stream to run all

    round the earth, and the earth itself to be an exact circle, as if described by

    a pair of compasses, with Europe and Asia just of the same size." (Book IV,

    Chapter 36.)

            The absence of such a map is much to be deplored. However, by piecing to–

    gether the fragmentary references to the western Europe of the era, we can gather

    a rough idea of what such a map would have contained. Unfortunately, our best

    informant, Avienus, lived several hundred years (c. 4th century A.D.) after the

    period in question; even so, the European section of his Ora Martima is widely

    held to be based on echoes of the Carthaginian voyage of Himilco carried out short–

    ly before Herodotus' time. Avienus himself claimed to have used Himilco's origin–

    al account - a claim which few scholars are willing to endorse. More likely he

    obtained his information from an earlier compound of Greek tales now lost. Obscure

    as parts of the text are (an obscurity not alleviated by the poetic form in which

    it is cast), the passage relating to western Europe is reasonably easy to follow.

    After describing the coasts for some distance north of the Pillars of Hercules,

    he comes to ahhigh headland, of old called Ostrymnis, "and all the high mass of

    rocky ridge turns mostly towards the warm south wind" (south coast of Brittany?).

    In the midst of the bay which flanks this south-facing shore "rise the islands

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    which are called Oestrymnides, scattered widely about, and rich in metals, in

    tin and in lead." (Nansen, In Northern Mists , p. 29, claims that "everything

    points to the islands being situated on the south coast of Brittany, and there

    is much in favour of...(the) assumption that they are islands of Morbihan.....

    This agrees very well with the description of Himilco's voyage to the Oestrym–

    nides. The free alluvial deposits along the shore ...still contain a good deal

    of tin....") Here live "a multitude of men with enterprise and active industry,

    all having continually commercial interests - they plough in skilful fashion far

    and wide the foaming sea ( fretum , literally 'strait') and the currents of monster–

    bearing Ocean in their small boats.....Two days' voyage from thence lay the great

    island which the ancients called 'the Holy Island' and it is inhabited by the

    people of Hierne (Ireland?) far and wide, and near to it again extends the island

    of Albion. And it was the custom of the men of Tartessus to trade to the borders

    of the Oestrymnides: also colonists from Carthage and the many who voyage between

    the Pillars of Hercules visited these seas. The Carthaginian Himilco assures

    us that these seas can scarcely sailed through in four months" (presumably

    there and back, and including time for trading?). Avienus goes on to describe

    these seas as sluggish, windless, foggy, sometimes very shoaly and clogged with

    weed, and infested by monsters.

            "Sic nulla late flabra propellunt ratem,

    sic segnis humor aequoris pigri stupet.


    Obire semper huc et hunc ponti feras,

    navigia lenta et languide repentia

    internatare beluas.") lines 120–129)

            As J. O. Thomson remarks, this vaguely alarming stuff can hardly do justice to

    Himilco, if he handed in anything like Hannos' detailed report of the west African

    coast ( History of Ancient Geography , p. 54). Perhaps only garbled varsions were

    allowed to become current, with the dangers exaggerated to scare off competitors.

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    Already Plato had heard of the alleged shoals and accounted for them by the

    sinking of his Atlantis.

            What seems to be beyond reasonable doubt is that, by Herodotus' time, the

    horizons of northwestern Europe were slowly being rolled back, and that the

    Carthaginians were aware of the existence of the Breton coast and the adjacent

    coasts of Ireland and England. The identity of the Tin Islands is less certain.

    Against those who contend that the early tin was obtained from Spain, or perhaps

    from some off-lying islets, must be placed not only the ancient doubts of Herod–

    otus, but the modern assertion, based upon the work of prospectors, that no im–

    portant deposits of tin have ever been exploited on any Atlantic islands. Pos–

    sibly the name should be regarded as a nomen appelatiyum rather than a nomen

    , accommodating all the western sources of tin, later variously identified

    with real things heard about Spain, Brittany and Cornwall. But if this is so,

    it is unlikely that the rich deposits of Cornwall were the first to be exploited,

    since the early descriptions always speak of the Tin Islands as being separate

    from Britain and further south.

            As for amber, the other main object of northern barter, by about Herodotus'

    time, as we have seen, there had come (perhaps overland) hearsay of Eridanus,

    a north-flowing river (the Oder? Vistula?) near the mouth of which this valuable

    commodity was washed up by the tide. It was only at a much lat [ ?] er date, after the

    head of the Adriatic had become one of the great entrepôts for the amber trade,

    that the name Eridanus was transferred to the principal stream of those parts,

    namely the Padus, or Po.

            Otherwise, nothing much was known of the north of Europe. Not that it wor–

    ried the Greeks unduly: on the whole they were quite incurious about lands which

    yielded up their wealth so reluctantly, and which taxed their powers of acclimat-

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    ization so sorely. Indeed, about such lands they were not only incurious, but

    frequently incredulous. Nowhere is this incredulity more shockingly revealed

    than in the fate which befell the discoveries of Pytheas of Massilia.


    The Implications of the Pytheas Story

            The travels of the Massiliot scientist and explorer, Pytheas, are described

    elsewhere in the Encyclopedia . Here we are only concerned with the conception

    of the northlands which these travels engendered in Pytheas, and the influence

    which they exerted upon the geographical thinking of his contemporaries and suc–

    cessors. Although it is impossible to be dogmatic on the matter (seeing that we

    have only very fragmentary and much-edited information to go upon), it would seem

    that Pytheas' excursion into northern waters led him to the following conclusions:

            Firstly, that the oikoumene extended well to the north of the British Isles.

    Even if Pytheas did not visit Thule himself (and nowhere does he claim to have

    done so), he had been in touch with people who had, and who averred that, six

    days' sail north of Britain, there were still inhabited lands possessing a climate

    suitable for the growing of vegetables, grain and wild fruits, and the raising

    of honey.

            Secondly, that in these northerly latitudes, "the nights in summer are

    light, because ..... then the sun shows not only its radiance, but also the

    greater part of itself" (Mela's account). "For it happened in these places that

    the night was very short, in some places of two hours' duration, in others three

    hours, so that the sun, going to rest, rose again after a short interval." (Ger–

    minus of Rhodes' account.)

            Thirdly, that "beyond Thule" at a distance of "one day's sail" (Pliny) the

    sea became "sluggish and congealed" ("pigrum et concretum" in Solinus' account).

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    Furthermore, the description given of the state of the sea in this vicinity

    is sufficiently circumstantial to warrant the belief that it refers to the

    edge of the Arctic ice pack, which in the 4th century B.C. was unlikely to

    have occupied a very different mean position from that of today, when, at its

    late winter maximum, it extends roughly northeastwards from Cape Farewell through

    the Denmark Strait (in some years extending almost to the northwestern coast of

    Iceland) to east of Jan Mayen and on, in a north-sweeping arc, to Bear Island.

    Strabo, who could not bring himself to accept any of the story, reports it as

    follows: "There was no longer any distinction of land or sea or air, but a mix–

    ture of the three like sea-lung (jelly-fish?) in which he (Pytheas) says that

    land and sea and everything floats, and this (i.e. the mixture) binds all to–

    gether, and can neither be traversed on foot nor in boat."

            Fourthly, that there was a sea to the east of the Jutland peninsula, the

    shores of which were notable for their amber. Whether Pytheas himself sailed

    into the Baltic, let alone as far east as the Vistula, as some authorities have

    contended, cannot readily be established. The mention of the word 'Balcia" or

    "Baltia.' with which some of his copyists and reporters credit him, is sugges–

    tive, but proves little. The absence of any reference to a northern shore is

    probably significant, as is the statement, quoted by Pliny, that the amber, cast

    up by the waves, was washed out of the "congealed sea," for this implies that the

    Arctic ice pack was thought of as occupying the region to the north of Jutland

    and the Baltic Sea. On the evidence it is even open to doubt whether Pytheas

    knew more of Jutland than that it was a peninsula jutting out into northern waters.

            Even so, few travelers in Antiquity accomplished as much as Pytheas. It

    might almost be said that he accomplished too much, for the picture he drew of

    the new lands was so pronouncedly out of line with existing ideas that, with a

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    few shining exceptions, notably those of Eratosthenes and Hipparchus, it failed

    to win acceptance. His younger contemporary, Dicaearchus, doubted him, and,

    later, Polybius and Strabo dubbed him an imposter. Possibly this 'smear cam–

    paign' was due, in part at least, to a species of professional jealousy. Poly–

    bius, it will be recalled, was active in many Roman campaigns and claimed to be

    more widely traveled than any other geographer: but as his farthest north was

    only the south of Gaul, he may well have resented the thought that a man, living

    some two hundred years before him, had accomplished much more, and in face of

    much greater difficulties withal. As Nansen reminds us, "men are not always

    above such littleness."

            With Strabo it is more likely that the opposition was based on purely im–

    personal grounds. Indeed, we might almost say, on "scientific" grounds. Strabo,

    it appears, was a firm believer in the zonal theory of terrestrial distributions,

    first propounded by Parmenides and subsequently embraced by almost all men of

    learning. According to the usual form of this theory, the earth was divided in–

    to five zones, one uninhabitable because of the nearness of the sun, two habitable

    because they were at a moderate distance, and two uninhabitable because they were

    too far away from the sun. It was one thing to fix the number of terrestrial

    zones: it was quite another thing to fix their position. Even as late as Aris–

    totle there was still very little data for placing the northern tropic on a map,

    much less the Arctic Circle. While he rightly understood that the tropic was the

    northernmost line to which the vertical sun advances at the summer solstice, he

    erroneously supposed that the southernmost edge of the uninhabitable cold zone

    was coincident with the circle of the northern heavens which marked the limit,

    in that direction, of the stars which never set. On this reckoning, every lati–

    tude has a different "arctic circle". To an observer in Athens (such as Aristotle)

    017      |      Vol_XI-0124                                                                                                                  
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    this would put the Arctic Circle no farther north than the estuary of the Elbe:

    It has often been doubted whether Aristotle could have been quite so native: but

    the fact is that he was by no means the only one who nursed this delusion.

            In the circumstances, therefore, it is not very difficult to see why many

    should have come to suppose that Soythia deterirated into a desert only a little

    way north of the Black Sea, or why Strabo should have contended that the ocean

    ceased to be liquid a little to the north of Scotland. Within such a frame of

    reference, the voyages of Pytheas could obviously find no place. (Dicaearchus,

    a pupil of Aristotle, cannot altogether have distrusted Pytheas, since he allows

    that the known world extended almost to the Arctic Circle which he placed at 24°

    from the Pole.)


    The Roman Era

            Pytheas, unfortunately, seems to have had no emulators. Why this should

    be so is not clear, for his reports were encouraging enough to arouse the bus–

    iness instinots of even the most timid trader. Nor is it a sufficient explana–

    tion to say that the pundits later denounced Pytheas as a liar and a fraud on

    the grounds that his findings did not tally with their theories. Seamen have

    seldom shown over-much regard for the doctrinaire views of land-lubbers. More

    likely the Greek colonists found that they could secure their commercial ends

    with less trouble by way of the overland route to the Cassiterides and the Baltic.

    Be this as it may, the tally of northern knowledge was not increased during the

    course of the next five hundred years: indeed, a good deal was lost, or, more

    strictly, rejected. Eratosthenes (fl. c. 230 B.C.), to give him his due, did

    retain Thule (far out in the ocean to the north of "Brettanice") as his utter–

    most land and northern limit of the oikoumene , but on the other hand, he falsely

    assumed that the Pytheas story warranted belief in the eastward continuance of

    018      |      Vol_XI-0125                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Kimble: Early Mediterranean Views of Northlands

    the ocean to the 'Gulf' of the Caspian. He was equally in error in supposing that

    the presence of a circumambient ocean could be inferred from the occurrence of

    tidal phenomena around all the the -known outer sea coasts. Hipparchus (fl. c.

    150 B.C.) likewise continued to accept Thule as the northernmost part of the

    oikoumene , while differing from Eratosthenes in his view of the tides. How Hip–

    parchus located his high latitudes is not very clear. The line of the 19-hour

    day (summer solstice) is said to pass through the south of Britain, and not the

    north as one would expect. These, he declared to be far from uniform in their

    manifestations, but it is not known whether, on this account, he was opposed to

    the concept of the ocean-girt oikoumene . Polybius (fl. c. 150 B.C.), though a

    contemporary of Hipparchus', was far removed from him in outlook and intellectual

    calibre. He was, in fact, an obscurantist, perhaps the first of the many whose

    names clutter up the pages of geographical history. Because, so we judge, of an

    over-zealous attachment to the zonal theory, he was willing to discard the entire

    Pytheas story, declaring that all the country north of Narbo, the Alps and the

    Aaurus, was unknown. He was, truth to tell, open-minded enough to leave unanswer–

    ed the question of whether there was a continuous ocean to the north of Europe,

    and quite rightly denied the idea of a Caspian "Gulf."

            But it would be a mistake to suppose that there was any such thing as uni–

    formity of ideas among the men of this era. If the Pytheas story was rejected,

    rather than simply discarded or lost sight of, it was not simply because of its

    incompatibility with the zonal theory, for not everybody accepted this: and of

    those who did, there were some who ignored its implications. Thus Grates (fl. c.

    165 B.C.) the librarian at Pergamum, divided the earth into four parts by an

    equatorial east-west flowing ocean and a meridional ocean stretching from pole

    to pole. He had the Ethiopians living right in the Torrid Zone on either side

    019      |      Vol_XI-0126                                                                                                                  
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    of the equatorial ocean, a race of nightless giants about the latitude of the

    Arctic Circle and the dayless Cer b erians at the pole: The fact that the Cratesian

    conception was, if anything, even less rational than the zonal view did not pre–

    vent it from enjoying a wide and long-lasting popularity. Through Macrobius

    it passed down to the Middle Ages.

            The leading historians of the time show equally little appreciation of the

    implications of the Pytheas story. Thus, all that Caesar (c. 50 B.C.) knew or

    was willing to admit was that, to the north of Britain, there were some off-lying

    islands where the winter night was a month long. If this is an echo from Pytheas,

    we could scarcely wish for a better measure of the decline of knowledge during

    the intervening 300 years. Even on Britain, Caesar's showing is far from im–

    pressive, for he has the west coast facing Spain as well as Ireland, and the

    eastern side facing the empty northern ocean:

            Strabo (fl. c. 20 B.C. - c. 20 A.D.) was no better. In his desire to avoid

    exaggeration, or perhaps to discredit the giants of the past, he refused to give

    serious consideration, either to Pytheas' claims, or to the information which,

    as we can see from Pliny, had filtered into Greece from other sources. He does

    not even make use of the geographical knowledge gained in his own time as a re–

    sult of Augustus' campaign in northern Germania. To him the Ister (Danube), the

    mountains of the Hercynian Forest (Central Germany) and Ierne (Ireland) consti–

    tuted, very roughly, the limit of the known world in this direction. Ierne,

    located in approximately latitude 54° N., is taken to be the most northern land.

    "Living writers," he asserts, "tell us of nothing beyond Ierne which lies near

    to Britain on the north ( sic ) and is inhabited by savages who live miserably on

    account of the cold." The Tin Islands are described as a group of ten lying well

    to the north of Spain in the latitude of Britain. As for the lands lying to the

    020      |      Vol_XI-0127                                                                                                                  
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    east of Britain, he declares that "those parts of the country beyond the Albis

    (i.e. Elbe) that are near the ocean are wholly unknown to us. For of the men

    of earlier times I know of no one who made this voyage along the coast to the

    eastern parts that extend as far as the mouth ( sic ) of the Caspian Sea; and the

    Romans have not yet advanced into the parts that are beyond Albis; and likewise

    no one has made the journey by land either." ( Geography , 7,2,4., H. L. Jones'

    translation). Even in regard to a country as well known as Scythia, Strabo is

    pitifully ignorant. True, he has a reasonably accurate notion of the comparative

    dimensions of the Sea of Azov and the Black Sea, but everything north of the

    nearby Roxolani, "the most remote of the known Scythians," is terra incognita

    and uninhabitable at that. As for the stories of the Rhipean Mountains and the

    Hyperboreans, these he characterized as myths born of popular ignorance of the

    regions in question, and of a baseless regard for Pytheas' "false statements....

    regarding the country along the ocean, wherein he uses as a screen his scientific

    knowledge of astronomy and mathematics." ( Geography, 7, 3, 1., H. L. Jones'

    translation). In Strabo's view, both Pytheas and Eratosthenes had placed the

    boundary of known land 8,000 stadia, or 11° 20′ too far north.

            Many later writers knew even less. Some of the poets wrote as if the

    Scythians were near neighbours of the Eskimos.

            "Not a blade of grass appears on the plain, not a leaf on the trees:

    But as far as eye can reach earth lies, her features lost

    Beneath snowdrifts and ice to a depth of seven fathoms.

    It's always winter, always the cold nor-wester blowing.

    And worse, the sun can never break through the wan gloom there –

    Not when his horses draw him up to the height of heaven,

    Not when his chariot brings him to bathe in the blood-red sea.


    (The men) dig out deep igloos underground


    Here they while away the darkness in games, and gladly

    Make do with beer and a rough cider for draughts of wine."


    ( Georgics , III, lines 353 et seq.)

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    In such words does Virgil portray "the tameless tribes" of the Sea of Azov:

    Other writers talk as if the northern ocean were a mere two hundred miles north

    of the Black Sea and full of hideous monsters which were likely to tear to pieces

    any seamen who might be so foolhardy as to sail its waters. One woebegone navi–

    gator who did so is made, by Albinovanus Pedo (c. 40 A.D.), to express his feel–

    ings in the following words: "Whither are we being carried? The day itself flees

    from us, and uttermost nature closes in the deserted world with continual dark–

    ness. Or are we sailing towards people on the other side who dwell under an–

    other heaven, and towards another unknown world? The Gods call us back and for–

    bid the eyes of mortals to see the boundary of things. Why do we violate strange

    seas and sacred waters with our oars, disturbing the peaceful habitations of the

    Gods?" Seneca, to whom we owe the survival of Pedo's poetic fragment, has no

    use for the idea of land beyond the northern ocean, simply stating that "beyond

    all things is the ocean, (and) beyond the ocean, nothing" ("post omnia oceanus,

    post oceanum nihil").

            Pomponius Mela (fl. c. 40 A.D.) is likewise unable to shed much new light

    upon the subject. Apart from a wild story about Indians being blown past the

    Caspian "Gulf" to Germany (which he cites in support of the "oceanic" theory

    of the Arctic), his account is based upon the usual stock-in-trade of the time.

    His Hyperboreans live beyond the north wind and the Rhipean Mountains "under the

    very pivot of the stars" (i.e. the Pole). In their country the sun rises at the

    vernal equinox and sets at the autumnal equinox, so that they have six months'

    day and six months' night. How he was able to reconcile the existence of the

    sunny and fertile land with belief in the zonal theory of Parmenides is not clear;

    the fact that he calls it a "narrow land" may signify that he was not altogether

    happy about the logic of the contention. As we noted earlier, he has heard of

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    Thule, "famous in Greek poems and in our own;" he knows of the Orkneys and the

    Shetlands to the extent of indicating the existence of two distinct groups of

    islands north of Britain, and he is credibly informed that in Ireland the pas–

    tures are so lush that "if the cattle are allowed to graze for more than a small

    part of the day, they burst in pieces!" East of the British Isles he quickly

    gets into difficulties. True, he describes a vast bay (Codanus by name) which

    some have supposed to be the Skagerrak, and a region which "seems sometimes to

    be islands and sometimes the sea," and, on that account, might conceivably re–

    fer to the intricate system of islands and straits south of the Kattegat; but

    by peopling these localities with Hippopods (horse-footed men) and Sanalians

    (whose ears were big enough to be employed as a covering for the body), he makes

    it very difficult for us to attribute to him anything but a most shadowy know–

    ledge of the embayed and insular character of the continental seaboard.

            Pliny (fl. c. 70 A. D.) who might have been expected to know more about

    the north coast of Europe, since he reports the voyage of Augustus' fleet round

    Germania to the Cimbrian Cape (Jutland), is likewise content with such platitudes

    as "the Northern Ocean has also been in great part traversed," it is "immeasur–

    able," it extends to "the Scythian region and to places that are stiff from too

    much moisture," and contains "many nameless islands" some of which he proceeds

    forthwith to name. For the rest, his Natural History account is very largely

    a rechauffe of earlier writings, mainly Greek. His description of the far north

    of Scythia is characteristic: "This part of the world is accursed by nature and

    shrouded in thick darkness: it produces nothing else but frost and is the chilly

    hiding place of the north wind." ( Natural History , IV, xii, 88). Beyond lay

    the happy Hyperboreans, blessed with a magnificent climate: like Mela, he man–

    ages to sandwich them in between Scythia and the equally inclement northern ocean.

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    It is because of blatant anomalies of this sort that we are constrained to

    doubt whether Pliny, or Mela for that matter, ever seriously tried to construct

    a congruent cosmographical system out of the body of knowledge available to him.

    Time and again we have evidence that he did not even bother to harmonize con–

    flicting statements culled from his authorities. In Chapter Thirteen of Book

    Four he has the Cronium Sea stretching north from the Baltic coast in the vicin–

    ity of the Cimbri: in Chapter Sixteen of the same book he displaces the same

    sea a day's sail beyond thule, which, in his view, lay to the north of Britain

    in the vicinity of the Arctic Circle. The acceptance of "Scandia" and "Scatin–

    avia" as separate islands situated not far from the coast of Britain may perhaps

    be taken as a further indication of his uncritical handling of source material.

            Tacitus, writing shortly before the end of the first Christian century,

    was unable to improve on Pliny's knowledge of the extreme north. Beyond the

    Orkneys toward an island which he "saw at a distance" (and presumably one of the

    Shetlands), the sea became thick and sluggish, while to the north of the Suiones

    (Swedes), who lived on an island "ipso in oceano," it became almost immobile

    ("mare pigrum ac prope immotum"). Near the Suiones, on the mainland, live the

    Fenni (Finns?), very poor and primitive. For his romantically-minded readers,

    he adds the Utopian fancy that "the forms of the Gods are seen" when the sun

    emerges from the ocean.

            And worse was still to come. In his De Facie in Orbis Lunae , Plutarch

    places the Homeric island, Ogygia, five days' sail west of Britain, with three

    others spread out northwestwards, each an equal distance from its neighbour.

    "In one of these the barbarians feign that Saturn is detained prisoner by Jupiter,

    who, as his son, having the guard or keeping of these islands and the adjacent

    sea, named the Saturnian (or Cronian), has his seat a little below; and that the

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    continent, by which the great sea is circularly environed, is distant from Ogygia

    about 5,000 stadia, but from others not so far, men using to row thither in

    galleys, the sea being there low and ebb, and difficult to be passed by great

    vessels because of the mud brought thither by a multitude of rivers, which,

    coming from the mainland, discharge themselves into it, and raise there great

    bars and shelves that choke up the river and render it hardly navigable: whence

    anciently there arose an opinion of its being frozen." An equally extravagant

    story by Antonius Diogenes, dating from about the same epoch, brough its char–

    acters to see the "wonders beyond Thule," to places of six months' and even

    perpetual night. But by then Thule had ceased to be a place with a fixed loca–

    tion: some poets even talked loosely of Britain as Thule.

            With such facts before us, it is hard to avoud the conclusion cherished

    by many modern historians, that the Romans had little talent or even liking

    for scientific enquiry. They traveled widely within their borders, but seldom

    curiously. Their frontier officers did not spend their vacations climbing

    mountains or big game hunting in the wilds, nor did they write books about their

    adventures. Few enough wrote about the more civilized parts. Apparently there

    were others besides Cicero who found geography a "rather obscure science."

    Horace expresses what was obviously a widely felt distaste when he inveighs

    against the impious men who first dared to cross the sea, "with northern gales

    fierce war to wage" and "on strange weltering beasts" to gaze. ( Odes , Book I,

    3, 9–24. However, elsewhere, Odas Book III, 24, 36–40, and Epistles , Book I, 1,

    he talks of greedy merchants - not Roman? - venturing to the frozen north and

    the tropics and India). Or maybe it was conceit that suffocated their spirit

    of enquiry - the conceit that made them sometimes talk as if Rome was mistress

    of all lands not inaccessible or uninhabitable, and of all seas, not only within

    025      |      Vol_XI-0132                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Kimble: Early Mediterranean Views of Northlands

    the Pillars, but beyond to the ends of the ocean. This conceit permeates

    the writings even of some of the Romanophile Greeks, eg. the Periegetes of


            However, not all the geography of the Roman era is of such an indifferent

    quality. Here and there in the Empire were scholars, Greeks rather than Romans,

    who were trying to put the subject onto a scientific footing. Preeminent among

    these were Marinus of Tyre (fl. c. 110 A.D.) and Claudius Ptolemaeus (Ptolemy)

    of Alexandria. Unfortunately, Marinus' writings are known only through Ptolemy

    (fl. c. 150 A.D.), who called him the most careful geographer of his time. He

    appears to have drawn up a list of all the important places in the known world,

    giving to each its approximate latitude and longitude, and then locating them

    on a gridded map of the world. What Marinus' world looked like can be roughly

    inferred from the various maps which accompany the early manuscripts of Ptolemy's

    eight-volumed Geographia , since Ptolemy made it clear that his primary task was

    to bring up to date the work of his predecessor. Whether or not the maps found

    in the early manuscripts of Ptolemy's Geographia were the work of the Alexan–

    drine scholar himself is not of great consequence, since anyone with enough

    patience can reconstruct the maps for himself. In these maps the northwestern

    coasts of Europe, as far east as the Cimbrian peninsula (Jutland), are recog–

    nizably portrayed. The same is true of Britain and Ireland, concerning which

    it would seem that Ptolemy was better informed than Pytheas, though admittedly

    the northern part of Scotland (Caledonia) is given an east-west orientation,

    presumably in an effort to keep the island well to the south of Thule. To the

    north of Scotland in latitude 61° 41′ N. lie the Orkneys, thirty in number, and

    to the west, the Hebrides. "And far to the north of them" lies Thule in approx–

    imately latitude 63° N. and longitude 30° 21′ E. (i.e. east of the Fortunate

    026      |      Vol_XI-0133                                                                                                                  
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    Isles). It is thought that his displacing of Thule from the Arctic Circle

    was due to the men of Agricola's fleet believing that they had sighted the

    island north of the Orkneys: in which case it is possible that the island should

    be identified with one of the Shetlands, which are not specifically named by


            To the north of the known coasts and islands of Europe, there stretched,

    in the view of both Ptolemy and Marinus, a continuation of the Atlantic Ocean.

    In the extreme northwest this went by the name of the Hyperborean Ocean, "also

    called the congealed, or Cronius, or the Dead Sea." North of Britain, it be–

    came the Deucaledonian Ocean, and from Britain to the vicinity of the Cimbrian

    peninsula, the Germanic Ocean. Here it merged into the Sarmatian Ocean, which

    is Ptolemy's name for the Baltic Sea, the northern shores of which were as yet

    unsuspected. What happened to the ocean still further eastward is not disclos–

    ed: east of the 60th meridian the coast of Europe swings northward to the 63rd

    parallel, i. e., of Thule, at which latitude the map ends. In his Astronomy ,

    Ptolemy carries his oikoumene northwards to 64–1/2° N., where he places, in the

    longitude of northern Asia, the Scythians. But the general import is clear

    enough: Ptolemy, as Marinus before him, had little use for the "oceanic" hypoth–

    esis of the planetary distribution of land and sea. In his view the grounds

    for holding that the oikoumene was entirely surrounded by water were inadequate:

    the Caspian Sea was closed and, as no Asiatic traveler had as yet penetrated

    beyond the Hyperborean Mountains, located somewhat north of the sixtieth paral–

    lal, Ptolemy is content to let Scythia fade away polewards into terra incognita.

    (Similarly, in the opinion of both Ptolemy and Marinus, there was no evidence

    that the southern reaches of Africa were vounded by sea. In the absence of such

    evidence, they affirmed that the Indian Ocean was enclosed by an eastward exten–

    sion of Africa and southern extension of Asia.)

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            Unfortunately for posterity, Ptolemy's Geographia was destined to gather

    dust in the library of Alexandria. Had he lived two hundred years earlier,

    his work might have borne fruit, or at least it might have been put into cir–

    culation and provoked thoughtful comment, if nothing else. But coming, as it

    did, at a time when the Roman world was yearly acquiring more and more internal

    preoccupations, few men appear to have had any stomach for its stodgy data and

    postulates. More than a thousand years were to elapse before the work was to

    win wide acclaim. From the third century to the end of the fourteenth, only

    rarely does the Geographia attract notice: from time to time Ptolemy's name is

    mentioned, but none of the writers concerned apprehended the profound signifi–

    cance of his work.


    The Dark Ages

            The decline of northern knowledge, already reflected in the works of

    Strabo and Pliny, was accelerated by the happenings of the succeeding contur–

    ies. Prominent among these was the loss of Rome's commercial supremacy. By

    the end of the third century, the forces of disruption had so gripped the Empire

    that it was no longer the sole guardian of the great trade routes. Contacts

    with the barbarian world became less frequent and friendly: such business as

    there was fell increasingly into the hands of intermediaries. But the trouble

    did not stop there: because of the parallel collapse of the Roman administrative

    system, the Germanic invasions also led to the breakdown of political and econ–

    omic life within the Empire. Henceforth ideas and information spread only slowly,

    and against great resistance, from one district to another: culture became re–

    gional and stagnant. The reorganization of the Empire into two parts under

    Theodosius served, paradoxically enough, to further these tendencies, for the

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    two empires became, in effect, separate entities, the contacts of the Latin

    world with the Greek civilization becoming more and more tenuous as time went

    by. No less important was the development of a new intellectual climate in

    the Mediterranean consequent upon the introduction of Christianity. The new

    faith gave men new values, whereby many of the old ones fell into disrepute.

    The great theological doctrines made scientific investigation seem, in the eyes

    of some, a reprehensible misapplication of human powers. To men of this per–

    suasion, it was natural that the Scriptures should become the yardstick by

    which to measure the orthodoxy of any given work. Such a man was the sixth

    century traveler Cosmas Indicopleustes: for him the Scriptures were "profitable

    not only for doctrine, reproof and instruction in righteousness," but for in–

    struction in earth-knowledge as well. Basing his argument on the assumed symbol–

    ism of the Mosaic tabernacle (which even by some modern theologians is regard–

    ed as a pattern of the world), he claimed that the oikoumene was oblong, twice

    as long as it is broad, and surrounded by an ocean uniting the Mediterranean,

    the Caspian, the Persian and Red Seas. In the far north stood a mighty conical

    mountain behind which the sun set at night, passing round the top in the summer

    and the base in the winter; this he held to explain the difference in the length

    of summer and winter days.

            But it would be a mistake to suppose that Cosmas was truly representative

    of his time. As early as the 4th century, Lactantius was encouraging his breth–

    ern not to ignore pagan learning, for, said he, "it is extremely full of erudi–

    tion and philosophy." He went further and argued that the Bible sanctioned the

    spoiling of the Egyptians, provided there was no pollution from the spoils!

            Generally speaking, the attitude of the Church toward profane studies was

    one of tolerance rather than opposition, and there are many instances when

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    "interest" would describe it more accurately than tolerance. Orosius, a

    Spanish priest of the 5th century, was, we believe, much more typical of the

    age than Cosmas. His description of the northwestern limits of the known earth

    is as objective as anything written by Ptolemy: "Britain, an island in the ocean,

    extends a long distance to the north: to its south are the Gauls..... (It) is

    800 miles long and 200 miles wide. In the limitless ocean which stretches be–

    hind Britain are the Orcades Islands (Orkneys) of which twenty are deserted and

    thirteen inhabited..... Ireland is quite close to Britain and smaller in area.

    It is, however, richer, on account of the favourable character of its climate

    and soil." ( Historiarum Adversus Paganos, Libri VII , I, 2.)

            An even fuller account was given in the same century by Jordanes, appar–

    ently copying from the writings of the contemporary Roman priest and statesman

    Cassiodorus. The attempted fusion of pagan and Christian thought is well brought

    out in his account of the circumambient ocean. "Not only has no one undertaken

    to describe the impenetrable uttermost bounds of the ocean, but it has not even

    been vouchsafed to any one to explore them, since it has been experienced that,

    on account of the re s istence of the seaweed and because the winds cease to blow

    there, the ocean is impenetrable and is known to none but Him who created it."

    But it has a number of islands in it, including the Balearic Isles ( sic ) and

    "the Orcades, thirty-three in number..... It has also in its most western part

    another island, called Thyle, of which the Mantuan (i.e. Virgil) says: 'May the

    uttermost Thule be subject to thee.' This immense ocean has also in its arctic,

    that is to say, northern part, a great island called Scandza, concerning which

    our narrative, with God's help, shall begin, for the nation (the Goths).....

    burst forth like a swarm of bees from the lap of this island, and came to the

    land of Europe......" ( De Origine Actibusque Getarum. )

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            Of course, there is nothing very original in all this: most of it had

    been said before and said better. However, Jordanus goes on to supply infor–

    mation about the inhabitants of the northern part of the island, the Screre–

    fennae ("they do not seek a subsistence in corn, but live on the flesh of wild

    beasts and the eggs of birds") and the Adogit ("they have continuous light in

    the middle of the summer for forty days") which cannot be found in any of his

    authorities and which leads us to suppose that even in the 6th century the chan–

    nels of communication between north and south Europe were not completely clogged.

    Our suspicion that Jordanus may be repeating a second-hand story about the Lapps

    or the Finns is strengthened when we come to look into the contemporary work of

    the Byzantine historian, Procopius. The Skrid-finns, as he calls them, live in

    the island of Thule (which the context establishes as Scandinavia). "The extra–

    ordinarily great forests and mountains which rise in their country give them

    vast quantities of game and other beasts. They always eat the flesh of the

    animals they hunt and wear their skins, fastening them together with the sinews

    of beasts. Their children do not take woman's milk, but are nourished solely

    with the marrow of slain beasts." None of the Ancients knew so much about the

    Finns: Tacitus and Ptolemy were acquainted with the name, and little more.

            With the distinguishing features of the Finnish economy, including the

    fact that some of the tribes were ski-runners (this being the force of the

    corrupt Norse prefix "skrid"), already know in the 6th century, we may well

    ask ourselves why there were, subsequently, so few written references to the

    Finns and their neighbours. One reason is that Isidore was unaware of the work

    of Procopius and Jordanus, or, if aware, that he did not choose to use it. This

    may appear to be a reason of little moment until we recall that Isidore was the

    most influential name in the literature of Christendom from the 7th to the 14th

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    centuries, and that his twenty-volumed Etymologiae was prescribed reading

    for almost every lettered man throughout that time. Even in the 15th century,

    Cardinal Pierre d'Ailly (to whom Columbus owed much) regarded it with something

    akin to reverential awe, notwithstanding the fact that the entire work is cast

    in an antiquarian mould and contains nothing that cannot be traced back, either

    directly or indirectly, to readily accessible Latin sources. Probably the best

    that can be said for it is that it might have been worse, for Isidore, good

    Christian that he was, adopted a surprisingly hospitable attitude toward pagan

    lore and, in so doing, helpted to keep alive information which otherwise would

    have almost certainly perished. Its importance for the student of history lies

    in the fact that it provides him with a cross-section of the mind of the Dark

    Ages: that it came to be the norm by which cosmographical orthodoxy was measured.

    Seen in this light, Isidor e 's account of the northlands takes on more than usual

    significance. In the extreme north, he has Scythia stretching from the Seric

    (i.e. Eastern) ocean in the east to the Caspian Sea in the west. "Several of

    the districts are rich, but some are uninhabited, for while they are rich in

    gold and precious stones, they are rarely approached by man owing to the feroc–

    ity of the griffens" ( Etymologiae , Book XIV, Chapter 3, paragraph xxxii.), a

    species of winged quadrupeds found in the Hyperborean Mountains and first publi–

    cized by Hesiod. The land of Hyrcania, bordering Scythia to the west "has many

    tribes wandering far afield on account of the unfruitfulness of their lands."

    ( op. cit. , XIVm 3, xxxi.) Coming still further west into Europe he places the

    limit of the oikoumene in the land of Barbaria, so called on account of the wild

    tribes inhabiting it. Enumerated among these are the Alani, the Dacians, the

    Goths and the Suevi, which is the nearest Isidore comes to dealing with the con–

    temporary scene. Thule is described, traditionally, as "the farthest island in

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    the ocean on the northern and western waters beyond Britain," and is said to

    take its name "from the sun, because there the sun makes its summer solstice,

    and beyond the summer day is of great length:" the surrounding sea is "calm and

    frozen." ( op. cit . XII, 6, iv.) How a work filled with such unoriginal de–

    scriptions came to be the most-read book of the Middle Ages is a little hard to

    understand, but then so is the popularity of many an indifferent work in our

    own day. Perhaps the very banality, its respect for the written word of others,

    and its absence of disturbing novelty were the things that most endeared it to

    its readers. In face of the many calamities which threatened to engulf the

    countries of southern Europe, what more compelling task was there than the main–

    tenance of the intellectual status quo? What better rallying cry than "strengthen

    the things that remain?" In such a mental atmosphere it is hardly to be won–

    dered at that past opinions should come to assume greater importance than pres–

    ent realities. "Gather up the fragments that remain, that nothing may be lost"

    seems to epitomize the spirit of the times. Among the gatherers none was more

    faithful or zealous than Isidore.

            Other Mediterranean scholars of the same attitude of mind were Moses of

    Khorene (5th century) who drew on pagan and Christian authorities with seeming

    impartiality; the anonymous Ravennese geographer of the mid-7th century whose

    Cosmographia leans slightly more on patristic authority as far as the north is

    concerned, but who elsewhere shows himself to have been a competent Greek scholar–

    a rare accomplishment in his age; and Aethicus of Istria who, although a much

    traveled man of the 7th century, describes the Babylon, not of his own day, but

    as it might have appeared in the time of Darius, and Thebes as Pausanias would

    have known it in the 2nd century A.D.

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    Moslem Theories

            At the moment when a revival of geographical speculation and interest

    in the contemporary world seemed impossible, two new forces began to play

    upon the inert mass of Mediterranean culture. The Moslems in the south and

    the Vikings in the north, notwithstanding their sinister role as enemies of

    Christendom, proved in the long run to be the agents of its intellectual re–

    birth. Of these two forces, the Arabic was the earlier and more influential.

            Controlling, as they did from the 8th century onwards, most of the centers

    of ancient learning in western Asia and Africa - above all Ptolemy's Alexandria,

    the Arabs were in a singularly good position to take advantage of older know–

    ledge, if they wished to do so. And this they did, once the doctors of the

    Koran had weaned themselves from their early opposition to secular literature.

    By the beginning of the 9th century the obscurantism of the first believers was

    already passing away and Mohammed's words "seek knowledge, even in China" were

    acquiring mandatory force. It must be confessed, however, that not many got as

    far as China. Their travels were, for the most part, conducted within the bor–

    ders of Islam, with Mecca as the supreme focus of attraction. Thither came

    men from Casablanca and Toledo, from the Sudan and Sofala, from Samarkand and

    Kashgar. Their geographies reflect the breadth of their travels, and are full

    of insights into the life and times of the countries through which the travelers

    passed. But the lands of the "infidel" Christian receive much scantier consid–

    eration, while those domains lying as yet beyond the orbit of both Cross and

    Crescent, are frequently left unnoticed. Doubtless the reason for this neglect

    of the northlands was partly climatic. Islam was cradled in a desert - and a

    warm desert at that. Even today it is quite remarkable how close is the corre–

    lation between the territorial distribution of Islamic culture and the distribu-

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    tion of semi-arid lands in low and middle latitudes. The Arabs were quickly

    discomfited by rain, and even more so by cold. It is not without significance

    that the voyages of Sindbad the (Moslem) Sailor were all set in tropical or

    subtropical waters.

            But this can hardly be the whole story, for there were, at one time or

    another, many thriving Moslem communities around the well-watered coasts of

    the Indian Ocean and on the bleak plateaus of Central Asia. The Arabs were

    inhibited by the strictures of their own religion, and of Greek philosophy.

    Thus, it can be shown that their reluctance to explore the coasts of the At–

    lantic stemmed partly from the widespread conviction of Moslem theologians

    that a man foolhardy enough to embark upon the "Sea of Darkness", or encircling

    ocean, should be deprived of civil rights, as being manifestly irresponsible

    for his actions! It was even rumored that the necessity for imposing such a

    punishment might be rendered superfluous by the destruction of the audacious

    mariner in the lurking whirlpools. That many Moslem scientists were equally

    deferential to Greek opinions is also apparent. There are frequent reitera–

    tions of the zonal theory and of the view that the earth's surface was divided

    into three parts water and one part land, the length of the oikoumene being

    twice its width. Yet there was no little merit in even repeating what the

    Greeks has said, for in so doing they helped to keep alive knowledge which was

    later, through their transmission, to help furnish the intellectual milieu of

    the Renaissance.

            And they did a good deal more than this; for by piecing together the new

    scraps of knowledge which were periodically being unearthed, men like Al-Mas' u ū d i ī ,

    Al-B i ī r u ū n i ī and Al-Idr i ī s i ī succeeded in getting nearer to the truth about the

    northern limits of the habitable earth than any Christian before the 13th century.

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    Through their commercial contacts, from the 8th century onwards, with the

    Moslemized Bulgars whose capital city lay on the Volga near the present town of

    Kazan the Arabs heard of a mysterious people, Wisu by name, living far to the

    north of the Russian steppes. (These were probably the same people as the Wizzi

    mentioned in Adam of Bremen's Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum. ) Accord–

    ing to the writer Ibu Y a ā q u ū t, who quotes a certain Ibn Fadhl a ā n (fl. c. 920 A.D.),

    the Wisu lived so far north - "a distance of three months' journey" - from the

    Bulgars that "during the summer the nights were not even one hour long." Else–

    where Y a ā q u ū t says that the night is "so short that one is not aware of any dark–

    ness," while at another time of the year it is so long that one sees no daylight.

    This would place the territory at least as far north as the latitude of the White

    Sea. Ibn Batt u ū ta (fl. c. 1350) tried to get there himself, but later gave up

    the attempt, because it stood to profit him but little. However, his descrip–

    tion of the region contained in his Rihla (or Journey ) has the ring of authen–

    ticity about it. "That land lies 40 days' journey from Bulgar, and the journey

    is only made in small cars (sledges?) drawn by dogs. For this desert has a

    frozen surface, upon which neither men nor horses can get foothold, but dogs

    can, as they have claws. This journey is only undertaken by "rich merchants,

    each taking with him about a hundred carriages provided with sufficient food,

    drink and wood, for in that country there is found neither trees,nor stones,

    nor soil. As a guide through this land they use a dog which has already made

    the hourney several times, and it is so highly prized that they pay as much as

    a thousand dinars for one. This dog is harnessed with three others by the neck

    to a car so that it goes as the leader and the others follow it." Al-M a ā zin i ī

    (fl. c. 1130) has an equally plausible-sounding story which suggests not only

    that the Arabs knew of the existence of the Arctic Sea, but that the natives

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    living on its north European shores may even have obtained the steel for their

    harpoons from Persia. For reasons already given, it is unlikely that the Arabs

    themselves reached northern Russia, but the finding of 10th and 11th century

    Arab coins and trinkets in the Pechora region may mean that Arab-paid inter–

    mediaries were in touch with these northern regions at that time.

            Unfortunately Arab knowledge of land conditions in the far north was not

    matched by a comparable knowledge of sea conditions. Ab u ū Zaid (c. 920 A.D.),

    for instance, knew no more about the northern ocean than Pliny, for he has a

    vessel carried by wind and tide round eastern and northern Asia into the Cas–

    pian, and on round north Europe into the Mediterranean! The views of Ibn

    Khurd a ā dhbih (fl. c. 880 A.D.), equally archaic, are summed up in a couple of

    sentences: "The sea that is behind (i.e. to the north of) the Slavs, and where–

    on the town ( sic ) of Tulia (i.e.Thule) lies, is not frequented by any ship or

    boat, nor does anything come from thence. In like manner none travels upon

    the sea wherein lie the Fortunate Isles, and from thence nothing comes." ( Book

    of Roads and Provinces ). Ibn Hawqal (fl. c. 950 A.D.) insists on a closed

    Caspian Sea, but on little else. Al Mas' u ū d i ī (fl. c. 950 A.D.), for all his

    erudition (and few men had traveled more widely), can do no better than argue,

    on grounds of symmetry, that there is a channel connecting the Sea of Azov with

    the Arctic Sea similar to the one dividing Africa from the unknown, but hypoth–

    ecated, southern continent. Thule, "which belongs to Britain ( sic ), and where

    the longest day has twenty hours," continues to serve as the northern extremity

    of the habitable earth, notwithstanding a statement made elsewhere in his Meadows

    of Gold
    to the effect that the western ocean is "without cultivation or inhabi–

    tant, and its end, like its depth, is unknown." His confusion of thought on

    this subject is further attested by such conflicting claims as the following:

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    firstly, that all the seas (the Indian Ocean, Mediterranean, Black Sea, Sea

    of Azov, Caspian and the Atlantic are specified) "are connected and uninter–

    rupted;" secondly, that the seas "are in no connection whatever with the Cas–

    pian Sea;" and thirdly, that in the extreme north of Europe, there is a vast

    lake extending almost to the Pole!

            Later Arab writers attempted to tidy up some of Mas' u ū d i ī 's ideas. Al–

    B i ī r u ū n i ī (fl. c. 1,000–1,040 A.D.) offered the view that "the western sea..... runs

    past successively the shores.....of Andalusia, Galicia and the Slavs. Then, in

    turning north, it goes round the inhabited world and countries behind unknown

    mountains north, it goes round the inhabited world and countries behind unsus–

    pected route as far as the Oriental Sea....." With the help of additional scraps

    of information, it appears that B i ī r u ū n i ī supposed the margins of the earth to be

    indented by five bays, of which the most northerly is described in these words:

    "a great bay to the north of the Slavs (i.e. the Baltic) extends to the vicinity

    of the land of the Mohammedan Bulgars (i.e. on the Volga). It is known by the

    name of Varangians' Sea, and they (i.e. the Varangians or Scandinavians) are a

    people on its coast. Then it bends to the east in the rear of them, and be–

    tween its shores and the uttermost lands of the Turks (i.e. in East Asia) there

    are countries and mountains unknown, deserts untrodden."

            Even the description given by the famous 12th century geographer, Al-Idrisi,

    is disappointing, especially when we recall it was written at the court of the

    Norman King of Sicily, Roger II, to which come scholars and travelers from al–

    most every part of Christendom and Islam. His geographical treatise, entitled

    rather fulsomely Amusement for him who desires to travel round the world , follows

    the Greek "climatic" pattern. The northernmost of the seven climata extends to

    64° N., beyond which the cold and snow render life impossible. In this northern-

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    most zone of the habitable earth he locates "Islanda," "Denamarkha," and

    "Norwaga." The description of "Norwaga" begins well, but rapidly deteriorates

    into fancy. Its products are few and scarce "on account of the frequent rain

    and continual wet." The natives "sow (corn), but reap it green, whereupon

    they dry it in houses that are warmed, because the sun so seldom shines with

    them. On this island ( sic ) there are trees so great of girth as are not often

    found in other parts. It is said that there are some wild people living in

    the desert regions (of the "island') who have their heads set immediately upon

    their shoulders and no neck at all. They resort to trees, and makes their

    houses in their interiors and dwell in them....." Further out in the "Dark

    Sea" lies the "Isle of Illusion," inhabited by men of brown colour, small

    stature, and with long beards reaching to their knees: they have broad faces

    and long ears and live on plants that the earth produces of itself. On the

    island of "Kalhan" the people have the body of man, but animal heads. Another

    island was inhabited by female devils.

            All this is in striking contrast to the high intrinsic worth of Idr i ī s i ī 's

    description of the southern limits of the oikoumene and suggests that he was

    either not enough of a scholar to resist the temptation to tickle the fancy

    of his readers, or that news of the Viking explorations had hardly begun in

    the 12th century to trickle through to the Mediterranean. Later writers were

    nearly all equally confused and ignorant of the real state of affairs. Ibn

    Sa' i ī d (fl. c. 1260 A.D.) has the polar bear frequenting the seas round Denmark,

    and Al-Khazw i ī n i ī (fl. c. 1270 A.D.) believes that in "Warank" (i.e. Scandinavia)

    "the cold is excessive, the air thick, and the snow continuous," and is con–

    sequently "not suited either for plants or animals." Ibn Hab i ī b (better known

    as Al-Dimashq i ī (fl. c. 1350 A.D.) has Scandinavia surrounded by "the frozen sea,"

    so named because "in winter it freezes entirely, and because it is surrounded

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    by mountains of ice." It is unfortunate that the Arab scholar best fitted

    by training and exploration to resolve the problem of terra arctica incognita ,

    namely Ibn Bat u ū ta, should have been so loath to comit to writing his views

    on the subject.

            As the record stands, the Arabs cannot be said to have made any great

    contribution to the knowledge of the northlands. Their alarmist attitude

    toward the outer ocean, their devotion to the borrowed doctrines of the Greeks,

    and their apparent inability to represent geographical concepts in precise

    cartographical form were not calculated to encourage exploration for its own

    sake, or even to beget an atmosphere of scepticism toward the prevailing postu–


            Meanwhile in Christendom thanks to the renaissance, more healthy-minded

    attitudes toward profane learning were slowly developing, but even there the

    emergence of a true understanding of the Arctic was distressingly slow.


    The Renaissance Era

            Into the origins of the geographical renaissance we cannot now go. Suffice

    it to say that the Crusades were more an expression, than a cause of it, for

    there were signs of a stirring among the dry bones already in the 9th and 10th

    centuries. The writings of men like Alfred the Great, Alcuin of York, Scot

    E [ ?] rigena, Dicuil and Constantine Porphyrogennetos make this quite apparent. Along

    with other indications of its prior existence, we may note the growing habit,

    from the 8th century onwards, of pilgrim travel, the kindling of a new mission–

    ary spirit resulting, inter alia , in the conversion of the Norsemen and a grow–

    ing inquisitiveness about physical phenomena, whether it be the colours of the

    rainbow, the motions of the heavenly bodies, or the cause of earthquakes. Just

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    how much of the credit for this intellectual awakening should be given to the

    Norsemen is a matter of debate, but that they did succeed in broadening the

    horizons, both mental and geographical, of Christendom, none will deny. Some

    would even endorse the opinion of Beazley given in his Dawn of Modern Geography ,

    that "the gradual association, incorporation or alliance of the Scandinavians

    with the nations they came to plunder or to destroy, is perhaps the most de–

    cisive fact in the story of the Christian Middle Ages, and affords a basis and

    starting-point for every subsequent development. The Crusades, the commercial

    and territorial expansion that followed the crusading movement, and the exten–

    sion of European spirit and influence toward ultimate predominance in the out–

    side world, are related to the formative, provocative and invigorative influ–

    ence of the northern invasions." (Vol. II, p. 3)

            It has to be confessed, however, that before the 13th century, not many

    evidences of this awakening are forthcoming from the Mediterranean world. Thus

    we shall look in vain in the cosmographical literature of 11th and 12th century

    Italy, France or Spain for radical changes in the standard view of the north–

    lands. The Liber Floridus of Lambert St. Omer (c. 1100 A.D.) and the anonymous

    De Imagine Mundi (c. 1100 A.D.) are both in the orthodox patristic tradition.

    Even Vincent of Beauvais (c. 1250 A.D.) [ ?] is very reluctant to draw upon

    contemporary sources of information, and frequently he does nothing more than

    excerpt large passages from his authorities, without comment and sometimes even

    without acknowledgement. Thus, his description of the ocean is purely a recital

    of the views of Aristotle, Isidore, De Imagine Mundi and Adelard. The one shin–

    ing exception, dating from this era, is the Byzantine geographer, Constantine VII,

    surnamed Porphyrogennetos (fl. c. 950 A.D.). His treatise De Administrando Im–

    abounds in details of contemporary, if not always first hand, information

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    concerning the barbarian world lying to the north and northeast of Constan–

    tinople. For us, his account of the Russians is particularly interesting.

    Indeed, he may be said to have introduced the Russians to the peoples of Chris–

    tendom. He knows the names and locations of their chief towns, the distances

    between them and the route to be taken in going from Novgorod to the Bosphorus.

    He is equally acquainted with the names of the Slavic, Finnish and other tribes

    which currently paid tribute to the V i king Prince of Kiev. On the other hand,

    there is scarcely a hint of the lands from which this conqueror had come. (It

    is conceivable, however, that Constantine had heard from his Russian neighbors

    a story that was then current among them. According to this, the half-mythical

    people of Gog and Magog were at last on the point of breaking forth from the

    mountains of the Pechora region where, so the story ran, they had been living

    ever since the days of Alexander. Although their speech was unintelligible,

    their intentions sinister, and "the road to their mountains impassable through

    abysses, snow and forests," the Russians nevertheless contrived to do trade

    with them in metals and furs.)

            The maritime explorations of the V i kings, meantime, were passing unnoticed

    by the main stream of Europeansthought, with the solitary exception of Adam of

    Bremen whose Gesta Hammaburgensis eoclesiae pontificum (c. 1070 A.D.) did not,

    alas, enjoy a circulation in southern Europe.

            Even so well-traveled and scholarly a man as the Franciscan Roger Bacon

    (fl. c. 1250 A.D.) is more concerned with probing into the past than the pres–

    ent, although at least he has the wit to realize that knowledge does not always

    improve with keeping. Of Aristotle he says, for instance, that "he did not

    reach the limit of wisdom," And elsewhere in his Opus Majus he is willing to

    argue that on some matters the inspired writers of the Scriptures were subject

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    to the limitations of their age, for which reason it is unnecessary to "give

    adherence to all that we have heard and read." And he is frequently as good as

    his word. Thus he espouses the specious "continental" theory of the distribu–

    tion of land and water in preference to the much more orthodox "oceanic" theory.

    According to the "continentalists," six parts of the earth were habitable, and

    the seventh covered by water - a view which had been first propounded by the

    uncanonical Esdras. More unorthodox still is Bacon's supposition that most of

    this water must be located "towards the poles of the world" because those parts

    are cold, and cold multiplies moisture, "from which it follows that the polar

    waters connect with each other by a comperatively narrow sea, called the Ocean,

    extending between the end of Spain and the beginning of India." (Vol. I, p. 312,

    R.B. Burke's translation.) But in taking this line of thought, Bacon clearly

    shows himself to have been unaware of the Viking voyages of the 10th and 11th

    centuries: for the two things they demonstrated beyond question were that there

    was plenty of land "towards the the poles" and plenty of sea westwards from the end

    of Europe. Additional proof of ignorance of their achievements is contained in

    the statement that the northwestern limit of the habitable earth was to be found

    in "the ends of the islands of Scotland and the Kingdom of Norway."

            Indeed, with the exception of a single reference to the Rubruck expedition,

    Bacon's regional description of the world could almost have been written by a

    man living in the 1st century A.D. Here and there Bacon appears to have known

    rather less than some of his classical forebears and to have had no less diffi–

    culty in resolving conflicts of testimony. Thus, concerning the Arctic, we are

    told in one place that " habitation continues up to that locality where the poles

    are located : and where the day lasts six months and the night for the same length

    of time. Martianus, moreover, in his description of the world, agrees with this

    statement (of Pliny's): whence they maintain that in those regions dwells a very

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    happy race which dies only from satiety of life, attaining which it casts

    itself from a lofty rock into the sea. These people are called Hyperboreans on the

    European side and Arumphei in Asia." ( op. cit ., Vol. I, p. 327). Elsewhere

    in the same work we are told there is "( not) any habitation beyond (the Rhipean

    mountains) to the north ." ( op. cit ., Vol. I, p. 377). Even Herodotus was not

    guilty of such inconsistencies, and he was considerably better informed.

            As with his great contemporary, Albertus Magnus, Bacon reflected the chang–

    ing tempo of the age more by his methods than by his material. The thing, above

    all others, which distinguishes him from most of his forebears is his discrim–

    inating use of sources of information, his critical attitude toward authority

    of whatever sanction, and his insistence on the importance of the experimental

    approach to science. These may not have yielded immediate fruit, but their in–

    fluence on later-day geographers, eg. Richard Eden and John Dee, was very real.

            It will doubtless be asked why so little new northern material found its

    way into the standard reference works of these crusading and post-crusading

    centuries, especially when it was available in such works as Adam of Bremen's

    Gesta and the anonymous Konungskuggsja (or King's Mirror). No simple answer

    is possible, but there seem to have been at least two contributory factors, one

    linguistic, and the other ideological. In regard to the first, it must never

    be forgotten that throughout these centuries the language of the Mediterranean

    scholar continued to be that of his liturgies. While this may have aided him

    in his examination of the lore of the past, it was a distinct handicap in other

    respects, for it meant that he was seldom able to communicate with the laity,

    or they with him. In the circumstances, it would be foolish to look for any

    rapid dissemination of current geographical talk. True, the mendicant and

    preaching orders were not so hampered, but unfortunately for posterity, few of

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    them had a notion to commit their ideas to parchment.

            The ideological factor operated less directly, but none the less potently.

    Paradoxically enough, one of the most striking evidences of the re-birth of

    learning during these centuries was not a love of novelty, whether in liter–

    ature, science or art, but a return to a love of the real classics. The fresh–

    ly recovered lore of ancient Greece and Rome was welcomed not only as supply–

    ing new and superior standards of expression, but as disclosing a new concep–

    tion of life, one which gave ampler scope to the play of the emotions, to the

    sense of beauty, and to the entire round of intellectual activity. And so, for

    the second time in a millennium, men's thoughts and endeavors were directed

    more to the contemplation of the past than the exploration of the present. In

    the huge 14th century encyclopedia, Fons Memorabilium Universi , of Dominicus

    Bandinus of Arezzo, men like Archimedes, Aristotle and Agathocles are given

    more than a page apiece, while Marco Polo is dismissed in three lines, and

    Peter Abelard and Albertus Magnus are not so much as mentioned.

            The works of Dante, which, to the thinking of many, represent the quintes–

    sence of renaissance thought, show a similar preoccupation. His geographical

    system is essentially a hotch-potch of ideas, few of them being less than a

    thousand years old! On the extent of the oikoumene ("gran secca") all that he

    can tell us is that its length is such that "at the equinox the sun is setting

    for those who are at one of these boundaries, when it is rising for those who

    are at the other," i.e. 180°, and that it extends northward as far as those

    whose zenith is a circle described through the pole of the zodiac round the

    pole of the earth as a center, that is, the Arctic Circle, and from this he

    concludes, rather gratuitously, as it would seem, that "the emergent earth or

    dry land must have the appearance of a half moon or thereabouts." On the de-

    045      |      Vol_XI-0152                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Kimble: Early Mediterranean Views of Northlands

    scriptive side, he likewise knows no more than the writers of Antiquity. At

    the northern extremity of his habitable earth, in the vicinity of the Rhipean

    Mountains, he places the venerable Scythians who "suffer extreme inequality of

    days and night and are oppressed with intolerable cold." ( De Monarchia , I,

    xiv.) Eastwards, the River Ganges and westwards the "isles of Gades" comprise

    the longitudinal limits of the oikoumene , exactly as they had done for Orosius

    and his authorities.

            Fourteenth and early fifteenth century writers of more strictly geograph–

    ical texts, such as Pierre d'Ailly of Cambrai, make equally short shrift of the

    northlands and their inhabitants. "Beyond Thule, the last island of the Ocean,

    after one day's sail, the sea is frozen and stiff. At the poles there live

    great ghosts and ferocious beasts, the enemies of man. Water abounds there,

    because those places are cold, and "cold multiplies humours (i.e. vapours)."

    ( Tractatus de Imagine Mundi , Chapter VII.) It was not until the middle of the

    15th century that we find any reference in southern European literature (in a

    letter written to Pope Nicholas V) to Eskimos, and even then they are badly

    misrepresented - as pygmies, a cubit or so high who "when they see human beings

    collect and hide themselves in the caves (igloos?) of the country like a swarm

    of ants."

            While it is undeniably true that most of the scholars and the artists of

    the Renaissance were too busy exhuming ancient knowledge to develop a distinc–

    tive cosmography of their own, the situation was rather different with the merch–

    ants and mariners of the time. Tales, some likely and others much less so, were

    coming out of the North from time to time, as from every other quarter of the

    compass, and although few of them were written down, the gist of many was trans–

    lated into cartographical form. Fortunately, a man does not need to have a

    046      |      Vol_XI-0153                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Kimble: Early Mediterranean Views on Northlands

    classical education to be able to draw a map.


    The North in Mediaeval Maps

            It is in the maps of the period, therefore, that we must look for the

    fullest expression of Mediterranean opinion concerning the Northlands. Indeed,

    it is probable that in any given century we can get a closer approximation to

    the views of the ordinary educated man by glancing at the mappa mundi of that

    century than by ploughing through the pages of a hundred encyclopedias. True

    some of these mappa mundi were in the nature of illustrations for the encyclo–

    pedias, but this does not seriously invalidate our contention since the affin–

    ity between text and map is frequently so slight as to be questionable. In

    point of fact most of the maps dating from the renaissance period originated

    differently. Some were drawn to order for a merchant prince: others were com–

    posed by sea-going men for their own practical use: others to illustrate instruc–

    tion in the elements of world geography. But whatever their origin, they had

    this much in common, namely, that once they were in circulation, the ideas ex–

    pressed in them stood to gain currency at a faster rate than those set forth

    in the ponderous tomes of the day, for pictures (and most mediaeval maps are

    little more) make a readier and more abiding impression on the mind than the

    written word. Then, again, it required much less courage (and effort) to change

    a map than a manuscript. To "doctor" a coastline of northern Europe based osten–

    sibly on Ptolemy or Strabo was one thing: to go on record as saying that Ptolemy

    or Strabo were palpably in error when they described the said coastline was quite

    another. That mediaeval maps were frequently touched up, or modified when copied

    to conform to the ideas of the artist or his patron, is well known. Thus there

    is a notable discrepancy in the treatment of Scandinavia as between the Paris

    manuscript and the other versions of the world map accompanying Marino Suando's

    047      |      Vol_XI-0154                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Kimble: Early Mediteranean Views on Northlands

    Liber Secretorium fidelium crucis : in the former, Scandinavia is portrayed

    as an archipelago, while in all the others it is represented correctly as a

    mountainous peninsula connected with the mainland of northern Europe by a

    narrow isthmus and divided into the lands of "Gotilandia," "Dacia," "Suetia,"

    and "Norvega." The equally famous Laurentian world map of c. 1350 shows signs

    of having been edited at least twice. Another point that needs to be borne

    in mind is the ease with which the lineaments of a map can be recalled and

    reproduced by any ordinarily observant person adept in the use of the quill.

    (One of the two outlines of southern Africa on the Laurentian map seems to have

    been drawn from a recollection of the 1413 A.D. world map of Albertin Da Virga.)

            For reasons of this kind, we believe that the geographical ideas of later

    mediaeval students were more influenced by maps than books, and that the pop–

    ular renaissance view of any given region was most likely to find contemporary

    expression in the same medium. To a lesser extent, no doubt, the argument

    might be said to hold good for the earlier centuries, but the further back we

    go, the greater was the thralldom of clerical orthodoxy, and the greater the

    impediments to travel and the ready exchange of ideas.

            Broadly, the maps of the Middle Ages fall into two major categories: those

    which pay special attention to the dicta of the past, and those which seek to

    portray things as they are, or were thought to be on currently acceptable grounds.

            In the former category we can include the Beatus maps, the numerous T-in-O

    type maps and those more elaborate ecclesiastic maps such as the Hereford, the

    Ebstorf and the Psalter. In none of these is any real attempt made to present

    the then-known northern limits of knowledge. In the Osma copy, the last of the

    ten survivors, of the Beatus map (c. 1203) the only concession to the times is

    the insertion of Scandinavia - as an island albeit. The Ebstorf map of 1284 is

    048      |      Vol_XI-0155                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Kimble: Early Mediterranean Views on Northlands

    no better. On the Hereford map of about the same date Scandinavia is correct–

    ly shown as a peninsula, but more, it would appear, by luck than judgment,

    since Scotland, about which an English cleric might be expected to be reason–

    ably well informed, is portrayed as an island! By and large, the authors of

    these maps were more interested in mythical than in real lands. Neither Green–

    land nor Wineland is mentioned, but considerable prominence is given to the

    lands of the Cynocephalae, the Hyperboreans and the Arumphei. Ranulf Higden's

    map of the world dating from the first half of the 14th century is fettered by

    the wheel-form in whch it is cast. In the very narrow ocean which girdles the

    disc of the earth we find rather less than the usual complement of real and

    mythical islands. "Norwegia," "Islandia," and "Witland" with "gens ydolatra"

    are located off the coast of northern Europe: "Tile (Thule) and "Dacia" (Den–

    mark) with "gens bellicosa" somewhere near the North Pole. In the various

    editions of Higden's map "Witland" is also called "Wintlandia" and "Wineland."

    It is possibly connected with the Norse Wineland story, but as it is mentioned

    together with Dacia, Nansen thinks it may be a corruption of "Windland" (i.e.

    Finland), the inhabitants of which sold winds to the sailors who came to them!

    Already in Adam of Bremen the Finns (Lapps) had been described as particularly

    skilled in magic.

            If this is the best that the cartographers of northwest Europe can offer

    prior to the 15th century, it is hardly to be expected that those of the Medi–

    terranean region should have been any better informed. Yet is is in the Medi–

    terranean that the finest cartographic product of the renaissance, the compass

    chart, first made its appearance, and with it the nort h lands first began to take

    recognizable shape.

            The need for a practical map which would enable a sailor to find his way

    from port to port had been long-standing. When coasting was to some extent

    049      |      Vol_XI-0156                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Kimble: Early Mediterranean Views on Northlands

    replaced by sailing in open sea after the compass came in use during the 13th

    century, sea charts became a necessary adjunct to the written sailing direc–

    tions or portolani . How early, or exactly where, they began to be employed

    is unknown: we only know that such charts were coming into use on Italian ships

    by the second half of the 13th century, and that by 1300 A.D. they had reached

    a remarkable level of technical excellence. At first these portolan charts

    did not normally extend beyond the maritime sphere of the peoples concerned,

    or, if they did, the delineation of the unfrequented coastlines was of a very

    different caliber from the rest of the map. Thus on the early portolan charts

    the detailed portrayal of the west coast of Europe stops abruptly in the lati–

    tude of the Low Countries. Further north than this the Italian shipmasters

    were un- wont to sail, for fear, it seems, of coming into conflict with the commer–

    cial fleets of the Hanseatic League. It is not surprising, then, that in north–

    ern England, Scotland, Ireland, north coast of Denmark, Scandinavia and the

    Baltic countries place-names are very few by comparison with those along the

    more southerly stretches of coast, or that coastlines are drawn in schematically

    and not from actual compass courses and reckonings. Even at that, they were

    much better than those of the T-in-O or Beatus types, and represented a de–

    cisive forward step in the direction of reality. We know little of the sources

    from which these Italian and later the Catalan, draughtsmen derived their mater–

    ial, but it is unlikely that they were numerous, for one portolan chart looks

    very much like another, even to its errors.

            The Carignano chart of c. 1300 A.D., although one of the oldest extant

    examples of the compass chart, is very little different in general appearance,

    from those of fifty or even a hundred years later. In it, the west coast of

    Germany and Jutland runs due north from Flanders, thus reducing the North Sea

    050      |      Vol_XI-0157                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Kimble: Early Mediterranean Views on Northlands

    to the dimensions of the English Channel. The shape of Jutland is commendable,

    as is that of the British Isles. However, the portrayal of the northern re–

    gions is palpably inferior to that of most later charts. The Baltic extends

    far to the east, and is devoid of anything that could conceivably be character–

    ized as the Gulf of Bothnia. Whether his Scandinavia is a peninsula, as usual–

    ly asserted, or a rather long island is uncertain, since the map is in a poor

    state of preservation, and is indistinct in the inner part of the Baltic. How–

    ever, the deeply indented western coast of the peninsula suggests at least a

    nodding acquaintance with the fjords of Norway.

            Although almost contemporary, the portolan chart of c. 1325 A.D. by the

    Italian draughtsman, Angel [ ?] Dalorto, contains some names and information

    presumably unknown to Carignano. Norway is represented as a broad and distinct–

    ly mountainous country, and its northernmost inhabitants are described as liv–

    ing by fishing and hunting, "on account of the price of corn which is very dear."

    In addition to the regular islands, e.g. the Orkney-Shetland group, the map also

    carries, for the first time, the island of "Brazil" about which Irish folk-lore

    had had much to say for nearly a millennium, and the quest for which was to lure

    many a seafarer during the next two to three hundred years. Most of the legends

    with which the chart is provided appear to be derived from literary sources,

    such as the anonymous Geographia Universalis dating from the 13th century and

    the Topographia Hiberniae of Giraldus Cambrensis.

            From this time on, at least until the middle of the 15th century, most of

    the compass charts and even some of the mappa mundi are cast in the Carignano–

    Dalorto mould. A comparison of the Este World Map of c. 1450 A.D. (preserved

    in Modena), the Viladestes' Chart of c. 1413 A.D., the Catalan Atlas of c. 1375

    A.D., and the Laurentian World Map of c. 1350 A.D. makes this aboundantly clear.

    051      |      Vol_XI-0158                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Kimble: Early Mediterranean Views of Northlands

    Here and there additional material is incorporated, as for instance, the legend

    (on the Este Map) describing the ocean to the north of Norway as "mare putritum

    congelatum" and the whale-flensing story (on the Viladestes chart), but none

    of this was really original. On the contrary, it was nearly all culled from

    the outmoded textbooks of the period. Notwithstanding the growing orbit of

    their maritime trade and their occasional contact with the merchants of the

    Hanseatic League, Catalan and Italian seamen were scarcely better informed on

    northern matters than the cloistered schoolmen of the time.

            On one point, namely the existence of Greenland, it could be argued that

    the schoolmen of the Mediterranean were in possession of information sooner

    than the sailors. The primary reason for this was that Claudius Clavus, the

    Danish cartographer, was in Italy when he drew his two famous maps of the north

    (c. 1424). These are the first maps known to have depicted Greenland and, in–

    cidentally, the first to have been furnished, after the Ptolemaic fashion, with

    lines of latitude and longitude. However, the earlier of these two, the Nancy

    map, escaped notice, both at the time and afterwards, if we are to judge from

    the absence of any recognizable likeness between it and all the maps of south–

    ern European provenance produced during the next hundred years or so. The second

    map, drawn subsequently, but also in Italy, did exercise quite a considerable

    influence, especially on the work of N ico laus Germanus. Adaptations of this

    map were incorporated into the manuscript editions of Ptolemy's Geography pro–

    duced in Nicolaus' Florentine workshop. Nicolaus also drew to some extent up–

    on Clavus' Greenland when revising the Ptolemaic world map, but, in conformity

    with the widespread mediaeval dislike of the idea of a landmass between the

    western extremity of Europe and the eastern extremity of Asia, he depicted the

    country as a long and narrow tongue of land projecting from northern Russia.

    052      |      Vol_XI-0159                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Kimble: Early Mediterranean Views on Northlands

    (Later revisions of the map, contained in the 1482 and the 1486 Ulm editions

    of Ptolemy, are less suggestive of Clavian influence, for Greenland, called

    "Engronelant," is reduced to the dimensions of a rounded promontory: and Ice–

    land is placed well out in the ocean to the northwest.)

            It was not long before other cartographers were following the lead given

    by Nicolaus. Thus, on the Genoese mappa mundi of c. 1457, a peninsula is located

    north of Scandinavia just at the place where Clavus' Greenland might be expected

    to appear. According to some authorities, e.g., Lelewel, this peninsula is ac–

    tually named "Grinland," but the lettering on the original is now too indistinct

    to permit of certain interpretation.On Fra Mauro's mappa mundi (c. 1459) several

    peninsulas are shown thrusting out from Russia to the north of Scandinavia,

    though in this instance it is not clear which one was intended to be Greenland.

    Henricus Martellus' map of c. 1489 is equally reminiscent of Clavus in its north–

    ern borders. To a smaller extent, the same influence may be traced on Martin

    Behaim's Globe (1492) which, in spite of being the work of a central European,

    undoubtedly reflects views current in Iberia and Italy at that time. However,

    Behaim's Globe testifies to the presence of other influences - including those

    of Marco Polo's Travels and the lost work of Nicholas of Lynn, Inventio fortunata .

    The influence of Polo can be traced in the Asiatic section, and that of Nicholas

    of Lynn in the portrayal of lands and islands around the North Pole. Projecting

    from the Greenland-Lapland peninsula, located to the north of Scandinavia, is a

    narrow neck of land extending to the Asiatic side of the Arctic and separating

    the open waters of the North Atlantic from the enclosed waters of a polar sea –

    "das gefror e é mer sptentrionel." On the North Atlantic side of the Pole are two

    large unnamed islands and a number of small ones. Behaim does not tell us why

    053      |      Vol_XI-0160                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Kimble: Early Mediterranean Views on Northlands

    he favored this view of the distribution of land and water, but it is not

    difficult to see why he should have done so when we recall that in Portugal

    he would frequently have been exposed to one form or other of the "continental"

    hypothesis (which Pacheco later developed at some length in his Esmeraldo ), and

    that it was in keeping with the general tenor of the Norse discoveries. But not

    everybody was of the same persuasion as Behaim.

            Perhaps nothing better illustrates the prevailing confusion of arctic

    thought at this epoch than the facts that, in the almost contemporary Laon

    Globe (c. 1493) firstly, the entire northern ocean (north of the Arctic Circle

    approximately) is devoid of land; secondly, no land is located in high lati–

    tudes west of the longitude of the British Isles, and thirdly, Greenland appears

    as an island due east of "Tile" (Thule) and "Islandia" (Iceland?)!

            Such were the geographical ideas entertained by the peoples of the Medi–

    terranean concerning the northlands on the eve of the great age of discovery.

    They were still disappointingly vague and archaic. But there had been one gain

    at all events since the days of the ancient Greeks. No longer was there any

    philosophical opposition to the investigation of the frigid zone, or to the

    suggestion that it was traversable. When they set out in search of the North–

    east Passage, Willoughby and Chancellor may not have known much more than Pytheas,

    but at least nobody questioned their sanity!

    054      |      Vol_XI-0161                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Kimble: Ear [ ?] y Mediterranean Views on Northlands


    I. Texts :

    Ab u û 'lfid a â G e é ographie d'Aboulf e é da . French text & commentary

    by J.T. Reinaud. 2 Vols. Paris, 1848.

    Ailly, Pierre D' Tractatus de Imagine Mundi . French translation by

    E. Buron. Paris, 1930.

    Albertus Magnus Opera omnia . Ed. by A. Borgnet. Paris, 1890–9.

    Aristotle De Caelo . Eng. trans. by J.T. Stocks. Oxford, 1922.

    ----. Meteorologica . Eng. trans. by E.W. Webster. Oxford, 1923.

    Avienus, Rufus Ora Maritima - Periplus Massiliensis saec. VI, a.C. Ed.

    by A. Schulten. Berlin, 1922.

    Bacon, Roger Opus Majus . Ed. by J.H. Bridges. Oxford, 1897–1900. Eng. trans. by

    R.B. Burke. Philadelphia, 1928.

    Bat u ū ta, Ibn Travels in Asia and Africa . Eng. trans. by H.A.R. Gibbs.

    London, 1929.

    B i ī r u ū n i ī , Al- See: G e é ographie d'Aboulf e é da . Ed. by J.T. Reinaud. French

    trans. of his works. Paris, 1848.

    Constantine VII "De Administrando Imperil." In Patrologiae Cursus Completus ...

    (Porphyrogennetos) Series graeca, Vol. CXIII. By J.P. Migne. Paris, 1857–


    Cosmas Indicopleustes Christian Topography . Eng. trans. by J.W. McCrindle.

    London, 1897.

    Herodotus The History of Herodotus . Eng. trans. by G. Rawlinson.

    London, 1893.

    Higden, Ranulph Polychronicon . Eng. trans. by William Caxton. London,


    Homer The Iliad . Eng. trans. by A. Lang, W. Leaf & E. Myres.

    London, 1923.

    ----. The Odyssey . Eng. trans. by E.V. Rieu. London, 1945.

    Horace Odes . Eng. trans. by E. Marsh. London, 1941.

    Idr i ī s i ī , Al- La G e é ographie d'Edrisi . French trans. by P.A. Jaubert.

    Paris, 1836–40.

    055      |      Vol_XI-0162                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Kimble: Early Mediterranean Views on Northlands - Bibliography,Cont'd

    Isidore of Seville Etymologiae sive originum libri xx. Ed. by W.M. Lindsay.

    Exford, 1911.

    Jordanes Getica: de rebus geticis ...... Ed. by T. Mommsen in

    Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Berlin, 1882.

    Khurd a ā dhbih, Ibn Livre des Routes et des Provinces . French trans. by

    M.J. de Goeje in Bibl. geogr. arab. Leiden, 1889.

    Lactantius, Firmianus Divinae Institutions . Ed. by S. Brandt in Corp. Script.

    Eccl. lat., Vol. XIX. Vienna, 1890.

    Mas' u ū ud i ī , Al- Les Prairies d'or . French trans. by C. [ ?] . de Meynard and

    P. de Courteille. Paris, [ ?] 1861–77.

    Mela, Pomponius De Situ Orbis . French trans. by J.M.N.D. Nisard. Paris,


    Orosius, Paulus Historiarum adversus paganos libri VII. Eng. trans. by

    I.W. Raymond. London, 1883.

    Pliny, C. Secundus Naturalis Historia . Eng. trans. by J. Bostock and H.T.

    Riley. London, 1855–7.

    Polybius History of Greece and Rome . Eng. trans. [ ?] by

    W.R. Paton. London, 1922.

    Plutarchus De Facie in orbe lunae . Eng. translation & commentary by

    A.O. Prickard. Oxford (?), 1911.

    Ptolemy, Claudius Geographia . Eng. trans. by E.L. Stevenson. New York, 1932.

    Solinus, C. Julius Collectanea rerum memorabilium . Ed. by T. Mommsen.

    Berlin, 1895.

    Strabo, Marcus Geographia. Eng. trans. by H.L. Jones. London, 1917–32.

    Tacitus, Cornelius De vita et moribus Julii Agricolae . Eng. trans. by

    M. Hutton. London, 1914.

    ----. Germania . Eng. trans. by M. Hutton, London, 1914.

    Yaqut, Ibn Geographical Dictionary . Ed. by C.B. de Maynard. Paris,


    II. Secondary Material:

    Babcock, W.H. Legendary Islands of the Atlantic : A Study in Mediaeval

    Geography. New York, 1922.

    056      |      Vol_XI-0163                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Kimble: Early Mediterranean Views on Northlands - Bibliography, Cont'd.

    Beazley, Sir Chas. R. The Dawn of Modern Geography . 3 Vols. London, 1897–1906.

    Bunbury, Sir Edward A. A History of Ancient Geography . 2 Vols. London, 1879.

    Cary, M. &

    Warmington, E.H. The Ancient Explorers . London, 1929.

    Duhem, P. Le Syst e è me du mond . 5 Vols. Paris, 1913–17.

    Hennig, R. Terrae Incognitae . 3 Vols. Berlin, 1938.

    Hyde, W.W. Ancient Greek Mariners . Oxford, 1947.

    Kimble, G.H.T. Geography in the Middle Ages . London, 1938.

    Miller, K. Mappaemundi. die altesten weltkarten . 6 Vols. Stuttgart,


    Nansen, F. In Northern Mists . 2 Vols. New York, 1911.

    Nordenskiold, A.E. Facsimile Atlas to the Early History of Cartography .

    Stockholm, 1889.

    ----. Periplus. An Essay on the Early History of Charts and

    Sailing Directions
    . Stockholm, 1897.

    Ravenstein, E.G. Martin Behaim: His Life and His Globe . London, 1908.

    Sarton, G. Introduction to the History of Science . 3 Vols. Balti–

    more, 1927.

    Stefansson, V. Ultima Thule . New York, 1944.

    ----. Greenland . New York, 1944.

    Thomson, J.O. History of Ancient Geography . Cambridge, 1948.

    Thorndike, L. History of Magic and Experimental Science . 6 Vols.

    New York, 1923–41.

    Tozer, H.F. History of Ancient Geography . With notes by M. Cary.

    Cambridge, 1935.

    Wright, J.K. Geographical Lore of the Time of the Crusades . New York,


    Yule, Sir Henry &

    Cordier, H. Cathay and the Way Thither . 4 Vols. London, 1913–16.


    George H. T. Kimble

    Arctic Cartography. Part I. From Earliest Times to 1900

    Unpaginated      |      Vol_XI-0164                                                                                                                  

    (Herman R. Friis)




    Introduction .................................................................................................................... 1
    Comments on Sources of Information ............................................................................. 3
    The Period Prior to about 1900 ....................................................................................... 4
    Cartography of the Arctic by Indigenous Peoples ........................................................... 4
    Babylonian Period ............................................................................................................ 7
    Greek Period .................................................................................................................... 7
    Roman Period .................................................................................................................. 12
    Cartography of Arctic during Period about A.D. 100 to A.D.1500 ................................... 13
    The Renaissande of Maps about 1500 to 1700 ................................................................ 33
    Selected Bibliography ...................................................................................................... 55

    001      |      Vol_XI-0165                                                                                                                  

    (Herman R. Friis)





            For centuries, indeed since Pytheas of Greece, in the fourth century B.C.,

    led what probably was the first serious arctic expedition northward as far as

    the Orkneys and there learned of the land called Thule six days nearer the

    frozen seas, the Arctic has been recorded in text and not infrequently on

    maps. But a record is only as good as its origin and the accuracy and clarity

    with which it is compiled. Most maps of the Arctic compiled or produced prior

    to the present century are open to serious question and many have been proven

    wholly unreliable. Not that this necessarily condemns the veracity and good

    intention of the cartographer. On the contrary, it is not he alone but more

    the methods employed, the instruments used, and the required subservience of

    the surveyor and cartographer to the over-all purpose of the expedition or

    enterprise, as well as the unpredictable whims of the environment, that gave

    rise to the continuous inequalities and now obvious inaccuracies in the maps.

    If there is any excuse, it rightfully stems from the lack of experience in

    and comprehension of the special requirements of surveying and mapping of

    the Arctic.

            Until recently, man's ventures into the Arctic meant complete isolation,

    an uncertainty as to the route followed, and a nearly complete dependence upon

    002      |      Vol_XI-0166                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Friis: Arctic Car [ ?] ography

    the resources of his immediate environment, which, because of his lack of

    understanding, often led to near or actual disaster. Mapping in such circum–

    stances as these could not be planned in advance as a sustained program of

    systematic coverage locale by locale, and region by region. More often than

    not surveys were made from a ship's deck or on a rapid sledge journey the

    main objective of which was a daring traver [ ?] e or a search for new lands.

    Consequently erroneous conclusions were [ ?] rawn, visibility being deceptive,

    instruments unreliable and unsuitable, and fatigue of the observer not in–

    frequently obscuring the real situation. Yet it is remarkable that so much

    generally correct information has been exacted.

            Maps of the Arctic, in its entirety as well as its minute segments,

    being a product of a multiplicity of elements and corresponding sources of

    information, are only as accurate as the degree of reliability of their origin.

    Compiled as they are from numerous sources of varying degrees of reliability,

    the cartographer must, if accuracy is to be achieved, have a complete fund of

    sources, experience and sound judgment. Unfortunately for maps of the Arctic

    this has not until recently been possible; hence our view of the Arctichas has

    not been without its penumbras, and, in fact, until nearly the nineteenth

    century much of the Arctic was a product of fancy and, on the part of map

    compilers, reflected a reliance on descriptive texts rather than factual

    field observations. Yet it is surprising how many fanciful concepts proved

    out, as, for example, the continuous search for the Northeast and Northwest

    Passages, these being indicated on maps long before they actually had been

    identified and mapped.

            The following discussion is restricted almost entirely to (1) topographic

    (including planimetric and hypsometric) maps, (2) hydrographic (planimetric and

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    bathymetric) maps, and (3) general large-area or whole-Arctic maps.


    Comments on Sources of Information

            A considerable mass of widely scattered, often detailed and highly

    descriptive, sources on surveying in and mapping of the Arctic awaits the

    student interested in the subject. Unfortunately, however, a great many of

    these sources are open to serious question. This is particularly true as

    regards the period prior to about 1900. This of course is understandable

    and is relatively common to the whole field of scholarship.

            Cartographic sources on the North appear as individual maps embracing

    all or part of the Arctic, or, extending beyond the intended important

    middle-latitude portion of the map, the Arctic is included with other areas —

    as, shown on maps in atlases, as maps in texts and similar publications, and

    as reconstructions of lost maps. Modern large-scale maps such as hydrographic,

    topographic, and aeronautical maps usually have a high degree of reliability

    and appear as a series or set compiled on the basis of well-defined standards

    [ ?] quite in contrast to nearly all maps of the period prior to the twentieth


            During the period from about the fifteenth through the eighteenth centuries

    information on new discoveries was not immediately made available, such infor–

    mation being withheld in order to prevent its falling into the hands of

    another country's or company's interest. Consequently maps compiled and

    published at essentially the same time but by different individuals and in

    different countries were frequently in contradiction as to what they delineated.

    Then, too, maps were sometimes compiled to prove a theory, or parts of maps

    were fancied in order to appear more complete. Why so-called reliable primary

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    map compilers such as Mercator, Ortelius, Hondius, Van Kenlen, and others

    of the "Age of Great Discoveries" committed themselves to occasional wild

    miscarriages of known facts is at once apparent when one considers the needs

    and the often contradictory results of ventures into the same Arctic.

            The following discussion does not attempt to examine the relative

    reliability of each map nor to disregard those wholly lacking in accuracy,

    which of course would mean deletion of most of the maps. Rather, it is an

    attempt to describe the status of knowledge of the Arctic as expressed in

    maps throughout recorded history. The selective bibliography at the end of

    this discussion will give the reader the clue to many of the sources.




    Cartography of the Arctic by Indigenous Peoples

            Explorers in the Arctic seeking directional information have long been

    impressed by the almost uncanny ability of many of the natives, such as the

    Eskimos, the North American Indians, and peoples of northeastern Asia, in

    the graphic representation of the terrain of a region. How long this ability

    of cartographic expression has been common to them it would of course be im–

    possible to say. However, since it is a characteristic of natives who had

    not mastered reading and writing, we can conclude that it was a medium of

    expression common to many peoples and must therefore date far back into


            Adler, in his comprehensive study Karty piervobytnyh narordov (Maps of

    primitive peoples), treats the subject in considerable detail.

            Jochelson, in his description of the natives of northeastern Asia,

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    remarks on their ability to determine their bearings by the relative position

    of the sun and by the stars at night. Several specimens of maps prepared

    by the Chukchi of the Anadyr District include slabs of wood (driftwood) upon

    which in reindeer blood has been drawn the delta of the Anadyr. Included

    as elements of the terrain are the meandering course of the river and its

    complex delta structure, vegetation adjoining the river, fords, hunting

    grounds, and inhabited sites. Significantly, the river is shown between

    two parallel lines. Other native peoples of the area, such as the Yakuts

    and Samoyeds, used but a single line. Adler's reproduction of maps prepared

    by the Tungus indicate their skill in the sketching of maps on birch bark,

    showing with particular accuracy the area known at first hand by the maker,

    this area usually being the central portion of the map, the degree of accuracy

    of the map generally being increasingly less toward the margins. Orientation

    is in relation to the prevailing line of flow of the main river on the map.

    The use of the compass to these people, even at the beginning of this century,

    was not generally known, but when it was shown to them they readily recognized

    its merits and became relatively proficient in its use.

            Perhaps no natives of the Arctic are as prolific and accurate in the

    preparation of maps as are the Eskimos. Numerous accounts of explorers and

    travelers, including Parry, Beechey, Boaz, Nelson, Rink, Flaherty, and Hall,

    praise the remarkable abilities of the Eskimos in this respect. Flaherty in

    1910 found that the Eskimo Wetalltok's map of the Belcher Islands, covering

    several thousand square miles drawn on the back of an old missionary litho–

    graph, was surprisingly like that of the modern surveyed map of the same region.

            The Eskimos of the east coast of Greenland used driftwood upon which to

    carve relief models of a particular area, often of the coast, showing the

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    precise relationship of the fjords, the valleys and hills, and especially

    the routes to and from hunting grounds and settlements.

            Andree in his Ethnographische Parallelen describes and r [ ?] produces a

    map drawn with a pencil in 1850 by the Eskimo Kalliherna, showing the shore

    line from Cape York northward to Pikierlu with surprising accuracy. Boas,

    during his stay on Baffin Island, had frequent occasion to invite the

    Eskimos to draw maps for him, many of which he commended as notably accurate

    and skillfully showing the delineation of the coast line, especially the

    fjords and many islands within them, elevated portions of land often being

    ø i ndicated by hatchings.

            The Eskimo's natural response to a geographical question is to draw a

    map in the sand or snow, using a stick. So, to Beechey's location request,

    the Eskimo sketched a coast line dividing it into equal lengths, each repre–

    senting a day's march. Hills were indicated by heaps of sand and stones,

    an island was shown by a mound of pebbles, the finished product being a relief model.

            Vilhjalmur Stefansson summarized these characteristics well when he said:

            "...These Eskimo maps are likely to be good if you interpret them

    rightly. Here are some of the points:

            "They are more likely to have the right number of curves in a

    river and the right shape of the curves than the proper distance

    scale. They are most likely to emphasize the things that are of

    importance to themselves; for instance, portages they have to

    cross are of more significance to them than mountains that stand

    to one side...

            "Primitive men are likely to confuse the time scale with the

    mileage scale - after a ten-day journey of say six hours each

    day, they are likely to dot these camps at equal intervals,

    although, because of bett [ ?] r going, they may have made twice the

    average distance one day and half the average another." (E. Raisz:

    General Cartography , p.9.)

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    Babylonian Period

            Perhaps the earliest extant map of the world including or implying

    the existence of an Arctic is that of the clay tablet which dates from about

    the fifth century B.C. and is of Babylonian origin. On this table the world,

    or cosmos, is inscribed, bearing these primary characteristics: a disc–

    shaped earth encircled by the Earthly Ocean or Bitter River, Seven Islands

    each described in detail and placed equidistantly in the Earthly Ocean, and

    the north indicated at the top. Significantly, the fifth island, due north

    at the top of the tablet map, is submerged in total darkness and described as

    a land where one sees nothing and the sun is not visible, information probably

    acquired from peoples in the Far North by way of the trade route connections.

    The concept of the earth as a disc with an encircling ocean and included

    islands (one of which often was named Thule or Tule) extended well into the

    Christian era.

            The Babylonians appear to have been responsible for the division of the

    circle into degrees, for making some of the first large-scale maps, and,

    significantly, for the use of north at the top of maps as a means of orien–



    Greek Period

            The Greeks set the stage and wrote the script for the first scene in

    recorded history which not only describes an Arctic and plots it on maps

    but, by virtue of scientific calculations in astronomy, proved its existence

    and to a degree corroborated the evidence which had been gaining in volume

    along the trade routes connecting the Mediterranean with the Baltic, especially

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    Russia, Scandinavia, and Germany. The Greek astronomers, observing the

    relationship of the constellations in the heavens and noting their paths,

    concluded (about 300 B.C.) that the earth must be a sphere and that the

    limit of the stars that were visible could be determined by a circle drawn

    through the constellation of the Great Bear, which they called Arktos, the

    limit being called the Bear's or Arctic Circle.

            The basis of our present-day system of cartography is largely a pro–

    duct of the Greek period, the achievements of which were of such magnitude

    that they were not surpassed until about the sixteenth century. Among these

    accomplishments are the recognition of the earth as a sphere, with its tropics,

    equator, and poles (or frigid zones); a projection as the framework upon which

    to construct the map; a remarkably close approximation of the size of the

    earth; and the grid system of determining place by longitude and latitude.

            Unfortunately the maps prepared by the early Greeks are lost, but suffi–

    ciently detailed descriptions were left to posterity for fairly accurate

    reconstruction to be possible.

            Herodotus, who lived in the fifth century B.C., was widely traveled and

    an avid searcher for fact. It was he who first recognized, named, and des–

    cribed the three continents, Europe, Asia, and Africa, as enclosing the

    Mediterranean basin, and expressly remarked that knowledge was not advanced

    sufficiently to state whether the northern part of Europe an Asia was sur–

    rounded by water or not.

            In the second half of the fourth century B.C. Pytheas of Marseille,

    using a simple sundial, calculated the latitude of his native town with an

    error of only 14 . In addition he noted the relationship of tides to lunar

    influence, and demonstrated that the true celestial pole could not be the

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    Pole Star. These achievements were a prelude to his remarkable scientific

    voyage of exploration to Britain, where he learned of Thule, "a land six days

    north where the three fundamental elements, Water, Earth and Air, lose their

    identity and merge into each other..." (E. Raisz: General Cartography , p. 17).

    Pytheas' Thule thereafter appears on Greek and Roman maps as an island in the

    seas beyond the continental masses, usually in the North or Arctic; it con–

    tinued to be so designated but never positively identified or consistently

    repeated in the same location on maps for more than 1800 years. Whether

    Thule referred to Scandinavia, Iceland, or the Arctic generally, is still

    conjectural. Pytheas' original account, which has been lost, apparently was

    in the nature of a series of successive astronomic observations with critical


            Eratosthenes of Cyrene (276–196 B.C.), head of the Library of Alexandria

    and a leading geographer, not only measured the circumference of the earth with

    surprising accuracy but prepared a map of the habitable world, based on seven

    parallels and seven meridians, which he concluded occupied less than a quarter

    of the terraqueous surface. He recognized his indebtedness to Pytheas for

    his knowledge of the North by naming his northernmost line of latitude the

    parallel of Thule. The island of Thule was placed just to the northeast of

    Britain, just under the Arctic Circle, which he calculated to be 66°9 North

    latitude. The northern coast of Europe and Asia, though not indicated with

    certainty, is noted as being below the parallel of Thule.

            Hipparchus, during the second century B.C., developed and introduced a

    division of the earth into 360° of longitude and latitude, prepared a con–

    tinuous table of latitudes for various known localities north to Thule,

    developed the conic projection, and devised the astrolabe.

            It appears likely that the grammarian Crates of Mallus (ca. 150 B.C.)

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    constructed the first terrestrial globe, which he [ ?] ivided into quadrants,

    placing the oikoumene or habitable part in one and a balancing continent

    in each of the others, as if anticipating the Americas and Antarctica, thus

    giving rise to the legendary Antipodes or Terra Australis. The Atlantic

    Ocean is shown extending as a wide watery belt around the earth through

    the poles.

            The elder Pliny (23–79 A.D.) in his classic work Historia naturales

    includes detailed descriptions of the North, particularly the Orkneys,

    Hebrides, north coast of Asia, Scandinavia, and the British Isles. He

    speaks of two promontories, which he calls Scyticum and Tabin, projecting

    northward from Asia. Pliny was in agreement with Strabo (first century

    B.C.-A.D.) that records showed that wherever men had penetrated to the outer

    limits of the earth they had met with the ocean.

            Marinus of Tyre (ca. 90–130 A.D.), an older contemporary of Claudius

    Ptolemy, prepared a map of the world in which he included or indicated the

    longitude and latitude of each place shown. He locates the northern limit

    of the oikoumene at the island of Thule, latitude 63° North and, as he

    computes it, 31,500 stadia from the equator. This map was compiled from

    a vast fund of sources including itineraries and journal accounts of all

    sorts. Though the map is lost, it achieved significance because it served

    as a basis for Ptolemy's remarkable contributions.

            Greek cartography reached its fruition in the works of Claudius Ptolemy

    (90–168 A.D.) but almost immediately was neglected by the Romans who were

    preoccupied with nonscientific interests and the philosophical requirements

    of the early Christian era. In fact, it lapsed into oblivion until the

    fourteenth century when its rediscovery contributed mightily to the opening

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    of the era of great discoveries. Ptolemy's position of distinction in

    Alexandria with its many resources of learning, made possible the compila–

    tion of his two great works, the Almagest and the Geographia , which includes

    references to the Arctic. The maps he compiled to accompany these texts,

    particularly the latter, are in reality the prototypes of nearly all geo–

    graphical atlases published since the invention of printing. His "atlas"

    of 27 maps and their related extensive text include several maps with

    information about the Arctic. His map of the world was constructed on a

    conic projection with equidistant parallels, the conical surface having

    been developed around the earth's axis and passing through the parallels

    of Rhodes and Thule.

            On his map of the world the northern coast of Europe takes on a more

    definite shape than heretofore. The British Isles are laid down with

    identifiable configuration and, as he notes, with much new information.

    As for Thule, he gives it rather small extent, removing it south from the

    Arctic Circle to about 63° and northeast of the British Isles, perhaps

    because he accepted the reports of Agricola's fleet having a sighted Thule

    north of the Orkneys. In his eighth book of the Geographia he notes that

    "Thule has the largest day of twenty hours, and is distant west from

    Alexandria two hours." Beyond the north coast and islands of Europe extends

    a vast continuous ocean, an extension of the Atlantic. The northern boundary

    of the continent of Asia ext [ ?] nds to the edge of the map in the latitude of

    Thule, Ptolemy contending that the lack of accurate information about these

    areas precludes noting the shore line beyond.

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    Roman Period

            Maps of the Roman period, such as they were, reflected the general

    apathy of the Romans to the whole field of science. Characteristically they

    were content to accept the Greek map pretty much as it was. Being practical

    people, certainly much less imaginative, they expressed little interest in

    abstract theories. Their energies were largely expended in administrative

    and military conquest and consequently they were interested in a practical

    map for use in administration. Often in complete disregard of the elaborate

    projection maps of the Greeks the Romans reverted to the disc-shaped map of

    the Ionian geographers. Within this circular frame the Romans shaped their

    maps. The three great continents, Asia, Europe, and Africa, and their

    related islands and embayments were arranged rather symmetrically around

    the center of the circle which was the Mediterranean Sea. Asia usually was

    at the top or east, this giving rise to the term "orientation." Most of the

    land area delineated the extent of the Roman Empire and, disproportionately

    smaller, the remainder of the land surface of the orbis terrarum .

            No contemporary maps appear to have survived, though fairly accurate

    reconstructions have been made. Generally these maps show the north (arctic–

    facing) coast [ ?] of Asia and Europe as a slightly irregular arc of the outer

    circle of the continental land masses, beyond which extends the unmarked

    and unknown sea. It is important to note, however, that on some there is a

    semblance of a peninsula indicative of Scandinavia, east of which is an island

    named Thule and west of the peninsula the British Isles.

            Records indicate that maps of the world were prepared in Imperial Rome

    and pasted in appropriate places for the benefit of the public. One of these,

    constructed on orders of Agrippa and Agustus Caesar, was posted in Portious

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    Octaviae. Caesar's invasion of Britain in 55–45 B.C. made available much

    fresh information about the North but relatively little about the Arctic,

    except his reference to the islands north of Britain where there was a

    month of unbroken night at the winter solstice.

            One of the best examples of Roman cartography, though in reality it is

    a cartogram, is the so-called Tabula Peutingeriana , which shows the main

    routes and provinces of the Roman Empire but without reference to the Arctic.

            Cartography of Arctic during Period about A.D. 100 to A.D. 1500.

            Moslem (Arabic) cartography and the Arctic : The spread of Moselm con–

    quest to the Indies and west through the Mediterranean and into Spain in the

    seventh century was reflected to a great extent in their advances in geography

    and cartography. They accepted and kept alive the traditions and intellectual

    accomplishments of the Greeks, particularly in the science of geography.

    Their extensive trading forays ultimately brought them to the east coast of

    China where they established and maintained colonies as far north as Shanghai.

    In the west they extended their contacts to the west coast of Africa and the

    north and west coast of Europe, and to some extent into northern Russia; then,

    too, the potential fund of information was greater than in previous periods.

    A copious literature developed, particularly from the ninth century through

    the whole of the Middle Ages.

            Their perhaps rather hazy ideas about the North were derived originally

    from the Greeks and augmented by information gleaned in their widespread

    commercial and seagoing activities, particularly in Europe and Russia. The

    Moslems bridged the gap and maintained the advance of cartographic and geo–

    graphic knowledge between the decline of the Greek civilization and the rise

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    of the Italian and Portuguese in the fourteenth century.

            In 982–3 there was compiled in Afghanistan a unique manuscript called

    Hudad al- Alam or the Regions of the World . It is remarkable that the author

    in this remote part of the Moslem world should be aware of the Arctic. He

    affirms that

            "The Earth is round as a sphere and the firmament enfolds it

    turning on two poles ... of which one is the North Pole and

    the other the South Pole ... North of the Equator the inhabited

    lands stretch for 63 degrees; farther on the animals cannot live

    in view of the intensity of the cold that prevails there up to

    the North Pole."

            Perhaps the most important contribution of Moslem cartography is expressed

    in that of Edrisi, who in 1154 in the court of Roger II, the Norman king of

    Sicily, completed a world map based largely on Ptolemy but with significant

    changes particularly in the northern countries. His information was derived

    from numerous Moslem and Christian sources. In addition to this world map he

    prepared seventy maps and a detailed description of the world. Edrisi's map

    of the world shows the inhabited part as lying in the northern hemisphere,

    this being divided into seven climata extending from the equator to 64° North

    latitude, beyond which all is uninhabited because of the cold and snow.

    Beyond the continents is the Dark Sea Oceanus, the so-called uttermost

    encircling waters which form the outer limits of the world. Edrisi notes

    that in this sea west of Africa and north and west of Europe probably are as

    many as 27,000 islands. In his representation of the north and west of Europe

    he closely approximates the Anglo-Saxon map of the world.

            The Moslems, particularly the Arabs, were largely responsible for the

    preparation of pilot charts and [ ?] manuals, nautical charts skin to the

    portolano. To them also is due, perhaps, the introduction of the magnetic

    compass into Europe. These and other skills in the science of navigation

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    had been transferred to the Italians and the Portuguese probably by the

    fourteenth century.

            Chinese Cartography and the Arctic: As in many elements of culture

    so in cartography the Chinese developed quite independently of the Western

    World. It is significant to note, however, that there were degrees of

    resemblance. There can be little doubt that the Chinese were aware of

    the North, perhaps even the Arctic proper, as early as the beginning of

    the Christian era for at an early date maps of the world were constructed,

    more stereographic and disproportionate than later on, showing China occu–

    pying the center and most extensive area of the map, the so-called "Foreign

    Lands" being scattered about the periphery with little regard to their proper

    areal relationship.

            The Chinese concept of the earth as a disc or flat surface with China

    in the center was well developed by Pei Haiu, the father of Chinese cartography

    who lived during the period A.D. 224 to 273. During the period of this car–

    tographer's activity maps were made covering the area from Persia to Japan

    and into present-day Asiatic Russia. Multiple copies of maps were made

    after the invention of paper in about A.D. 100. Perhaps the most significant

    map of this early period is Chia Tau's Map of China and Foreign Countries

    within the Seas
    , prepared about 801, measuring some 33 x 30 feet in size.

    Unfortunately, this map has not survived.

            By the sixteenth century, when the Jesuit missionaries arrived in China,

    the mass of cartographic sources was sufficient to make possible the pro–

    duction of an atlas of China and a map of the world. Apparently, the

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            Southern European cartography and the Arctic to about 1400 : Claudius

    Ptolemy ended an era of remarkable progress in the delineation of the

    broad outlines of th [ ?] lands of the earth. He had no Roman or Greek successors,

    other than the copyists and commentators, history and geography as arts and

    science being rapidly replaced by Judaeo-Christian cosmography. With the

    collapse of the Roman Empire by the fifth century, the culture that was

    Greece and Roma gave way to elements that dipped far back into antiquity.

    The Babylonian concept of the earth as a vast insular mass surrounded by an

    extensive watery waste was revived and served as a basis for most of the maps

    maps. How these developed and what they portrayed may conveniently be dis–

    cussed as the products of Mediterranean or southern Europe of the products of

    northern Europe; in many ways they are similar, but in others remarkably


            This period for southern European cartography may be divided into two

    parts: (1) from about A.D. 100 to A.D. 1200 during which diagrammatic or

    wheel-type maps were dominant, and (2) from about 1200 to 1400 during which

    the portolanos and compass charts and other more accurate maps were developed.

            Although practically all manuscripts dealing with geographical subjects

    during the period about A.D. 100 to 1200 are lost, it would seem that maps

    either were referred to in or were made to accompany the text; in fact, it

    appears that some of the cosmographies and encyclopedias were compiled from

    maps that are still extant. One group of maps, referred to as the "T-O,"

    reflects an ideal pattern with emphasis on artistic and symbolical presen–

    tation. The map is usually a circle with an included "T" dividing the

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    circle into three segments, Asia usually in the upper portion and Europe

    and Africa in the two lower compartments. East is at the top of the map.

    In some instances islands are included in the margin beyond the continent

    of Asia and Europe, perhaps indicating an awareness of an Arctic. Many

    of these maps are found in codices illustrating the writings of Isidore,

    Bede, Raban Maur, and others in the early part of the eighth century.

            The Saltust group of maps probably originated with the eighth century

    priest Beatus in northern Spain who, in writing a commentary on the

    Apocalypse , prepared a map of the world dividing it among the twelve

    apostles, each in the locality where tradition fixed his diocese. Funda–

    mentally these maps were probably based on the Orbis Terrarum of the Romans

    though with modifications to fit special needs. On the Beatus series, as

    well as on Lambert's mappemonde, the British Isles and isles beyond and in

    the circumferential ocean are inscribed as more or less regularly spaced,

    small, oval, round, or even rectangular block figures with little regard to

    precise relationships, the Arctic comprising that unknown island-dotted

    circumambient ocean. Some maps, such as those by Henry of Mayence, indented

    the outline of the continents and inserted the islands in the appropriate

    recesses in the shores to give a smooth curving shape to the continent. On

    the St. Sever Beatus map the island of Ireland lies off the coast of Spain.

            A third group of maps, though they are in reality pseudo-maps, are

    patterned after Macrobius' division of the earth's surface into climata or

    zones. These date from about the ninth century. Copies of these appear in

    Lambert's Liber floridus , William of Conche's De philosophia mundi , and John

    of Hollywood's De sphaera. Actually this type of map, because it divided

    the earth into zones and alluded to the Poles, served to keep alive the theory

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    of sphericity. Generally it was believed and usually so indicated that

    the polar caps were frigid, as is noted in Bernard Sylvester's De mundi

    , and therefore uninhabited. The author of De imago mundi

    notes that the polar zone is called septentrionalis. In the geographical

    treatises of this period very elaborate and often logical discussions are

    found as to the celestial poles, and the placing of the Arctic and the

    Antarctic Circles. It is significant that a map of the world prepared

    by one Henry, canon of the Church of St. Mary in Mayence, in the year 1110,

    includes the island of Thule.

            It is interesting to note that during this period the many geographical

    descriptions of the earth often include mention of the Arctic, sometimes

    in detail as did, for instance, an anonymous Ravennese geographer of the

    middle of the seventh century. He says that "beyond the northern ocean are

    mighty mountains placed by command of God. These make day and night by

    forming a screen behind which the sun and moon disappear." He notes that

    in "the northern ocean itself after the land of the Roxolani, in an island

    called Scanya, which is also called Scythia."

            During this period, to about 1200, there were intermittent forays or

    mercantile ventures into northern Europe, and vice versa, so that occasional

    contact was maintained by which knowledge of the Arctic did trickle into

    southern Europe.

            When the compass, simply fashioned as it was, came into general use in

    the Mediterranean in the thirteenth century, particularly on Italian ships,

    a new and remarkable type of map was brought into existence, the so-called sea

    or compass chart. In a parallel fashion the ancient periplus was developed

    into a highly detailed and useful portolano. Usually the sea charts gave a

    019      |      Vol_XI-0183                                                                                                                  
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    surprisingly accurate delineation particularly of the shores. During the

    thirteenth and fourteenth centuries an increasing number of these charts

    were prepared showing in surprising detail and with remarkable accuracy

    the coast and islands of northern Europe. These maps represent a sharp

    departure from the wheel or disc maps so common to this period and partake

    more of reality. Gradually the image of the Arctic is shown. Thule, often

    as "Tille," a round island, is located off the northeast coast of Scotland.

    The place names appear to be fundamentally the same in origin. One of the

    first compass charts of the north, by a Genoese priest, Giovanni da Carignana

    (ca. 1344), gives a careful delineation of the British Isles, the Orkneys,

    Scandinavia, and the Baltic, though the area of the Arctic proper is beyond

    the compass lines. The North delineated in portolanos probably was derived

    from information and sketches obtained by Mediterranean skippers and their

    trade with the Hanseatic ports of northern Europe, especially after about 1275.

            One of the first evidences, perhaps the beginning, of the mapping of the

    Atlantic is found in Marino Sanuto's map of about 1306. During the period 1318

    to 1321 Sanuto prepared his Liber secretorum fidelium crucis to stimulate

    enthusiasm for a new crusade. Several maps are attached to this work apparently

    drawn by Pietro Vesconte in 1320. One of these is a map of the world which

    shows the coast as derived from compass charts, Scandinavia being a peninsula.

    Nordenskiöld observes that he has been unable to find Iceland delineated and

    marked in a single portolano for the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,

    though of course various islands are placed north of Scotland on Dulcert's

    map of 1339.

            A map compiled in Modena in about 1350 blends a Catalan compass chart

    with a "wheel map" to form a map of the world with several new features included

    020      |      Vol_XI-0184                                                                                                                  
    EA-History: Friis: Arctic Cartography

    for the Arctic. Iceland is said to appear in a unit of eight islands in

    the northwest near the margin of the map, the southernmost island being

    named "Islanda." North of Norway extends the mare putritum congelatum

    (the putrid frozen sea).

            The famous Catalan atlas published in 1375 includes a map of Asia

    which likely was drawn after information of Marco Polo, giving some des–

    cription of present-day Siberia, though nowhere definitely corroborating

    the general thesis that Asia fronts to the sea on the north. His accounts

    of hunters of white bears may indicate that hunters had reached the Polar

    Sea. On the world map in the atlas, islands are delineated north of Scotland.

            In 1203 a Beatus type of world map was issued in Osma, Spain, and includes

    "Scada insula," (Scandinavia) as an island, by the North Pole. The "Orcades"

    and the "Gorgades" are placed in the Arctic near the northeast coast of Asia.

    Further confusion of the Arctic is found in Ranulph Hygden's map of the world in

    the early part of the fourteenth century, for on this map Scandinavia is placed

    in Asia, islands in the ocean above northern Europe are named "Norwegia,"

    "Islandia," "Witland," "Tile" (Thule), and "Dacia" (Denmark), "gens bellicosa"

    lying near the North Pole. Several statements about the Arctic are written

    on the map.

            In the last decade of the fourteenth century (1380 or 1390), if we are

    to believe the journal and map published in 1558, the brothers Nicolo and

    Antonio Zeno were exploring in the Arctic. The map of Greenland and the

    Arctic which they are purported to have drawn is surprising in its accuracy

    and detail, and if it was, indeed, drawn in 1380 or 1390, it marked a startling

    change in the concept of the Arctic. The authenticity of these documents

    having been doubted, we will discuss them later on, for the date of their

    publication, 1558.

    021      |      Vol_XI-0185                                                                                                                  
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            Northern European cartography and the Arctic to about 1400: Knowledge

    of the Arctic accumulated by the peoples in northern Europe was of course

    acquired from numerous different sources, some first hand, much of it by

    word of mouth, as through sagas. In some instances it was accomulated,

    sifted, and recorded in text particularly in the monasteries and other

    centers of learning. To know just when the first map of the Arctic was

    compiled in northern Europe is perhaps less important than to disouss how

    and by what channels the information flowed and ultimately reached the

    culture centers of southern Europe to be added to their maps of the world.

    There appears little reason to doubt that even before Pytheas' remarkable

    voyage into the North the Vikings had carried on forays along the coasts

    of northern Europe, ventures into the North Sea and possibly to northern

    Norway, and into the Baltic and Russia. They had therefore first-hand

    information. By A.D. 1000 they had pushed far across to the west by way

    of the Orkneys, Shetlands, Iceland to Greenland, and ultimately North America.

    As early probably as about 455 these roving Eruli, perhaps in company with

    Saxon pirates, penetrated the Mediterranean to Lucca in Italy. The sweep

    of the earth's surface that thereby was made available to the map compilers

    and geographers of the Mediterranean was considerable. Details of the many

    expeditions and the areas of discoveries are given elsewhere.

            As Christianity spread into northern Europe and monasteries were estab–

    lished and priests of the Church were stationed and traveled in such remote

    places as Greenland, Iceland, and Norway, a wonderful trove of valuable,

    descriptive information about these lands was recorded and sent on through

    channels to the Vatican; had these reports been properly appraised and

    effectively appreciated by cartographers in Italy, the maps produced up to

    022      |      Vol_XI-0186                                                                                                                  
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    the sixteenth century had far greater accuracy and more completeness.

            One of the first maps produced in northern Europe probably was the

    Cotton or Anglo-Saxon map. It is perhaps well to examine briefly several

    of the sources on the Arctic or North available in northern Europe prior

    to this production.

            Beda Venerabilis (673–735) an Anglo-Saxon monk and scholar, influenced

    by the writings of Isidore of Seville, produced Liber de natura rerum in

    which he not only recognized the sphericity of the earth but describes the

    then known lands, though there is little about the Arctic. In about 825

    the Irish monk Dicuil in his work De mensura orbis Terrae , a description of

    the earth, includes an account of the voyages of the Irish monks northward

    into the Arctic to Iceland, which he calls Thule, and says that they lived

    there. He comments that "consequently I believe that they [Pliny, Solinus,

    Isidore, and Prisoianus] lie and are in error who wrote that there was a

    stiffened [ concretum ] sea around it [Thule]..." His remarks as to the

    Irish discovery of Iceland appear to be confined in the Icelandic Saga

    Are Fr o ø de (about 1130) for it says in part "There were Christians here whom

    the Norwegians called 'papar' [priests]". In about 875 Ingolf, a jarl of

    Norway, arrived in Iceland with Norse settlers.

            So it was that a great of information was available about the North,

    which perhaps prompted the visionary King Alfred the Great (about 879–901)

    to prepare not only for the edification of his people but for future geographers

    a translation of Paulus Orosius' (a fifth century Spanish priest) Historiarum

    adversus paganos libri VII
    in Anglo-Saxon. However, discovering that Orosius'

    description of the North was wholly inadequate, he added what his own sources

    made available. Perhaps his most important contribution in this respect was

    his description and narrative account of the remarkable expedition of Ottar

    023      |      Vol_XI-0187                                                                                                                  
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    (or Ohthere) along the coast of Norway and north and east into the White Sea,

    thereby determining the nature and delineation of Scandinavia on the north,

    the location of North Cape, the Polar or Barents Sea, and the White Sea.

    So exact is this account that his course can be plotted.

            The so-called Cotton or Anglo-Saxon map of the world may have been pre–

    pared as early as the tenth century. This is one of the most interesting,

    certainly one of the most accurate world maps of the Medieval period. It

    delineates with comparative fullness the regions not often included on maps

    of the period. The Arctic is represented by the island of "islands" (Iceland?)

    the first instance of such specific reference rather than Thule - though of

    course the map may be post Adam of Bremen.

            By the year A.D. 1000 exceedingly remarkable achievements had taken place

    in the Arctic, yet apparently few of these had been recorded in maps. Iceland

    and then Greenland had been explored and settled by the Norse, and it is thought

    Bjarni Herjulfson, swept off his course to Greenland, probably touched North

    America before turning back. Again, in about 1000, North America was reached

    by Leif Erikssen. Accompanying the Norse to Iceland and to Greenland was a

    Christian (Catholic) priest, thereby establishing a direct link in information

    about the Arctic with the Vatican and several northern European bishoprics.

    At this point it is well to recall several close ties between the Vatican

    and the Arctic at about this time. Isl [ ?] iv, the first native Bishop of Iceland,

    educated in Saxony, who had first-hand information about Greenland, ultimately

    (1056?) visited Pope Leo in Rome. Cardinal Nicolas of Albano, later Pope

    Hadrian IV, lived in Norway from 1154 to 1159. The Danes, during the period

    1189 to 1193, were on a crusade to the Holy Land and thereby spread informa–

    tion about the Arctic. In about 1204, Ion, Biship of Greenland, journeyed

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    to Rome, and about the middle of that century, Olaf, Bishop of Greenland,

    and the Papal Legate, William of Sabina, met in the Court of the King of

    Norway. The Icelandic Abbot Nicholas of Thingeyre (1159), perhaps the

    first geographical authority on the Norse discoveries in America, is the

    author of an itinerary of information about the North as well as other

    regions. There is some evidence to indicate that the early portolanos and

    compass charts of the North probably owe much of their origin to sources

    such as these.

            Perhaps the earliest mention of Greenland and Wineland in literature is

    by Adam of Bremen in his great work Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum

    in four books, the last of which recites the geography of the North, much of

    the information appearing to stem from contemporary sources. Axel A. Bj o ø rnbo,

    in his Cartographic Groenlandica , has constructed a cartogram illustrative of

    Adam of Bremen's descriptive information. This shows "Island" (Iceland),

    "Gronland" (Greenland), and "Winland" (America ?) along the northern edge of

    the "oceanus septentrionalis" which is the sea intervening between those

    islands and the northern coast of Scandinavia and Russia. To the right

    beyond "Winland" is the "ultimus axis septentrionalis" (North Pole ?) sur–

    rounded by the "oceanus calligans."

            According to Icelandic sources, Norse voyagers and hunters explored the

    east and west coasts of Greenland; an account in the Landnamabok notes a

    voyage recorded by Halldor, a priest in Greenland, probably as far north

    as Baffin Bay in 1267.

            On the Beatus-type map of Henry of Mayence (or Mainz), about 1110,

    Iceland, Norway, and the northern or poleward coast of Asia are shown. Maps

    of this period of the Beatus-type include fabulous countries "Iperbria" in

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    the north as peninsulas or islands, though neither Greenland nor Iceland


            Among the Icelandic manuscripts of this period have been found a zone

    map of the thirteenth century, one of the fourteenth century, and a wheel-map

    of the twelfth century. These have place names but not well-defined coast


            Toward the latter part of the twelfth century there was compiled by Saxe

    Grammaticus a strangely heterogeneous work, a combination of mythology and

    accurate observations, Book One of which includes a description of northern

    Europe and the Arctic as well as islands beyond the Atlantic. Saxo did not

    doubt the peninsular character of Scandinavia and was convinced that the sea

    extended east around the north of Norway to a curved shore of Gandvic, or the

    White Sea.

            The Medician Marine Atlas was completed in about 1351. The North on the

    Medici map depicts the northernmost part of Norway as a long slender peninsula

    curving in a southwest direction. Some authorities, notably Nansen, have

    reasoned that it is from this source that Clavus, in 1427 and later, derived

    his Greenland. On the Medici map Iceland is not identified as such though a

    large island northwest of Scotland is named "Sillant."

            A franciscan, Franciscus a Sancta Clara, notes (in his book printed in

    about 1500) that one Nicholas of Lynn in his Inventio fortunata described a

    North with whirlpools from latitude 53° to the North Pole. It is related

    that Nicholas of Lynn, navigator and mathematician, probably in 1355 or 1360,

    made a voyage into the arctic region and that as a product he prepared a

    descriptive, certainly fantastic, statement which, significantly, was utilized

    by Ruysch on his map of 1508 and later by Mercator. Navigating by compass

    but apparently without knowledge of declination, Nicholas of Lynn, locates

    026      |      Vol_XI-0190                                                                                                                  
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    large islands in the vicinity of the Pole separated by narrow straits, one

    of the first descriptive remarks about the high latitudes.

            Ptolemy, Claudius Clavus, and the period of transition in cartographic

    techniques (about 1400–1500) : The fifteenth century was a period of remarkable

    transition in the history of cartography of the Arctic and may be characterized

    by the following developments in their approximate chronological sequence:

    1. The rediscovery of Claudius Ptolemy's Geographia and accompanying maps,

    and its translation from the Greek into the Latin text, broke as a bombshell

    upon and rapidly reoriented the concept of the earth in Western scholarship.

    2. The invention of engraving on wood and copper and of printing made mul–

    tiple copies, hence wide distribution, of maps possible. 3. The completion

    of the map of the northern (Arctic) regions by Claudius Clavus, probably in

    1424, placed emphasis on more than a fancied region. 4. The creation of the

    Portuguese school of cartography and navigation and its sponsorship [ ?] by

    Prince Hnery the Navigator revitalized scientific geography and stimulated

    overseas voyages of discoveries. 5. The phenomenally rapid acceptance of

    the concept of the earth's sphericity, largely because of Ptolemy, led to

    the era of great voyages and map production. 6. The compilation of maps of

    the world, many of them including the "new North" was based more on reasoned

    and factual information than on fancy.

            Emanuel Chrysoloras, a Byzantine scholar with a passion for promoting

    the diffusion of Greek literature in the Western World, was largely respon–

    sible for encouraging one of his pupils, Jacobus Angelus, to complete a

    Latin translation of Ptolemy's Geographia about 1415. This translation,

    and the reproduction of the maps particularly, stimulated a revolution in

    map making and may be said to have laid the foundation for modern cartography.

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            To Claudius Clausson Swart (a Danish cleric more commonly called Claudius

    Clavus) apparently falls the significant honor of having produced the first

    generally accurate map of the northern regions, based to a large extent on

    what for the period were considered factual sources of information. His

    map probably was the first to include Greenland by name and was completed

    during the period 1413–1427. It appears not to have been widely known. In

    about 1428 the French Cardinal Filastre, while in Rome, prepared a reduced

    version of this map and the related text and included these in his Latin

    translation of Ptolemy's Geographia . Clavus's second map of the northern regions,

    compiled somewhat later, had profound and far-reaching influence on the car–

    tographical representation of the Arctic throughout a period of several

    centuries. In the map, Clavus presents a new and revolutionary view, a

    distinct departure from the cosmogony of the entire Middle Ages. In this

    map Greenland is shown with a distinct west coast, and as a land mass extend–

    ing crescent-wise in a broad sweep across the waters north of Europe between

    Scandinavia and the North Atlantic Ocean. Clavus's Scandinavian origin, his

    travels and duties as a dignitary of the Church with access to the records

    of the Greenland and other northern bishoprics as well as of the Vatican,

    gave him an unusual opportunity. Clavus shows Iceland with a fair degree of

    accuracy as to location and delineation. His remarkably correct location of

    the southern point and eastern coast of Greenland in relation to Iceland and

    Norway probably stems from his knowledge of the sailing directions of the old

    Norse seafarers. His representation of the northern part of Greenland as

    extending eastward to Russia is probably based on persistent and fabulous

    reports. On this map Clavus includes two scales of latitude, the one on the

    west of Greenland is Ptolemy's, his own on the east of Greenland, is sur–

    prisingly accurate especially for the south part of Greenland. In the text

    028      |      Vol_XI-0192                                                                                                                  
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    of the second map the coordinate positions of some 133 places in Iceland,

    Greenland, and Scandinavia are given.

            On an early fifteenth century Catalonian portolano of the North an

    "illa verde" (green island) shaped as a parallelogram extending north-south

    with the southern end forming an arc toward Europe, has been identified as

    Greenland. Iceland is delineated on a map in Marino Sanudo's Secreta fidelium

    crucis about 1420 and on La Salle's map in La Salade about 1440 as lying

    northeast or north of Norway. In about 1447 a Genoese manuscript mappemonde

    of the north was prepared and includes a peninsula with the name "Grinlandia"

    north of the Scandinavian peninsula where Clavus's Greenland originates.

            By the middle of the fifteenth century the Portuguese school of cartography

    and navigation had achieved remarkable success and had [ ?] eveloped or improved

    on many new devices and methods in cartography and navigation. Among the

    most important were the preparation of ocean charts, improvement in the design

    of ships for long overseas voyages, coastal compass maps of surprising accuracy,

    box compasses, tables of solar declination and polar-star altitude corrections

    for use in determining latitude, and a growing awareness of the North. By the

    end of the century many of these highly secret products had passed into the

    hands of the English, Dutch, and others and aided in a major way in the initial

    exploratory penetration of the Arctic.

            During the latter half of the century some of the compass charts of Medi–

    terranean origin included an island "Insula viridis" situated to the southwest

    of Iceland, presumably a continuation of the idea nurtured by Nicholas of Lynn;

    this occurs as the "green isle" on some maps as late as the 18th century.

            The Camaldolese chart, a mappemonde, of Fra Mauro, completed in the

    Convent of Murano near Venice in 1459, has been called the crowning achievement

    029      |      Vol_XI-0193                                                                                                                  
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    of medieval draftsmanship, at once the last of the older type and the first

    of the new. It measures six feet four inches across and is very detailed.

    Europe is perhaps most accurately drawn, Russia and northeast Asia are exagger–

    ated, the Arctic as such being represented by several peninsulas extending

    north from Scandinavia and Russia.

            Nicolaus Germanus, a Florentine craftsman of considerable ability, pro–

    duced several remarkable maps of the Arctic regions in his editions of Ptolemy

    in the 1460's. He appears to have redrawn Claudius Clavus's map on a trape–

    zoidal projection of his own invention which gives Greenland a more oblique

    position than on the Clavus or Medici maps. In his world map of 1466 he

    surrounds Greenland by sea an the north, it thereby extending as a long and

    narrow tongue of land from northern Russia. In subsequent editions of Ptolemy

    he shortens this peninsula, making it a rounded mass to the north of Norway,

    with the name "Engronelant," Iceland being moved out into the ocean to the


            Nordenskiöld's discovery of a map of the northern regions in the Zamoisky

    Library in Warsaw in the late nineteenth century brings to light a remarkable

    early (probably 1467) map of the Arctic, a prototype of subsequent maps

    appearing in editions of Ptolemy. In broad delineation it is much like

    earlier maps in Ptolemy, but with the exception that it includes a narrow

    strait or channel, "Mare Gotticum," connecting the North Sea with the Baltic

    in the vicinity of the Arctic Circle, thereby making Scandinavia an island.

    On the northwest coast of Greenland are two frames of text, one reaching

    reading "Mare quod frequenter congelatum; Ultimus terminus terrae habitabilie."

    This is a remarkable statement because not only was it true but there are

    no records of voyages into the region prior to this date, though Solnus the

    030      |      Vol_XI-0194                                                                                                                  
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    Pole is said to have sailed this far in 1476. The place names on this

    map for Greenland and Iceland are strikingly identical to those on the

    Zeno map and the Ulm editions of Ptolemy for 1482 and 1486. Greenland,

    as the peninsula Gronlandis," is placed quite accurately and, interest–

    ingly, glaciers are shown. A second Greenland "Engronelant" appears in

    close proximity to Norway and under it the island of "Thile."

            The World map of Nicolaus Germanus in 1474 represents an important

    link in the chain supporting early Norse contacts in the Western Hemis–

    phere. Six maps by this cartographer are extant, each delineating the North

    Atlantic region prior to Columbus. This German humanist was not always

    consistent, for on some of his maps he shows Greenland as a peninsula of

    Europe west and north of Europe, and on others he locates Greenland east

    of Iceland. The inclusion of many local place names on Greenland indicates

    an intimate knowledge of the region.

            Columbus, in his account in the Historis del S. D. Fernando Colombo,

    1571, mentions having sailed a hundred leagues beyond the island of "Thyle"

    and notes the heavy traffic carried on by the English of Bristol in this

    region. At the time he was there, in February 1477, the sea was not frozen

    and he corrects the Ptolemy map of the north by placing "Thyle" in [ ?] 73°

    and not in 63°. It is quite probable that Columbus was acquainted with the

    1486 edition of the Ptolemy map of the North showing Greenland as an exten–

    sion of Europe and with two Icelands.

            In 1489–90 there was completed the Insularium illustratum Henrici Marteli

    Germani which, in addition to portraying the Arctic generally as a "terrae

    incognitae," includes Greenland as a long slender peninsula extending south–

    west from the northeastern edge of Europe.

    031      |      Vol_XI-0195                                                                                                                  
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    The completion of the oldest extant terrestrial globe by the German

    cartographer, Martin Behaim in 1492, coincident with but not showing the

    discovery of the New World, was epochal so far as the Arctic is concerned.

    This twenty-inch globe is beautifully delineated, includes descriptive

    notes, and, significantly, shows an extensive area of water between Europe

    and Asia which is filled with islands in the area actually occupied by

    North America. Asia appears to have been derived from Marco Polo of the

    thirteenth century. Northwest of Scotland is a large island called "Ijsland"

    upon which is inscribed a yellow standard with three [ ?] Danish leopards.

    Apparently Behaim's representation of the North is for the most part after

    Germanus's mappemonde in the Ptolemy (Ulm) editions of 1482 and 1486.

    Greenland is located north of Norway. The land if Finmark is shown and

    noted as "Tlant Vermarck." It is possible that Behaim had access to Nicholas

    of Lynn's work of 1360 ( Inventio fortunata ) for the land areas placed around

    the North Pole resemble Ruysch's map of 1508 which includes them and refers

    to Nicholas of Lynn as a source. This mass or circle of land around the Pole

    is continuous from his Greenland and Lapland north of Scandinavia and eastward

    almost to the opposite side of the Pole to meet the frozen Arctic Sea ( das

    gefrozen mer septentrionale ). The Arctic Sea is an enclosed sea and on the

    other side of the Pole there are two large and several small islands. The

    place names, though in the German form, generally are consistent and correct.

    This globe is significant because it gives the first though meager knowledge

    of the whole or circumpolar Arctic.

            In 1493 the Laon terrestrial globe was completed. This is in general

    agreement with the Germanus mappemonde, the sea extending full around the

    Pole above or north of the Eurasian land mass which terminates at about the

    032      |      Vol_XI-0196                                                                                                                  
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    Arctic Circle. To the north of Scandinavia lies the island of "Gronlandia"

    and an island called "Livonia" lies off the north coast. Two islands

    "Yslandia" and "Tile" are on the west.

            In 1494 Diego Ribero compiled the Carte Universalium ... (General map

    containing the whole world...). On this map Greenland is labeled "Tierra

    de Labrador" and on its coast is recorded that "The English discovered this

    country. It prcduces nothing of value." The name Labrador was subsequently

    transferred to the west of Davis Strait.

            The cartographer Henricus Mantellus, successor of Germanus, compiled

    maps during the 1490's generally adopting Claudis Clavus's form of Greenland.

            By the end of the fifteenth century there were essentially two basic

    types of maps of the Arctic, one including Greenland in a relatively correct

    position west of Greenland though too close to Europe and connected therewith.

    The other type was most frequently used and continued to be popular for a long

    time. It shows Greenland as "Engronelant" and situated to the north of Europe.

    Some maps actually included both elements in one map.

            The end of the fifteenth century was auspicious because it witnessed the

    rise of two great maritime powers, the English and the Dutch, each of which,

    thwarted in their search for the fabulous Indies by the southern route,

    initiated and for a long time carried out explorations for the Northwest

    or Northeast Passage. This for a long time served to stimulate more intensive

    mapping of the region until ultimately, by the end of the nineteenth century,

    the broad general delineation was achieved. The Cabots, for the English, were

    the spearheads in this remarkable achievement.

            Abbe Raimondo, envoy of the Duke of Milan to the court of Henry VII in

    London, well characterizes these beginnings when, in 1498, he writes "This

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    Master John [Cabot] has the description of the world in a chart and also a

    solid globe, which he has made, and he shows where he has landed."


    The Renaissance of Maps about 1500 to 1700

            The Age of Great Discoveries came with a sudden burst fast upon the

    heels of f t he finding of the New World in the 1490's. So, correspondingly,

    there evolved a striking change in map-making and in the contents of maps.

    No longer could the Ptolem a ic map of the world, significant contribution as

    it was in itself, be adjusted or modified to fit the dimensional requirements

    of a New World, an earth best portrayed for the period by Behaim's globe of

    1492. A sphere now must be reconciled on a plane surface and the graticules

    thereon be correctly filled in with appropriate and corresponding units of

    land and water. The only way to achieve this satisfactorily was to boyage

    thither, explore and map what was discovered. The Behaim globe, Columbus's

    other voyages of the late fifteenth century, and the first few maps of the

    world plotting this new information conjured up the way to India almost as

    if by magic. The idea was advanced that if a way could not be found equater–

    ward, efforts must be made to find a route either over the Pole or through

    the circumpolar area. Information about the Arctic during the periods to

    follow and the resulting maps were largely derivatives from the search

    for those arctic passageways to India.

            The Netherlands, situated amidst the expanding nations of Europe and

    subject to Spain, by 1500 had become an international market place. So,

    correspondingly, did the Dutch become active colonizers and voyagers. The

    demand for maps reached significant proportions. The Dutch, favorably

    situated to receive and collate information as well as being naturally

    034      |      Vol_XI-0198                                                                                                                  
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    skillful and artistic, responded to the demand and by the middle of the

    sixteenth century became the leading cartographers in Europe, remaining

    so for well over a hundred years.

            Simultaneously the English, particularly during the sixteenth century

    in the person of that tireless recorder of geographical knowledge, Richard

    Hakluyt, and of Samuel Purchas after him, became the fountainhead of geo–

    graphical intelligence. This period fathered the rise of "Companies" for

    the exploration of f t he several passages. New projections, as for example

    the famous Mercator cylindrical and polar stereographic, vastely improved

    compass charts and related portolanos, improvements in terrain description

    and land surveying methods, f t he development of a new approach to science

    generally, and the growing awareness of the measurable qualities of the

    declination of the magnetic compass, which for the Arctic was of signal

    importance, these and many more together made for a far better view of the

    Arctic than had been accomplished heretofore.

            An examination of significant maps produced during this period (1500–

    1700) will reveal how considerable were the discoveries and how well or how

    poorly they and the terrain information resulting therefrom were delineated

    on maps and globes.

            The sixteenth century opens auspiciously with the compilation of a map

    of the world by Juan de la Cosa, who was well qualified by reason of his having

    accompanies Columbus to the New World in 1493–1496. This map delineates all

    he knew of the Portuguese and Spanish voyages in the New World and as well no

    doubt the results of the English voyages, for he probably used the maps of the

    Cabots. Because of his remarkable ability as a map-maker, the map was commissioned

    by the Spanish crown, and thus he was doubtless provided with the best and all

    035      |      Vol_XI-0199                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Friis: Arctic Cartography

    available sources in the Iberian peninsula. The de la Cosa map is really an

    equidistant compass-chart, ignoring magnetic declination; hence the east

    coast of North America is out of its true alignment. It is supposed that

    Cosa assumed his northeast coast of America to be in reality Asia. Unfor–

    tunately there is little information about the Arctic between America and

    Norway except an indiscriminate patchwork of some dozen or more angular


            It is surprising to note the distinctly more accurate delineation and

    proportions of the map prepared in Lisbon for Alberto Cantino and sent by him

    to the Duke of Ferrara some time during the period 1502–1505. P [ ?] rhaps this

    map or copy of it was reproduced as the first printed map of the New World.

    It shows that portion of the northeast coast of America discovered by Cabot

    and the insular offshore detail is identified as "Terra del Rey de Portuguall."

    A strikingly accurate delineation of southern Greenland is shown, this being

    identified as "A ponta d asia" (a point of Asia ?). The legend on the east

    coast of Greenland appears to indicate that the Portuguese had penetrated

    to about Cape Farewell. Rugged terrain is shown along the southern part of

    the east coast and colorations in the waters sweeping in an arc from that

    coast to northern Norway may indicate the impenetrable ice.

            "The World and all its seas on a flat map... the poles and zones and

    sites of places, the parallels for the climes of the mighty globe," is the

    translation of a hopeful title on a map by Giovanni Matteo Contarini in 1506.

    This map, possibly of Italian origin, is on a coniform projection and, though

    largely based on Ptolemy sources, shows a pronounced extension of Asia to the

    northeast acros [ ?] the region occupied by Arctic Canada to about ten degrees

    west longitude, the northern coasts of Asia and Europe being in about latitude

    80° N., beyond which is continuous water. The eastern tip of Asia includes a

    036      |      Vol_XI-0200                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Friis: Arctic Cartography

    note suggesting exploration by the Cortereals. "Engonelant" (Greenland)

    is a westward-arcing peninsula based on northern Scandinavia. Some sources

    refer to the Frenchman Jean Denis of Honfleur as having mapped the present

    Gulf of St. Lawrence on the spot in 1506.

            In 1507 Martin Waldseemüller, Alsatian professor of cosmography, one of

    the most celebrated map-makers and geographers of his day, completed his

    thirty-six square foot twelve-sheet map Universalis Cosmosgraphia which

    "represents the earth with a grandeur never before attempted," and which

    by its heart-shaped projection was designed both as a globe and as a plane

    surface map. This includes significant information as to sources and

    especially the Arctic, and is perhaps the first printed map to bear the name

    America. The Eurasian continent fronts onto the Arctic Sea in which are

    clusters of islands, the northeastern part of the continent turning south

    to China. Iceland is shown, as is also an irregular shaped island to the

    west (Greenland ?). The water area of the northern part of the map is termed

    "Mare Glaciale." Arctic North America is an angular-shaped polward extension

    of the Americas terminating in about latitude 58° N.

            In the 1508 Ptolemy published in Rome is a map Universalier cogniti orbis

    tabula... by John Ruysch, engraved on copper and one of the first printed maps

    showing the discoveries in the New World. Ruysch is believed by some to have

    been with Cabot on his voyage of discovery. Ruysch's map is significant

    because not only does it include a revolutionare concept of the Arctic but

    it is developed with the North Pole as the center of the map, much as an

    interrupted stereographic projection. Asia is delineated after the reports

    of Marco Polo but Greenland is depicted not as an extension of Europe, but

    rather as the easternmost exten [ ?] ion of Asia to a point some twelve degrees

    037      |      Vol_XI-0201                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Friis: Arctic Cartography

    west of Scotland. Near the coast of Greenland is a frame of information

    in Latin to the effect that at this point "the ship's compass losses its

    property, and no vessel with iron aboard is able to get away," doubtless

    an awareness of f t he magnetic variation of f t he compass. Near the North

    Pole is an inscription noting the magnetic pole, as located by Nicholas

    of Lynn in 1355 and placed by Ruysch on an island north of Greenland.

    "Terra nova" (Newfoundland) is delineated as a large peninsula extending

    away from the mainland of Asia, the southern coast of Newfoundland con–

    tinuing directly and latitudinally west to the land of Gog and Magog and

    further to Cathay. It is of interest to note the druidic arrangement of

    islands around the pole with peninsulas from Europe and Asia extending north

    to penetrate thes [ ?] islands.

            The oldest printed Dutch map of the world, made some time in the early

    decades of the sixteenth century, probably by Cornelius Aurelius, includes

    rather absurd ideas about the Arctic, and is much after Ptolemy, "Yslandia"

    being to the northeast of the Orkneys and Thule below it. East of Yslandia

    is "Pilapeland."

            The Portuguese Pilestrina in his map of the world in 1511, really a

    compass chart, includes two Greenlands in the Arctic extending east-west

    toward each other. On Bernardus Sylvanus's map of f t he world, published in

    the Ptolemy of 1511, Greenland is identified with eastern Asia which con–

    tinues westward, while an irregular Arctic-facing shore of Scandinavia on

    its norther protuberance is noted as "Engronelat". During the same year a

    beautifully drawn world map compiled on a circumpolar projection was included

    in the portolano atlas of Vesconte Maggiolo. This map, as also the ones by

    Ruysch and Contarini, includes Greenland as part of the Asiatic continent and

    038      |      Vol_XI-0202                                                                                                                  
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    notes Cabot's discoveries "Terra de los ingles" on the northeasternmost

    promontory extending into the North Polar area. The Lenox world globe of

    the same year, which initiated a period of special interest in the produc–

    tion of globes, shows an open area circumjacent to the North Pole.

    Glareanus's map of the northern or "polar" hemisphere in this year is

    evidence of originality and constructive imagination, a hypothetical Pacific

    Ocean extending between the Waldseemüller-like America and Asia, in the

    middle of which ocean lies Japan, the full sweep of f t he wide islandless

    Pacific extending to the North Pole. An island (Greenland ?) is depicted

    at about latitudes 55° to 65° N., with its longitudinal axis about longitude

    60° W. The northern Polar Sea-facing coast of Asia extends along about the

    Arctic Circle, a long peninsula protruding from Norway into the otherwise

    landless Arctic Sea to about latitude 85° N. The northeastern corner of

    Asia extends to about longitude 160° W.

            Johannes Stolnicza of Cracow prepared in 1512 a map of the world

    included as a woodcut in the Introductio in Ptholomei Cosmographiam....

    showing North and South America as two large continents with a narrow

    isthmus between, North America being separated from Asia and Europe by

    extensive bodies of water. Johann Schöner's first globe in 1515 is of

    interest because the sea extending west from Europe through some 180° to

    the east coast of Asia is a continuous watery waste, except for near the

    Pole and several insular masses, including "Islandia" on the Arctic Circle

    north of the British Isles, the "Viridis insula" (Greenland ?) southwest of

    Ireland, and a terra incognita. Extending north from Norway to and envelop–

    ing the Pole is a land area, the southern part of which is called Engronet


    039      |      Vol_XI-0203                                                                                                                  
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            The arrival of Seville in September 1522 of a weather-beaten ship with

    eighteen men, the sole survivors of the once proud fleet of the late Admiral

    Magellan, created a mighty stir, not alone in the centers of learning but

    particularly among map-makers, for this first recorded voyage of the circum–

    navigation of the world proved beyond doubt that the earth was a sphere and,

    significantly, that there were extensive bodies of water and intervening

    masses of land between western Europe and eastern Asia. Ptolemaic geography

    and the associated maps soon feel into discard as the proof was checked and

    found certain, though, of course, the revolutionary changes were not immediately

    accepted by all.

            In 1527 Robert Thorne, an English merchant residing in Seville and well

    acquainted with Spanish sources of geographical information, prepared a book

    or series of letters which, through a Dr. Ley, English Ambassador, constituted

    an appeal to Henry VIII to "set forth" further voyages of exploration. This

    quarto volume, not published until 1582, has the intriguing title The Booke

    Made by the Worshipful Master Robert Thorne in the year 1527, in Siuill, to

    Doctour Ley...and also the way to the Moluccaes by the north... " This volume

    is so significant that parts of it are worth quoting as illustrative of the

    needs the English had for maps. Thorne notes that

            "...Seeing in these quarters are skippers and mariners of that

    countrey, and cardes [maps] by which they sayle, though much unlike

    ours; that they should procure to have the said Cards, and learne

    howe they understande them, and expecially to know what Navigation

    they have for those Ilandes Northwardes and Northeastwards.

            "...(for that by writying without some demonstration it were harde

    to give any declaration of it). I have caused that your Lordshippe

    shall receyve herewith a little Mappe or Carde of the worlde: the

    whiche I feare mee shall put your Lordshippe to more labour to

    understande than mee to make it,... for y [ ?] I am in this science

    little expert:..." (Richard Hakluyt: Divers voyages...London,

    , p.36)

    040      |      Vol_XI-0204                                                                                                                  
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            Thorne was convinced and tried to convince the King and his readers that

    if it could be proven by successive explorations (which actually got under way

    immediately after the preparation of these manuscripts) that the sea poleward

    from "newe founde lande" was navigable, the English would be in a commanding

    position to trade with India by a shorter route than the Spaniards and Portu–

    guese. Thorne was convinced that "there is no lande unhabitable nor Sea in

    navigable." Thorne apologizes for the small map and says a much larger and

    better one could be made and that "I knowe to set the forme Sphericall of the

    worlde in Plano, after the true rule of Cosmographie, it would have been made

    otherwise than this is...." Thorne's map, crude as it is, apparently stimul–

    ated the King to seek a better one, as is related, in a Verrazano Map of the

    World. Thorne's works were not without success for it is believed that they

    influenced John Rut's expedition in search of the Northwest Passage in 1527

    and that his arguments convinced Sir Hugh Willoughby and Richard Chancellor

    in their search for the Northeast Passage in 1553.

            Hieronimo da Verrazano's World map of 1529, a product, in part at least,

    of his brother the navigator's voyage along the cast coast of North America

    under French auspices, shows a wide open sea around the North Pole counter–

    balanced by the beginnings of a continental land mass in the Antarctic. The

    eastern coast of North America tre o nds much too northeast, probably due to the

    lack of knowledge of magnetic variation. The northeastern coast of Asia is

    almost a right angle, the east coast extending due south to about the latitude

    of northern India.

            Orontius Fine, a French mathematician, completed in 1531 a c d ouble heart–

    shaped map of the world showing some of the influences of Nicholas of Lynn of

    1360, retaining the four large inner islands around the Pole, the outer circle

    041      |      Vol_XI-0205                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Friis: Arctic Cartography

    of smaller islands being somewhat broken. Iceland and the Orcades appear

    in approximately their correct location, the "Baccalar," including Newfound–

    land and Iabrador, being part of northeastern Asia. Most significant of all

    is that Greenland, probably for the first time in the history of car t ography,

    is delineated as a large island of fairly accurate shape and in the approx–

    imately correct position, with Clavus's "Gronelant" as its name. The penin–

    sula "Engroneland" extends to the north from Norway.

            The Bavarian theologian, Jacobus Ziegler, in an opus bearing the stately

    title Quae intus continentur... Argentorati apud Petrum Opilionem, 1532 , and

    the imprint of Schondia in Strassburg, a book dealing primarily with the geo–

    graphy of the North, published a map of those regions. The map is the work of

    authorities not well skilled as draftsmen but rather well-equipped as to sources

    of information; at least four northern prelates residing in Rome during Zieg–

    ler's stay there were responsible for much of the detail. This map, resembling

    Clavus's of 1427, includes places, which, according to Ziegler, he calculate d

    as to coordinates. In the map Greenland is the eastern shore of an extensive

    "Ulteriora Incognita," the southern part of which is labeled "Terra Bacallaos,"

    the northern portion of the land mass extending eastward to connect with "Iaponia"

    or Lapland. The old Norse place name "Hvetsargh," on the east coast of Green–

    land, prebably stems from Didrik Pining's voyage thither.

            Scientific geography, [ ?] obviously lacking in the official and academic

    circles in England to 1531, was given a forward motion when the Spanish Doctor

    Vives arrived for the instruction of Oxford and the Princess Mary. A modernist,

    he gave emphasis to the use and need of maps. This is the period during which

    globes came to be recognized as an indispensable item in the teaching of geography.

            Johann Schoner was one of the ablest and most prolific globemakers. His

    042      |      Vol_XI-0206                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Friis: Arctic Cartography

    globe of 1532 and the related publication on the description of the world

    were issued shortly after Ziegler's map came out. On this globe Schöner

    modified his earlier view of the Arctic and created the so-called bridge–

    type, that is, Greenland forming a bridge between Lapland and Newfoundland,

    with a marked contraction due west of Lapland. The large bulbous appendage

    west of the land mass of which Greenland is a part is called "Bachalaos." In

    the waters north of this land and scattered around the North Pole, are several

    large unidentified islands.

            Gerhard Mercator, learning much from his teacher Gemma Frisius in the

    science of cartography, in 1538 prepared a map on a double cordiform project–

    tion, probably borrowed from Orontius Fine (of 1531), showing the Arctic in

    a somewhat improved light. With Robert Thorne, Mercator refused to believe

    that North America and Asia were connected, believing rather that an ocean

    intervened. In similar vein he believed in the existence of a passage to

    Asia around the north of America, and this view generally remained with him

    throughout his life. This was very significant, because it was so indelibly

    stamped upon his many maps and served as a mighty influence on thought and

    exploration, especially in the days of Queen Elizabeth. On Mercator's map a

    land mass connected with Scythia or western Russia, occupies much of the area

    north of the Arctic Circle. Greenland is a southward extension of this land

    mass toward Iceland, Iceland lying to the east of it. Northeastern North

    America is called "Baccalearo Regio." The continent of North America lies im–

    mediately south of the arctic land mass, a long east-west strait of water be–

    tween them called "Frecti Articum" widening considerably as it extends south–

    westward to form the west coast. Northwestern America is called "Littora in–

    cognita." A very wide water separation exists between Asia and America.

    043      |      Vol_XI-0207                                                                                                                  
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            Julius Solinus's map, published in Basle in 1538, includes a continent

    of Asia and North America. The portion of the coast extending northwest in–

    cludes the words "Terra Incognita," and depicts two trees and a river near a

    small bay. The statement in the text, on page 160 opposite the map, "In our

    days it has been explored by men," has led to many speculations. North of Asia

    is the "Mare congelatum."

            Olaus Magnus, a Swedish bishop, completed and published in 1539 (in Venice)

    the large nine-sheet Carta marina et descriptio septentrionalium terrarum....

    a work without a peer among similar maps during this period, not alone for its

    geographical and ethnographical data but also for its size. A short statement,

    "Opera Breve..." was published to accompany the map. This map is said to embody

    the view of northern geographers in separating Greenland from Europe proper,

    in contrast to the general agreement among geographers of southern Europe that

    Greenland was tied to Scandinavia. On the southern tip of Greenland, "Grutlandie

    Pars" is shown. Iceland is drawn in very considerable detail. This map includes

    only the lower part of the Arctic in the North Sea, Scandinavia, Greenland, and

    Iceland region.

            In 1542, Jean Roze, a Norman mariner in the employ of the English Navy,

    completed a manuscript Book of Hydrography . This included an atlas of beauti–

    fully embellished maps, among them two of America which are probably the first

    of their kind to be drawn in England. These record Cartier's discoveries in

    the St. Lawrence and contiguous areas.

            Gastaldi's 1546 map of the world delineates North America with a northern

    or arctic coast line irregular in shape and with a large river "Tontonteanch"

    rising near the Arctic Circle. North America and Asia are connected by a nar–

    row land bridge in about latitude 40° N. and much farther west than on most

    044      |      Vol_XI-0208                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Friis: Arctic Cartography

    maps of the period. The "Oceano Arthico" extends east-west above the irreg–

    ular arctic coast of Asia in about latitude 70° N. The northeastern corner

    of North America continues toward the North Pole, about which there are numer–

    ous islands.

            The publication of Sigismund von Heberstein's Rerum Muscoviticarum Com–

    in 1549 included two significant items of information: one, the

    observations made by a sailor Istoma in circumnavigating North Cape, the other

    a map of Asia which, crude as it was, fanned the fires of interest in the

    Northeast Passage because it indicated that Cathay could be reached by going

    poleward from Europe and around the Siberian coast.

            The mid-century was a kind of transition, for not only did it mark the

    end of the incunabula period, but the Arctic, though still largely a "terra

    incongnita," nevertheless had captured the imagination of explorers and carto–

    graphers. Certain cartographic elements such as a distinct Greenland, North

    America, Asia, and high-latitude islands in the Polar Sea were shown with

    greater frequency and thus became increasingly more accepted. For the English

    this was the beginning of the period of the famous Hakluyt records of voyages

    and discourses on the geographic regions of the world, including particularly

    the Arctic and, as well, the reproduction of maps for inclusion with these

    publications. Maps including the Arctic and others emphasizing the Arctic

    were compiled and issued in increasing numbers and frequency. Only a few of

    the more outstanding contributions will be discussed as representative of the

    period 1550 to 1600. Collections of maps were beginning to be made, the pre–

    cursors of our bound atlases. This was the beginning of the organization of

    "Companies" for the prosecution of the arctic route to India.

            On December 18, 1551, the Muscovy Company of Merchant Adventurers to dis-

    045      |      Vol_XI-0209                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Friis: Arctic Cartography

    cover the Northeast Passage was founded and in 1553 sent out Sir Hugh Wil–

    loughby in command of thress ships in an attempt to find a passage northward

    of the Old World. Kola Peninsula was as far as two of Willoughby's ships

    achieved, but the third, the Edward Bonaventure , commanded by Richard Chan–

    cellor, wintered at the mouth of the Dvina River and initiated trade with the

    Russians. In 1556, Stephen Burrough, in the Searchthrift , discovered the archi–

    pelago of Novaya Zemlya and the Vaigach. The first significant field observa–

    tions of these regions were thus made available to cartographers. The region,

    perhaps even as far as the Kara Sea, was well mapped as to outline by the end

    of the century. These sources and that of Heberstein may have been utilized

    in Anthonius Wied's map of Russia as far east as the White Sea in 1555.

            In the year 1558 Marcolino published in Venice a journal and map (the

    Zeno map and journal) of the northern regions. The genesis, status before

    publication, and contents of the hournal had profound effects upon the mapping

    of the Arctic for a century or more. To this date authorities on the Arctic

    debate the value of or authenticity of the documents. Authoritative statements

    have been made pro and con by such men as Nansen, Nordenskiöld, Zurla, Major,

    Christy, Winsor, Lelewel, Krarup, Steenstrup, and Lucas.

            The journal, published in book form with accompanying map, recounts a

    voyage purported to have been made by the brothers Nicol o ò and Antonio Zeno,

    members of a highly respected family in Venice, to the arctic seas at the close

    of the fourteenth century. The book and map are reproductions, but with modi–

    fications because parts of the manuscript items were not extant, by Nicol o ò Zeno,

    a descendant who found them in the family palace. The Zeno brothers, according

    to the account in their letters and as delineated by some careful students of

    the subject, carried out a series of voyages that took Nicol ô from Iceland to

    046      |      Vol_XI-0210                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Friis: Arctic Cartography

    Spitsbergen and back and Antonic from Iceland to the east and west coasts

    of Greenland and back and then probably from Iceland to Nova Scotia and re–

    turn. As the reader will conclude, these were remarkable voyages but by no

    means unique, as has been indicated in the preceding pages.

            The Zeno map, on the other hand, is admitted by the descendant of the

    Zeni and its publisher to have been derived from what remained of the manu–

    script sources including the original map which was in a "rotten" condition,

    and even, more significantly, that the original map was without the coordinate

    grid superimposed upon the published map. Then too, certain changes were

    arbitrarily made in the map in order to adapt the map to the text. The map

    is in many ways similar to and in some structural details identical with the

    Olaus Magnus and the Claudius Clavus maps of the northern regions. The Zeno

    chart delineates Greenland surprisingly well, though the whole area is placed

    too far north by some five degrees. The chart shows a very large and quite

    imaginary island "Frislanda" in the middle of the Atlantic in about latitude

    60° 50′ N., Greenland is called "Engronelant," as on many earlier maps and

    is shown as being connected to "Gronlandia" the polar extension of northwestern

    Russia. Iceland is placed off the east coast of Greenland. This map is of

    interest in that it shows Greenland as mountainous.

            The Zeno map was seized upon by the most eminent cartographers, including

    Mercator and Ortelius, many incorporating in their maps the elements of the

    chart almost in its entirety. Consequently much confusion developed, some

    traces of which survived in the nineteenth century.

            Gastaldi, in 1562, had become sufficiently convinced that Asia and America

    were not united but were separated by a strait or body of water, to publish a

    pamphlet, Ia Universals Descrittione del Mundo . This reversed his previous

    047      |      Vol_XI-0211                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Friis: Arctic Cartography

    point of view as expressed on his many widely recognized world maps. There

    is no conclusive evidence that the strait between Asia and America had been

    seen and mapped, it was simply a good guess, perhaps originally derived from

    a reading of Marco Polo's journeys. At first the Strait of Anian shown on

    maps, such as the one by Ortelius in 1564, was long and very wide, perhaps as

    much as four hundred miles. As time went on it became narrower and more ir–


            Orteliu's map of 1564, revived English interest in the Northwest Passage

    as the easiest way to India, the map showing a wide open sea to the north of

    America and relatively short straits at both ends. This heart-shaped map com–

    piled by Ortelius in Antwerp is one of the most interesting maps of the period,

    but it was not up-to-date. An imaginary "Gronlandia" extends for more than

    twenty degrees of longitude. Apparently there is no land, others than "Gron–

    landia," in the vicinity of the Pole. Between about latitude 60° and 62° N.

    along the east coast of America is a strait leading into the "hyperborean

    ocean." On the west between about latitudes 40° and 60° N. the Polar Sea is

    joined to the North Pacific Ocean by a strait nearly 10° wide.

            Zalterius's [ ?] disegno del discoperto della Nova Franza (a map of the

    discovery of New France), compiled in Bologna in 1566, is included as a plate

    in the famous Laferi Atlas, containing maps produced from copper engravings.

    Zalterius's map is one of the first to include the Strait of Anian, which was

    accepted by Mercator, Ortelius, and many others. The name "la Nova Franza" is

    applied to all of North America, the Atlantic Ocean being called "Mare del

    Nort." This map unhappily bears no indication of latitude and longitude. The

    Arctic Sea is called "Mare congelato." North America has a nearly northeast–

    southwest slightly irregular arctic shore line extending from a strait along

    048      |      Vol_XI-0212                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Friis: Arctic Cartography

    the southwest coast of "Grutlandia" (Greenland) to "Streto de Anian." A

    slight peninsular protuberance on the northwest corner of North America is

    suggestive of Alaska.

            In 1569 Gerhard Mercator completed his famous "Mercator isogonic cylin–

    drical projection" and developed upon it his map Nova et aucta orbis terrae

    descriptio. .., Duisburg, 1569 (A Nautical Chart of the World). Because of

    the nature of the projection, the North Pole extending to infinity, Mercator

    explained the need for a separate map for each polar region, a map of the

    north polar region being developed on a stereographic projection inserted in–

    to Mercator's Nautical Chart. This map exercised a powerful influence on the

    progress and accuracy of navigation. It has a remarkable wealth of detail

    about the Arctic, only some of which can be indicated here. Many of Mercator's

    sources are discussed in appropriate frames in his map. For example, he notes

    for the insert map of the polar regions: "as for the mapping, we have taken

    it from 'Itinerium...' of Jacobus Cnoyen of the Hague..." It appears that

    Nicholas of Lynn's Inventio fortunata greatly influenced Mercator in his de–

    lineation of the polar area. He generally accepts and delineates the Northwest

    and Northeast Passages, portions of the just published Zeno map, certain myth–

    ical islands in the North Atlantic, and the Strait of Anian.

            Abraham Ortelius's map Typus Orbis Terrarum of 1570 delineates North

    America and Asia as having arctic-facing coast lines in about latitude 75° N.

    Greenland is shown as an island, but with indistinct north and west coasts,

    the island lying north of the mythical "Estotiland." The area north of the

    continents consists first of an east-west girdle of water north of which to

    the Pole is land, conveniently divided into four quadrant sialnds. A strait

    separates North America and Asia. The northwest coast of North America is

    called "Anean regnum."

    049      |      Vol_XI-0213                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Friis: Arctic Cartography

            In the early 1570's Bishop Gudbrandur Thorl a á ksson of Iceland, a math–

    ematician, prepared a celestial globe accomodated to the latitude of Iceland.

    He was the first to determine scientifically the latitude of sites in Iceland,

    and is said to have begun a terrestrial globe upon which he was to delineate

    and accurately locate Iceland.

            One of the particular treasures in the British Museum is a large manu–

    script map of the world on a polar type projection bearing the inscription of

    "Joannes Dee, anno 1580." There is no indication that Dee had a hand in its

    creation. The map includes the world north of the equator between a meridian

    ten degrees east of Toledo and west to longitude 180°. This map is striking

    in that it shows the northern coast of America in about latitude 44° beyond

    which to the Pole there is water, save for some islands near the Pole. This

    map seemed to prove the ease and comfort of a Northwest Passage.

            Sir Humphrey Gilbert, protagonist of the Northwest Passage, in 1576 issued

    A Discourse of a Discoverie for a New Passage to Cataia..., London, 1576, and

    included A General Map made A General Map made Onelye for the Particular Declaration of This

    Discovery..." Gilbert's pamphlet and map, of course, were really only promo–

    tion literature and an attempt to prove a Northwest Passage, which he did to

    his own satisfaction. Gilbert's map appears to be a copy of Ortelius's map of

    1564 as to outline, and contains few place names. In his attempt to prove the

    existence of the passage, Gilbert seeks to lend weight to his words by saying

    that even the early geographers, Pliny, Plato, and Strabo, were of the same

    mind. He cavalierly tosses aside the possibilities of a Northeast Passage.

    On Gilbert's map Greenland is a long island with the northern end at the Pole,

    the whole island flanking Labrador on the northeast.

            Frobisher's first voyage into the Arctic in the spring of 1576 apparently

    050      |      Vol_XI-0214                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Friis: Arctic Cartography

    was made on the basis of the Zeno map, which he considered to be genuine and

    reliable, a copy or redrawing of which he had with him. Consequently, when

    in latitude 60° N. and encountering land (southern tip of present-day Green–

    land), he concluded he had reached the fictitious Zeno "Frisland." From here

    he sailed northwest and discovered Frobisher Bay, the adjacent land being

    called "Meta incongnita." He made two subsequent voyages (1577–1578) and

    entered so-called "Mistatie Strait (actually present-day Hudson Strait)and

    became convinced that this was the passage into the Pacific. Frobisher and

    Captain George Best, in his discourse published in 1578, were convinced that

    they had discovered portions of the coast of America, and correctly so. They

    accordingly delineated it as such on the two charts accompanying Best's publi–

    cation. On one of these maps Frobisher shows how his strait could be combined

    with Anian. North of "America" he shows a large "Terra Septentrionalis,"

    "Frobishers Straightes" being between the two. These correct assumptions are

    also indicated on Lok's map in Hakluyt's Divers Voyages... , London, 1582,

    though the map must have been drawn sometime earlier than 1582. They are also

    shown on the so-called Silver Map of the World - A Contemporary Medallion

    Commemorative of Drake's Great Voyage (1577–1580)
    . The same can be said of

    Frobisher Strait on Peter Martyr's map De Orbe Novo , 1587. These appear to

    be the only maps of the period on which the strait is correctly shown. The

    error in identification was committed by Davis in 1585.

            Joannes Martines, a Sicilian map-maker, in 1578 published a map including

    a strait of Anian in a different manner than most. The north coast of America

    is essentially a straight line along about latitude 70° N. which is parallel to

    the strait entering from the northeast.

            Perhaps the earliest extant Icelandic map of the Arctic north of the

    051      |      Vol_XI-0215                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Friis: Arctic Cartography

    Atlantic Ocean is one by Sigurd Stephanius, probably dating from 1580, in

    which he attempts to show the view of the north through eyes of his intrepid

    Norse ancestors.

            In Hakluyt's Divers Voyages ..., London, 1582, is a map asserted to have

    been compiled by a Michael Lok, and which is like the Verrazano map at that

    time in Lok's possession. Perhaps the chief merits of this map are its clear

    delineation of Frobisher's discoveries, since Lok enthusiastically believed

    that Frobisher had pointed the way through "that shorte and easie passage by

    the Northwest, which we have hitherto so long desired, and whereof wee have

    many good and more then probable coniectures." "Frisland," so very like the

    southern tip of Greenland, is named from the Zeno map, as is "Greenland" north

    of it. To the west of Groenland and north of Frobisher's Strait and stretch–

    ing out toward the Pole is "Groetland (Jac: Scolbus)," so named in honor of a

    Polish explorer who is reported as having skirted the Labrador coast in 1476.

            North Cape (Norway) is shown, perhaps for the first time, on a map in

    Lucas Waghenaer's Spieghel der Zeewart , Leyden, 1584, and appears on Cornelius

    de Judaeis's map of Europe in his Speculum orbis terrae Antwerpiae , 1593.

            Perhaps next in importance to the voyages of Frobisher are the three

    voyages of Captain John Davis into the strait of his name, which was discovered

    by him on his first voyage, 1585. He sailed as far north along the west coast

    of Greenland as latitude 66° 40′ N. and thence westward. "finding no hindrance,"

    concluding that he had found the Northwest Passage. Davis's charts are lost.

    This area on the Molyneaux Globe of 1592 appears to have been compiled from

    Davis's chart, which is discussed in his The World's Hydrographical Objections

    date? against Al Northerly Discoveries... , London, 16. It is of interest to note

    that Davis also had the Zeno map with him and so had to harmonize his discoveries

    052      |      Vol_XI-0216                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Friis: Arctic Cartography

    with the results of Frobisher. When Davis reached the Greenland coast in

    latitude 61° N. it was apparent Frobisher's assumption that it was "Frisland"

    was wrong and that it was too far south to match the Zeno "Engroenland." Fro–

    bisher not having given longitude for these discoveries it was logical that

    Davis should place his Frobisher Strait as a passage through southern Greenland,

    thus evolving an island to the south. This was perpetuated on maps for a con–

    siderable time.

            On some of Zalterius's maps of North America of the late sixteenth century,

    in the general vicinity of the present Bering Strait, appears the name "Streto

    de Anian," which name played a major role in the long and often involved evolu–

    tion of the delineation and location of the strait. Apparently this delineation

    and location on the Zalterius and subsequent maps is derived in part from a

    purported memorandum which a Spanish navigator called Captain Lorenzo Ferrer

    de Maldonado presented to the Council of the Indies in 1609. Maldonado relates

    that in 1588 he sailed from Spain to the Philippines by way of the "Mor Glaciale"

    and that the passage in the glacial seas was relatively easy, the water there

    not freezing. The reliability of this source is immediately cancelled out for

    he mentioned basing his expedition on the fictitious Frisland of the Zeno map.

    Maldonado's map appears to be an enlarged copy of a Zaltorius map.

            Hakluyt, in his Principal Navigations... , London, 1589, gave the reader

    a foretaste of the famous Molyneaux Globe that was ultimately completed in

    1592, but upon which over the next several decades additions apparently were

    made. Particularly notable are the results of the voyages of Frobisher and

    Davis and subsequent additions of the results of voyages of Barents. Davis

    and Edward Wright appear to have assisted in the correct delineations.

            Shortly after Gerhard Mercator's death in 1595, his son Rumold published

    053      |      Vol_XI-0217                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Friis: Arctic Cartography

    his great Atlas sive Cosmographicae meditationes de fabrica Mundi... Appar–

    ently this is the first time that the name Atlas was given to an assemblage

    of maps, a statement in the preface indicating that it was Mercator's idea.

    This atlas of beautifully engraved and colored plates includes several which

    summarize the knowledge of the Arctic, a detailed map of Iceland for example

    is well delineated.

            Willem Barents, intrepid and careful arctic voyager, died on June 20,

    1597, near the northern end of Novaya Zemlya after having wintered near the

    island's northeastern extremity. The boyages and observations of this Dutch–

    man during 1594–1597 were of incalculable significance to the knowledge and

    mapping of the North Sea, Spitsbergen, and Novaya Zemlya areas particularly.

    Barents commanded a fleet of four ships in 1594, two of which succeeded in

    reaching the north end of Novaya Zemlya, the other two passing south of the

    island; all of the ships later met in the Kara Sea. This proved so successful

    that the next year another attempt was made. In 1596, Barents and Jan Cornelisz

    Rijp discovered Bear Island and Spitsbergen and kept a detailed account of their

    observations. A map by Barents, the first and accurate map of this area, was

    published in 1598. In the same year a map of Greenland was published. In

    preparing this map Barents used the Zeno map as a base but made changes accord–

    ing to results of recent discoveries.

            William Shakespeare in scene 2 of Act 3 of his Twelfth Night , first pro–

    duced in 1601, speaks of "the New Map, with the Augmentation of the Indies,"

    an important English map of the world published in 1599 and generally agreed

    to have been prepared by Hakluyt's friend Edward Wright, author of Certaine

    Errors in Navigation, Detected and Corrected
    , London, 1599. This map is on a

    Mercator projection and certainly is one of the best maps of its time, includ-

    054      |      Vol_XI-0218                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Friis: Arctic Cartography

    ing those parts of the Arctic so recently discovered by the English and Dutch.

    The northern part of the map, which of course does not extend to the Pole, in–

    cludes Spitsbergen, Novaya Zemlya, and the Lapland coast. The Strait of Anian

    as heretofore plotted is omitted, a note on the map stating that the distance

    between the two continents in latitude 38° N. is not less than 1,200 leagues.

    Only that portion of the west coast of North America which had been discovered

    to the north by Drake is included as New Albion. "Meta incongnita" and "Fro–

    bishers Straightes" are removed from the American mainland and placed in south–

    ern Greenland. The northern discoveries of Davis and Frobisher are included

    but a reconcilation with the Zeno map is made - though Davis's own discoveries

    are shown rather accurately. "Frisland" and "Estotiland" of the Zeno chart


            Note : Two sections are still to come from the author — "The Reformation

    of Cartography," about 1700 to 1800, and "The Beginnings of Modern Cartography,"

    about 1800 to 1900.

    Arctic Cartography. Part II. The Period From About 1900 to 1947

    001      |      Vol_XI-0219                                                                                                                  

    (Herman R. Friis)





            Systematic detailed topographic map and hydrographic chart coverage

    of the Arctic is a product of the twentieth century - indeed, in point of

    view of the amount of area and the accuracy with which it has been covered,

    it is a product of World War II. What has been accomplished and the ingen–

    ious methods devised to expedite that accomplishment invite admiration and

    restore confidence. The face of the Arctic rapidly is being exposed as a

    more "friendly Arctic," an area not set apart from, but closely related to,

    and a functional part of, the middle-latitude conceived "air age."

            World War II generally, and its attendant numerous problems of logistics

    particularly, emphasized a "One World Concept." The swiftness and extensive–

    ness of modern warfare and the overall strategy early forced an awareness of

    the potential use of the Arctic as an avenue for the movement of supplies

    and personnel and as well the inescapable need for intelligence information

    concerning the composition of the physical and cultural landscapes. From the

    outset, a concerted effort was made to bring together and then evaluate known

    cartographic sources, both textual and graphic. But the Arctic, so long on

    the periphery of middle-latitude east-west consciousness, failed to yield re–

    liable topographic information except sparingly and for unrelated segments

    002      |      Vol_XI-0220                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II

    of regions. True, numerous fragments of information were extracted from

    published and available unpublished journal accounts of expeditions, per–

    sonnel of former Arctic expeditions were interrogated, some large-scale

    topographic maps and hydrographic charts that had been prepared by several

    governments were available, but the totality of information assembled re–

    vealed a heterogeneous mass of unrelated, mostly specialized, small-area

    data. From sources such as these and the results of mapping expeditions

    sent out during the first two or three years of World War II, the initial

    group of government-sponsored systematic series of topographic maps and

    hydrographic charts were made. Since then, with the widespread use of aerial

    photography and from the results of numerous ground control survey parties

    as well as expanded trained photogrammetric units and map compilation, draft–

    ing and production agencies, large-scale mapping of the Arctic has been

    achieved in the miraculously short period of some six years. More of the

    Arctic has been mapped systematically and on selected scales in the past

    decade than in all of the preceding periods of history. It is orderly

    mapping under government control, by the nations whose lands front on the



    Old Versus New Methods of Surveying in and Mapping of the Arctic

            Mapping of the Arctic up through most of the nineteenth century was

    comparatively primitive and was achieved by means of a few simple middle–

    latitude devised instruments. For much of the time it was a "catch as catch

    can" procedure. The seaman with his sextant, a compass (which often became

    unrelentingly erratic), a charting board and a rule of thumb modus operandi ,

    charted the coasts, the headlands, fjords and estuaries; eminences were

    003      |      Vol_XI-0221                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Friis: Arctic Cartography. Part II.

    sighted for hearings and recorded, but from a distance; coastal waters and

    particularly the track of the ship were laboriously sounded with a lead;

    and shoals and reefs were noted and a rough sketch chart was drawn, or cor–

    rections were made on a chart if it was available. The results generally

    were brought to the home or hydrographic office and deposited, later to be

    evaluated by a cartographer frequently without the benefit of the compiler

    of the notes, in the preparation of a new chart.

            The sledging party working overland, or the local-area, detailed, survey

    party were little better equipped. With a theodolite, a chronometer, meas–

    uring paraphanalia, perhaps a planetable, a sledge wheel, a compass whose

    usefulness in high latitudes was questionable except to the error- wi se user,

    a knowledge of the stars and an indefatigable will fortified with patience

    and yet more patience, small parties often of but several men, traversed

    scores, sometimes hundreds of miles of coast line or an alternately land and

    ice exposed terrain, as time and circumstances would permit. Time and cir–

    cumstance seldom permitted the preliminary establishment of operative geo–

    detic controls and a triangulation net and generally precluded the erection

    of permanent useful cairns or bench marks as triangulation points. The re–

    cords of these surveys were brought back to the comforts of civilization in

    the raw note and sketch map form and together were used in the preparation

    of new maps or as corrections made on existing maps.

            Unfortunately for posterity, certainly for cartography, many of the

    field records of expeditions were deposited in a private institution or with

    a society, the recorder himself going to other duties. So the records often

    remained unrefined and with few interpretations by the recorder, later to

    baffle and discourage the cartographer who was called upon to compile new

    004      |      Vol_XI-0222                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    maps from the raw notes.

            Plotting the area covered by the maps and charts produced by these and

    similar methods up to 1900 on a base map of the Arctic reveals a patchwork,

    almost a crazyquilt pattern of coverage with very little relationship be–

    tween areas except that they have been mapped. The maps are of coastal

    strips, fjord heads, river channels and islands, are on a considerable num–

    ber of different scales, interpretation of symbols is not always possible

    because of the lack of standardized terms, sources and dates of information

    recorded are obscure, and generally the lack of geodetic and stronomic con–

    trols preclude the use of many of those maps in the compilation of present

    day official large-scale maps. Obviously, only a very small percentage of

    the maps can be said to cover areas so well that re-surveys are not at once


            Present day mapping of the Arctic is in response to an urgent need and

    is being achieved almost entirely because of the very active interest of

    mapping and military agencies of the governments whose lands or territorial

    possessions front on or extend into the Arctic. Without this sponsorship

    and financial backing, mapping of the Arctic would indeed be only slightly

    improved in quality and certainly little more inclusive in coverage than

    during the first two decades of this century. Many different elements of

    recent (post 1900) origin have combined to make such remarkable success in

    mapping possible. Most important of these elements is aerial photography

    and the related field of photogrammetry which is responsible for the correct

    and detailed evaluation and interpretation of the aerial photographs. In–

    deed, the airplane has revolutionized man's ability to penetrate at will

    and to view even the most remote recesses of the Arctic. It is perhaps im–

    possible to calendar precisely when aerial photography was first applied to

    005      |      Vol_XI-0223                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    surveying in the Arctic th r ough several elementary attempts were made in

    the early 1920's, and by the late 1920's and early '30's it was in the ad–

    vanced experimental stage.

            A present-day government-sponsored and activated mapping program in

    the Arctic is exceedingly complex, intricately and carefully planned, and

    well equipped. It has available and utilizes an ever increasing fund of

    recorded and interpreted information about the area surveyed or to be re–

    surveyed. Likewise there appears to be an endless flow of improvements in

    precision instruments and in the comfort of personnel operating as the map–

    ping teams.

            Basic to a sound aerial mapping program is of course the establishment

    of precise ground controls. During the past ten years a very considerable

    number of geodetic and other positions as well as triangulation nets have

    been established for the Arctic to serve as the fabric upon which the serial

    flights are woven and the resulting photography adjusted in order to achieve

    a precise geometrical relationship of the resultant maps and charts.

            The photo-reconnaissance plane with its intricate, almost mechanically

    self-operating aerial camera, and an assortment of instruments for use in

    the maintenance of flight and a continuous contact with the base headquarters,

    in the heart of the mapping program. Aerial photography may be accomplished

    by one of several types of cameras such as those employing a single-lens

    vertical, a two-lens each oblique from the vertical, trimetrogen or two oblique

    and one vertical, and variations and combinations thereof including the elabor–

    ate supersensitive nine-lens camera of the United States Coast and Geodetic

    Survey. Trimstrogon is perhaps most frequently used and affords a rapid, ex–

    tensive-coverage medium of aerial photography. A typical camera is electric-

    006      |      Vol_XI-0224                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II

    ally operated, automatically exposes each successive photograph, and has on

    exceedingly powerful lens or set of lenses. Included in the camera is an

    automatic exposure counter, showing on the film the number and to the second

    of time of the exposure, the altitude and the route number, or a continuous

    strip film may be used. The exposed film either may be developed at the field

    headquarters or flown back to base headquarters; in any even t speed and care

    in development are important.

            But a photo-reconnaissance unit is more than a plane, a crew and a good

    camera. It is a comparatively elaborate undertaking of a numerous scientific–

    ally trained personnel, including meteorologists, a maintenance crew, radio

    operators, an air-sea rescue team, and others whose combined, though not nec–

    essarily always sole, duties are concerned with a particular flight. Planes

    may be equipped with skis, pontoons or wheels depending upon the nature of the

    task and the terrain flown. The best season, if there is such, for operations

    is indeed short, generally of two to three months duration during the summer.

            From the developed film prints are made and they individually and collec–

    tively become the source from which maps and charts are derived. Here again

    science has stepped in to render valuable service through the invention of a

    multiplex aerial duplicator and variants thereof. This machine faithfully

    brings out three-dimensional detail which on the photograph appears to the

    naked eye as a flat, often confused or fuzzy surface. By computing known v alues

    of elevations in the region covered by the photograph with the information

    divulged by this microscope-like machine, a cartographer can rapidly draft a

    map that will be accurate in every detail and three-dimensional.

            An excellent example of the speed and accuracy with which maps can be made

    is perhaps best illustrated by the recent completion of a small-scale (1:2,500,000)

    007      |      Vol_XI-0225                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    map of Alaska by the United States Geological Survey and by the large-scale

    (1:506,880) Air Navigation Charts of Arctic Canada prepared by the Hydro–

    graphic and Map Service of Canada. Coast lines, drainage and terrain features

    not only look different than on all predecessor maps, but are the most accur–

    ate (within the limitations of scale) to date. (For additional examples see

    discussion of the status of mapping.)

            Modern charting of the waters is almost as complex and certainly as

    revolutionary as modern mapping of the land. If the survey of an area is

    required within a period of a few days, a hydrographic survey ship can be

    dispatched and accomplish a detailed rapid survey, not only moving into the

    area and setting up beacons and establishing controls, obtaining with mech–

    anical precision a continuous and surprisingly dense net of soundings using

    the fathometer and simultaneously preparing a chart of the area, but within

    a few hours of the completion of the drafted map, can reproduce it aboard

    ship as printed copy in the required quntities. Of course, most hydrographic

    charts of an area are a composite of soundings and other information from

    many different reliable ships' logs and charts, whose information recently

    has been acquired through the use of precision instruments.

            An important element of modern government mapping is that methods and

    procedures are standardized; the records usually are so well organized and

    coordina ted and the photogammetrist and cartographer so well trained, that

    interpretation and use of the records in the compilation of a map is achieved

    with a minimum of effort and error.

            One cannot assign the sole responsibility for mapping to, nor acclaim

    only the products of government-sponsored mapping groups. A measure of recog–

    nition of valuable results must be given to the usually small, capable,

    008      |      Vol_XI-0226                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    privately-sponsored, inspiration-led parties which, during the past twenty

    or thirty years, have mapped and charted small areas on a large scale. Many

    of these parties have included well trained surveyors and topographers who,

    equipped with an accurate eye-piece reading photo-theodolite, a time signal

    wireless through which position can be determined accurately, a thermometer

    and barometer, an aerial compass, much improved, comfortable and yet not

    bulky clothes, and balanced rations, have contributed numerous geodetic con–

    trol points and astronomic fixes and topograpgic information as well. ( For

    details, see The History of Scientific Exploration in the Arctic Since the

    Introduction of Flying


    A Brief History of Surveying in and Mapping of the Arctic to

    World War II

            The Whole Arctic . Up to within the past ten years most maps of the whole

    Arctic were exceedingly small-scale (1:20,000,000 and smaller) and the con–

    figuration of land masses was fuzzy and inaccurate. Rarely was the Arctic

    viewed from the North Pole; frequently it was fantastically distorted on a

    Morcator projection. Some notable exceptions are the maps prepared by the

    American Geographical Society, 1929, John Bartholomew for the Royal Geograph–

    ical Society of London, 1934, the National Geographic Society, 1925, and maps

    by several Soviet cartographical units (see bibliography). It was left to

    the present period of extensive mapping and the "air age" to rectify these


            Space does not permit more than general commentaries on mapping of the

    individual sectors. For more detailed descriptions of the accomplishments

    see the mentioned article on The History of Scientific Exploration in the

    Arctic Since the Introduction of Flying .

    009      |      Vol_XI-0227                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

            The United States (Alaskan) Sector . Mapping of selected areas and coastal

    waters of Alaska by United States Government agencies until recently was car–

    ried out on limited resources and with only local completeness. Although it

    is true that the General Land Office, the Hydrographic Office, the Coast and

    Geodotic Survey and the Geological Survey have had survey parties in the field

    for decades, comparatively little large-scale mapping had been accomplished

    until aerial photography was introduced. Probably the first government-spon–

    sored large mapping organization s in Alaska were the Alaska Exploring Expedi–

    tions of the War Department particularly during 1883 and 1898 and the United

    States Navy Department in 1885 and 1886. Up to 1940, about half of Alaska

    had been mapped topographically, but of the some 587,000 square miles com–

    prising the territory on that date, less than one percent had been mapped

    with sufficient precision and in the detail now considered useful for most

    needs. Most of the topogra hic geologic and mineral resources maps of Alaska

    compiled by the United States Geological Survey as a result of field surveys

    accompany the publications of that agency. An index map published by the Geo–

    logical Survey serves as a handy reference to coverage and the specific publi–

    cations to which the maps are related. Most of the topographic mapping of

    Alaska has been accomplished by the Geological Survey and the hydrographic

    charting of the nearly 27,000 miles of coast line and adjacent waters has been

    by the Coast and Geodetic Survey.

            Mention should be made of the pioneering efforts of the Alaskan Aerial

    Survey Expedition initiated by the Geological Survey and actually carried out

    by the Navy Department in 1928. An area in southeastern Alaska was selected,

    a planned, well organized pattern of flights by three Loening amphibian planes

    was followed, some 5,000 exposures were made on a scale of 1:20,000 using tri-

    010      |      Vol_XI-0228                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    lens cameras, and subsequently three large-scale topographic maps were com–

    piled. The primary purpose of this expedition, with which R. H. Sargent of

    the Geological Survey served in an advisory capacity, was to test methods of

    aerial photography and to supply information that might expedite and give

    greater accuracy to large-scale maps prepared particularly by the Geological

    Survey. The results pointed the way, yet operations were slow in being de–


            In addition to the preparation of coastal charts of Alaska [ ?] the Coast

    and Geodetic ha s been responsible for the establishment of geodetic positions

    and a triangulation net. Since 1940 this agency has been compiling and publish–

    ing a series of aeronautical (topographic) charts of Alaska on a scale of

    1:1,000,000 that probably rank as the best available. Use of the nine-lens

    aerial camera and improved survey methods have established a high degree of

    accuracy for the hydrographic charts published by the Coast and Geodetic Survey.

            Some of the best large-scale local-area topographic maps of Alaska pre–

    pared during this period were a result of field surveys by privately subsid–

    ized and sponsored parties. Notable among these are the maps and aerial photo–

    graphs of the St. Elias and adjacent regions by the Yukon Exploring Expeditions

    led by Walter A. Wood of the American Ge ogr aphical Society, 1935 through 1941;

    the southern regions of Alaska and borderland Canada by Bradford Weshburn, 1930

    through 1940; and the expeditions of William B. Osgood and others to s outh eastern

    Alaska for aerial surveys and particularly a study of the glaciers in 1935

    and earlier expeditions in 1926 and 1931. Sir Hubert Wilkins, during his flights

    from Alaska and Canada cut over the Arctic Sea in search of the lost Soviet

    flier Levanevsky in 1937 and 1938, viewed, recorded and photographed large

    areas of northern Alaska that had been unmapped and assisted in a more accurate

    011      |      Vol_XI-0229                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    delineation of the major contours. Mention should be made of the large–

    scale (1:500,000) thirteen-sheet topographic map of Alaska compiled from

    many sources by William Briesomeister of the American Geographical Society

    for the Alaska Road Commission (1943).

    The Canadian Sector . Although there had been numerous expeditions and mapping

    surveys in the Canadian Arctic prior to the Canadian Arctic Expedition led

    by the able exponent of, and authority on the Arctic, Vilhjalmur Stefansson,

    in 1913–1918, systematic, controlled and useful topographic maps of this sec–

    tor probably originate with this expedition. With exceptions mentioned, the

    Canadian Government until about 1939 expended its mapping resources almost

    exclusively on populated southern Canada. During the period from 1918 to

    1929, government geodetic and survey parties were sent into the Arctic and

    carried on very limited ground surveys, particularly around or at sites oc–

    cupied by trading posts and police stations. Often geodesists accompanied

    the Canadian Government vessel Nascopie on her annual summer voyage into the

    Canadian Arctic and a succession of valuable control points were established.

            The Department of Mines and Resources, including the Topographic Branch

    and the Hydrographic and Map Service, and their predecessor agencies have

    been responsible for most of the government mapping in arctic Canada assisted

    by the aerial photographic units of the Royal Canadian Air Force. Most of

    the topographic, geologic and mineral resources maps of Canada compiled by

    agencies of the Canadian Government as a result of field surveys accompany

    publications of the Department of Mines and Resources.

            In passing, note should be made of a unique early survey by Major Robert

    A. Logan of the Canadian Air Force, who was authorized to accompany the Can–

    adian Government Arctic Expedition of 1922 to the southern coast of Ellesmere

    012      |      Vol_XI-0230                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    Land. Here he surveyed and staked out, within 830 miles of the Pole, a site

    for an airfield in anticipation of transarctic flying.

            One of the first official aerial surveys in Canada was organized and be–

    gan operations in 1927 under Major N. B. McLean, officer-in-charge of the ex–

    pedition for the Canadian Department of Marine and Fisheries. The need for

    these surveys became at once apparent when the Hudson Bay Railway was extend–

    ed to Churchill and the opening of the Hudson Bay and Strait route to the

    Atlantic appeared to be achieved. The need for accurate charts, particularly

    through the straits, was immediate. From bases established on Wakehavn and

    Nottingham islands and on the southern coast about midway between the islands,

    Fokker planes (two from each of the bases) carried out aerial photographic

    surveys in a fanwise manner, and between October 1927 and August 1928 had

    completed over 200 routine air patrols, one of over 590 miles, and many spec–

    ial and non-patrol flights. Numerous oblique air photographs and accurately

    determined positions made possible the compilation and publication of some

    of the most useful maps and charts of Arctic Canada. Since 1929 the Canadian

    Hydrographic Office has carried on detailed surveys of the Hudson Bay Route.

    The extent of the task before the Hydrographic Service is indicated by the

    fact that of the approximately 50,000 miles of coast line that is Canada's,

    some 27,000 miles include the Arctic Islands, very few miles of which have

    been accurately surveyed.

            The Dominion Government was among the first to realize the importance

    of maintaining a central file of air photographs when in the late 1920's it

    organized the National Air Photographic Library of Canada in Ottawa. This

    central depository is the most valuable source of accurate landscape informa–

    tion on the Canadian Arctic from which maps can be made.

    013      |      Vol_XI-0231                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

            The Hudson Strait flights of 1928–1929 were followed by an equally

    revealing use of aerial photography when Jamor L. T. Burwash of the North–

    west Territories and Yukon Branch of the Dominion Government left Fort Hearne

    at the mouth of the Coppermine River on August 23, 1930, flew a route that

    carried him over Dolphin and Union Strait, skirted the south coast of Victoria

    Island, then to and circling King William Island, on to Boothia Peninsula and

    the magnetic pole, and returning by way of Victoria Island, Cambridge Bay,

    the south shore of Dease Strait, Coronation Gulf, and finally Fort Hearne which

    he achieved on September 8. Complete photographic coverage of the coast line

    flown over was obtained.

            Members of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police patrols have contributed

    substantial funds of terrain information and frequently reconnaissance maps,

    covering remote segments of the Arctic. Notable contributions include Con–

    stable G. T. Mackintosh's survey of Makinson Inlet in southeastern Ellesmere

    Island in April 1928, and Inspector A. H. Joy's 1700 mile trek through the

    far northern Arctic Islands and across Ellesmere Island in 1929.

            Numerous privately sponsored small expeditions have made valuable carto–

    graphic and textual contributions. Many of those are noted in the article on

    A History of Exploration Since the Introduction of Flying . The following are

    some of the expeditions into the Canadian Arctic that contributed basic data

    for use in mapping or surveyed and mapped areas until then otherwise unmapped

    or poorly mapped.

            Vilhjalmur Stefansson in 1910–1912 surveyed portions of the Victoria

    Island-Great Bear Lake-Franklin Bay area. One of the valuable products of

    his Canadian Arctic Expedition 1913–1918 was accurate position observations,

    ground surveys and terrain descriptions. In 1914, R. J. Flaherty's expedition

    014      |      Vol_XI-0232                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    through the Hudson Bay area and across Ungava Peninsula resulted in important

    corrections of the maps of the region. The Crocker Land expedition under

    D. B. MacMillan assisted by Elmer Ekblaw in 1914–1917 made substantial and

    detailed corrections in the maps of Ellesmere Island, notably the coast from

    Cape Sabine to Clarence Head. J. D. Soper in 1925 and 1926, and the Putnam

    Baffin Island Expedition with L. M. Gould as physiographer and glaciologist,

    in 1927 contributed valuable information that brought about severe changes

    in maps of the island, the latter expedition revealing for the first time the

    correct configuration of the northern coast of Foxe Peninsula and the south–

    eastern corner of Foxe Basin.

            Use of the airplane as a medium for rapid surveying of terrain and the

    discovery of mineral resources was carried out by the Northern Aerial Mineral

    Explorations, Ltd., and the Dominion Explorers, Ltd., when, in 1928 and 1929

    they sent planes out over a considerable area west of Hudson Bay, north into

    the Bar [ ?] en Grounds and onto the arctic mainland coast. Although the planes

    of both companies ultimately were forced down or wrecked, the results and

    the thousands of miles flown by rescue missions were productive as to topo–

    graphic information, and in pointing the way to the profitable use of air–

    planes in surveying in Canada's Arctic. Some of the first scientific aerial

    surveys in the maps of an arctic area resulted from the several Forbes ex–

    peditions to Labrador and were largely the work of O. M. Miller of the Amer–

    ican Geographical Society. Three aerial expeditions (1931, 1932 and 1935)

    resulted in a sufficient number of coordinated oblique photographs covering

    some 4,000 square iiles in about twenty hours of flying time, which, with

    ground controls, made possible the compilation of a four-sheet map of northern–

    most Labrador on a scale of 1:100,000 and a hypsometric map of the same area

    015      |      Vol_XI-0233                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    on a scale of 1 [ ?] 300,000. During 1936–1938, Robert Bentham surveyed parts of

    the southern and southeastern Elleamere Land and by combining photographs

    and angles, later it was possible to prepare a correct map of the coast and

    mountains south of Makinson Inlet. The fjord region of eastern Baffin Island,

    particularly north of Cape Hewett, was surveyed in 1934 and again in 1937 by

    Cambridge University expeditions. The T. H. Manning expedition spent most

    of the period from 1938 to 1940 in the survey of Southampton Island and the

    western areas of Baffin Island and prepared accurate detailed maps of the area.

            The Danish (Greenland) Sector. Greenland, perhaps more than any other

    arctic area, has been explored and surveyed during its recent past by numerous

    different scientific parties and by a score or more nationalities. The Danish

    Government itself through the Commission for the Scientific Investigation of

    Greenland and the Danish Geodetic Institute, has sponsored and financed one

    of the first overall programs of large-scale mapping in the Arctic. The re–

    sults of these expeditions and surveys as well as those of other scientific

    parties, find expression in one of the finest series of scientific publications

    Meddelelser om Gr o ø nland (published since 1879 in 145 volumes to 1946). An

    examination of these volumes reveals a treasure trove of information on map–

    ping and mapping methods and techniques, and includes numerous maps of Green–

    land. Indeed, one of the most valuable descriptions on cartography of the

    Arctic is Lauge Koch's "Survey of North Greenland," Meddelelsor om Gr o ø nland ,

    vol. 130 (1), pp. 1–364, and Atlas , K o ø benhavn, 1940.

            One of the first, and certainly one of the best, examples of topographic

    maps of the Arctic is the series of sheets on a scale of 1:250,000 of the east

    and west coasts of Greenland, published by the Danish Geodetic Institute under

    the Ministry of War. This work was begun in 1927 and continued uninterrupted

    016      |      Vol_XI-0234                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    to 1939; field work was not carried on during the War 1939–1945, and since

    1946 has been prosecuted on a more elaborate and detailed basis. During the

    War, compilation and drafting of new sheets was continued in Denmark on the

    basis of numerous air photographs taken during preceding years. Up to 1939,

    thrity-four sheets had been published, and by means of an aerocartograph some

    200,000 square kilometers on a scale of 1:200,000 were plotted and photographs

    covering about 140,000 square kilometers were available for additional plotting.

    The plotted areas included the east coast between latitudes 72° and 76° and

    the west coast between latitudes 63° 30′ and 69° 20′. Coordinated aerial

    photographic surveys were carried out from Heinkel hydroplanes of the Danish

    Navy during the period 1932–1939. This was accomplished at about 4,000 meters,

    along flight lines about 35 kilometers apart using a single-lens camera.

            Up to 1939 the Danish Geodetic Institute had established a first-order

    triangulation not along the west coast from latitudes 60° to 75° including

    76 first order and 482 second order stations. During the period 1931–1937, the

    west coast beyween latitudes 67° 30′ and 73° was mapped by planetable methods.

    Surveys carried out each spring and summer up to 1939 were well organized not

    only as to personnel but equipment. Motorboats were em ployed in the fjords

    as a rapid and light means of transport and Greenlanders served as valued

    assistants. The individual surveying parties maintained a high degree of

    mobility and alertness in order to take advantage of the frequent changes in


            Another significant series of topographic maps published by the Danish

    Goodetic Institute, but for which the remarkable surveys of Lauge Koch during

    the period 1917 to 1923 were the basic source, is the Atlas. This series, the

    eastern sheets of which Lauge Koch has recently modified, are remarkable because

    017      |      Vol_XI-0235                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    they, along with his more recent published maps derived from his aerial

    surveys during 1933–1938, represent probably the most accurate extensive

    large-scale survey covering such a high latitude area to 1939. This set

    in nineteen sheets is on a scale of 1:300,000 and was published in 1932.

            Significant among the numerous recent private scientific and government–

    sponsored expeditions to the Greenland area up to 1939 accomplishing large–

    scale mapping and charting, are those of Louise Boyd to the east coast and

    the Greenland Sea from 1930 to 1938; the British Air Route Expedition to the

    northeast coast of Greenland in 1906–1908; the First through the Seventh Thule

    Expeditions extending at irregular intervals from 1912 to 1933; the Bicenten–

    ary Jubilee Expedition around the north of Greenland, 1920 to 1923; the Alfred

    Wegoner German Greenland Expeditions, 1929 to 1931; the Cambridge University

    East Greenland Expeditions of J. M. Wordie, in 1923, 1926 and 1929; J. B.

    Charcot's surveys in the Greenland seas, 1925 through 1936; the University of

    Michigan Expedition under W. H. Hobbs and Ralph Belknap, 1926 to 1934; the

    Danish Three-Year Expedition, 1931 to 1934; Norwegian expeditions under K.

    Orvin and A. Hoel in 1929 to 1932; the Anglo-Danish expedition of 1935 to 1936

    under L. R. Wager; the Oxford University West Greenland Expedition headed by

    P. C. Mott in 1936 that made large-scale topographic surveys of the S o ø ndre

    Str[?]mfjord and Sukkertoppen areas; and the British Northwest Greenland Expedi–

    tion in 1937–1939. Also, the transactions of the Greenland icecap by de Quer–

    vain in 1912, J. P. Koch and Alfred Wegoner in 1912–1913, Martin Lindsay in

    1934 and others, obtained vital information on the topographic nature of the

    interior. The cartographic and related results of those and other expeditions

    have been published, often with excellent large-scale topographic maps and

    hydrographic charts in scientific periodicals and special publications of

    018      |      Vol_XI-0236                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    scientific societies. (See bibliography following article on the History

    of Scientific Exploration in the Arctic Since the Introduction of Flying .)

            Charting of the Greenland Sea and the waters west of Greenland has been

    carried out by numerous different expeditions generally, and the Danish,

    Norwegian, British and American governments particularly. The International

    Hydrographic Office has served as a central repository for some of the data.

    Hydrographic surveys have been carried out in the Greenland Sea over a period

    of several decades by the Norges Svalbard-og-Ishavs-Unders o ø kelser, the North

    Atlantic, Davis Strait and Baffin Bay by the United States Coast Guard Ice

    Patrol 1914 to date, and the coastal waters of Greenland by the Danish Navy.

    Data from these and other expeditions have been incorporated into hydrographic

    charts published by the United States Hydrographic Office.

            The Norwegian (Svalbard-Jan Mayen) Sector . Since the establishment of

    the Norges Svalbard-og Ishavs-Unders o ø kelser in Oslo in 1906, organized govern–

    ment-sponsored scientific exploration and mapping of Svalbard has been carried

    out with a high degree of success. The collaboration of the Swedish-Russian

    Expedition to Spitsbergen in 1899–1902, for the measurement of an arc of mer–

    idian, established a convenient net to which subsequent surveys could be re–

    lated and from which they could be derived.

            Under Adolf Hoel, director of the agency until probably 1945, almost

    yearly one or more survey and topographic parties were sent out from Norway

    to Svalbard to chart the waters and survey selected areas of the land surface.

    Results of these expeditions and laboratory research have found expression in

    the Skrifter and the Meddel el se series of the Norges Svalbard-og-Ishavs-Under–

    sokelser. The Skrifter series (number 1 through 88, 1922 to 1945) like the

    Meddelelser om Gr o ø nland series by the Danes for Greenland, serves as an excellent

    019      |      Vol_XI-0237                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    source of information government and other surveys in Svalberd.

            During the period 1906–1939, a total of 18,653 square kilometers of

    Svalbard was mapped by ground survey parties and some 65,000 square kilometers

    were photographed by photo-reconnaissance airplanes. An additional 9,200

    square kioometers of ground surveys and some 30,000 square kilometers of

    a [ ?] erial surveys were carried out during this period in the areas of north–

    east Greenland of interest to the Norwegians. Examination of an index map

    showing flight linesto areas covered by aerial photography reveals that prac–

    tically all of Svalbard has been covered by air photographs. Most of the West–

    ern half of the island of Spitsbergen and all of Prince Charles Foreland have

    been surveyed, some 6,200 square kilometers during 1957–1942 from Aero-photo–

    grams on a scale of 1:50,000, about 10,000 square kilometers on a scale of

    1:200,000 (1942–1943) and the remainder representing earlier less reliable

    surveys. During the period 1907–1939, a total of about 110,000 su [ ?] are kilo–

    meters of the waters circumjacent to Svalbard and the area of Norwegian in–

    terest in northeast Greenland was surveyed.

            Systematic series of large-scale topographic maps of Svalbard for select–

    ed areas of the western portion of Svalbard are available on a scale of 1:50,000.

    An excellent large-scale 1:25,000 topographic map of Bear Island was published

    as a revised edition in 1944. A preliminary edition of topographic maps of

    areas in Kings Bay, Icefjord, Bell Sound and Bear Island of Spitsbe rg en on

    a scale of 1:50,000 were published to accompany the Svalbard Commissioner's

    Report Concerning the Claims of Lands in Svalbard
    , Oslo, 1927.

            Since Cunnar Isacheen in 1906 and Gerard De Ceor in 1899–1902 carried

    out topographic surveys in Svalbard and subsequently published large-scale

    maps of those areas, a succession of privately sponsored and often well equipped

    020      |      Vol_XI-0238                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    expeditions have carried out detailed surveys and published maps to accompany

    their reports. English, Swedish, German, Norwegian, French and American

    scientists particularly have sent expeditions to Svalbard. The English,

    perhaps more than any other nationality, have made notable contributions,

    especially the Oxford, Cambridge and other university expeditions. Some of

    the first field experiments in aerial photography in the Arctic were carried

    out in Svalbard, notably the surveys by Lieutenant Walter Mittelholzer in

    1923 and the following year by George Binney, who led the Third Oxford Univ–

    ersity Arctic Expedition.

            The northern, or arctic (Finnmark) fringe of Norway has been surveyed

    and charted in detail since before World War I and the maps and charts pro–

    duced by the Norwegian Topographic Survey and General Staff of the Army and

    the Norwegian Hydrographic Office respectively, represent some of the most de–

    tailed, large-scale (1:50,000) maps of the Arctic available.

            The U.S.S.R. Sector . Extensive topographic mapping and charting programs

    for this sector of the Arctic are a product almost exclusively of the Soviet

    period of control. Although numerous private as well as government-sponsored

    expeditions had sailed into the Russian Arctic prior to 1918, for commercial

    purposes, in search of the northeast or a northwest passage around the con–

    tinent, or in quest of more favorable approaches to the North Pole, detailed

    mapping activities generally were subordinated to other interests. As early

    as the first half of the eighteenth century, the general outline of the Arctic

    coast was known and had been recorded, though not always very accurately, on

    maps. The voyages of Bering, the Laptev brothers, Ovtsyn and Promicheshchev

    during this period of concentrated search for a Northern Sea Route partly ful–

    filled the need for cartographic and hydrographic information on that area.

    The results of these expeditions remained significant to the twentieth century.

    021      |      Vol_XI-0239                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

            Surveying in the Russian-Soviet Arctic prior to about 1920 was for the

    most part concerned with successive attempts at discovery north and east along

    the coast from the Kola Peninsula and particularly Arkhangelsk. The estuaries

    of the larger rivers and much of the coast line east from Arkhangelsk to the

    Ob and Yenesei, had been charted, as had also the Kamchatka-Bering Strait area.

    Novaya Zemelya, Nordenskiold Archipelago, Franz Josef Land, the New Siberian

    Islands and Wrangel Island had been mapped. Perhaps the most fruitful expedi–

    tion of the early twentieth century in point of discovery and mapping was that

    by Vilkitski, who led the Taimyr and the Vaigach from 1913 to 1915. In 1913

    these ships, stationed in Vladivostok, were ordered into the Arctic and accom–

    plished discoveries and surveys of islands along the Russian Arctic coast as

    far as Starokadomskii Zemlya west of the Severnaia Zemlya Archipelago, but

    were forced to return to Vladivostok. During 1914 and 1915, Vilkitskii, with

    the same two ships, accomplished the east-west passage of the Northern Sea

    Route and made many valuable contributions to the cartography of the area.

            Significant among the other expeditions into the Russian Arctic during

    the period immediately prior to World War I contributing substantial carto–

    graphic information are: Sedov's fateful expedition into the area about Novaya

    Zemlya and Franz Josef Land during 1912–1914, during which valuable surveys

    were made; Rusanov's explorations and circumnavigation of Novaya Zemlya in

    1909–1910; Vilkitskii's discovery and mapping of parts of Severnaia Zemlya,

    Novosibirskii Island, Vilkitskii Zemlya, Zhukhov Zemlya, Wrangel Island, and

    the mouths of several of the main rivers of the arctic coast including parti–

    cularly the Kolyma; and finally the first successful air survey in the Arctic

    made by Lieutenant Nagurski, whose five flights in 1914 carried him out from

    Krestovaya Bay, on Novaya Zemlya, and over Lutke Bay, Barents Bay and Islands,

    022      |      Vol_XI-0240                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    and along the west coast of Novaya Zemlya, the longest flight being some 200

    miles from the base.

            The several decades following the establishment of the Soviet regime

    have witnessed probably the most extensive government-sponsored attempt at

    mastering the Arctic and have included widespread mapping programs. These

    have been so numerous, and the surveys have been restricted almost entirely

    to Soviet agencies about which since the beginning of World War II only in–

    complete information is available, that only a brief sketch here is possible.

    The All-Union Arctic Institute and the Central Administration of the Northern

    Sea Route and their predecessor agencies have been the primary sources of

    Soviet activities in the Arctic, the most important of which activities has

    been a scientific approach to, and an apparently successful achievement in

    opening and maintaining the Northern Sea Route. This achievement is to a

    large extent a product of hydrographic and topographic mapping and as well

    an intensive survey of the resources of the Soviet Arctic mainland. Scientific

    textual and cartographic results of these activities find a ready outlet in

    the publications of the two agencies, notably the Transactions and Bulletina

    of the Arctic Institute and Materials for the Study of the Arctic and Problems

    of the Arctic , also of the Arctic Institute.

            The period from about 1920 to 1930 was for the most part experimental and

    was concerned primarily with establishing the overall topographic and hydro–

    graphic features of the more than 6,000,000 square kilometers of Soviet Arctic

    in order to facilitate and expedite the search for natural resources and poten–

    tial avenues of transport and sites for settlement. So it was that emphasis

    in hydrographic surveys was placed on the sea [ ?] marginal to the continent and

    the major tributaries thereto. Although hydrographic (both plan [ ?] metric and

    023      |      Vol_XI-0241                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    bathymetric) charts of the Barents, Kara and Laptev seas and the numerous

    bays, and the Co, Yenesei, Lena, Kolymn, and other rivers debouching into

    the arctic waters were compiled as a product of expeditions, detailed scien–

    tific surveys were left to the period beginning about 1930. Particular emph–

    asis was given to hydrographic surveys of the waters adjacent to Novoya Zemlya.

    One of the products of these surveys was the compilation and issuance of navi–

    gation atlases of the rivers and ice atlases and prognoses on ice conditions

    in the seas. Extensive use of the powerful icebreaker type of ship, notably

    the Sedov and the Lutke, during the latter part of this period, made possible

    more comprehensive and extensive surveys. Likewise, the establishment of wire–

    less, geophysical and mateorological stations on strategic sites, such as

    islands and peninsulas, helped coordinate the charting and napping program.

            Topographic surveying expeditions during this period were fewer in number

    and considerably less significant insofar as the area covered. Much of the

    work was expended in the establishment of ground controls, as for example the

    determination of more than 40 a stron omic positions adjacent to the Indigirka

    River in order to facilitate the mapping of that river in 1928–1930 under J.K.

    Tcheriklrin. Of the Arctic Islands, Novaya Zemlya received most attention by

    topographers during this period. In 1924, a permanent geophysical observatory

    was built at Matochkin Shar and in the same year several topographic surveys,

    notably one of the east coast by the Leningrad Institute for the Study of the

    North. During 1927–1930, the Novosibirskii group was surveyed by an expedi–

    tion under N. W. Pineguin and a large-scale, detailed topographic map of Liak–

    hov [ ?] kii Zemlya was made. A small expedition under Dr. Savenko during 1926–

    1929, in addition to other duties on Wrangel Island, completed a large-scale

    topographic map of the island. It is notable that very little use was made

    024      |      Vol_XI-0242                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    of serial photography. This initial period of mapping under the Soviet regime

    was exploratory in nature.

            The period from about 1930 to 1939 in a decade of prodigious effort in

    mapping the Soviet Arctic. It is a period during which the application of

    improved methods in mapping, a growing resource of scientifically trained per–

    sonnel, widespread use of serial photography and photogrammetry and modern map

    compilation and reproduction methods as well as reorganized and expanded scien–

    tific units having charge of the Arctic, gave a remarkable impetus to accomplish–

    ment of the task.

            During this period, most of the Arctic and Pacific coasts of the U.S.S.R.

    were mapped and charted in detail, as were many of the islands of the Arctic

    Sea. Surveys of most of the major rivers were completed and large-scale navi–

    gation charts and pilot guides were issued for use though with continued vig–

    ilance as to their accuracy. All Soviet ships sailing in arctic waters were

    required to conduct scientific hydrographic surveys, record information on the

    status of the ice and weather, and to make the results available to the agencies

    responsible for investigations in the Arctic, particularly the Hydrographic

    Office. These prolific sources of information as well as the special hydro–

    graphic expeditions of the Chief Administration for the Northern Sea Route and

    the Arctic Institute have made possible the compilation of one of the best,

    if not the best, series of large-scale, detailed hydrographic charts of the

    Arctic, confined though they are to the Soviet Sector. The charts on scales

    of from 1:100,000 to 1:500,00, some thirty-five in number,a result of surveys

    mostly prior to 1940 and published since that date, have been issued as emer–

    ency reproductions by the United States Hydrographic office, include topographic

    information for the coastal areas, considerable detailed hydrographic informa-

    025      |      Vol_XI-0243                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    tion such as soundings, obstructions to navigation, currents, radio, wireless,

    and polar stations, and of course the configuration of the contact between

    land and water. There can be few better current sources of cartographic in–

    formation on the outline of the U.S.S.R. extending into, and the islands with–

    in the Arctic Sea and the nature of the bathymetry and oceanography of that

    water area. The airplane for reconnaissance and photography and the specially

    staffed laboratories of the icebreaker and hydrographic vessels have been large–

    ly responsible for this success.

            Significant as the published products of those hydrographic surveys are,

    it is the prodigious effort and considerable success in topographic, geologic

    and other mapping, and in the development of modern rapid methods of surveying

    and in geodesy, that command attention. During the period 1930 to 1939, hun–

    dreds of topographic and geodetic expeditions were sent out by scientific organ–

    izations, mostly sponsored by, or in collaboration with, the Arctic Institute.

    The results, though often published separately, were first combined in the

    compilation of the "Geological Map of the Union of Soviet Socialistic Republics

    ...1937. Scale 1:500,000." which was published particularly for the Seventeenth

    International Geological Congress meetings in Moscow in 1937. This map, ex–

    pressed within the limitations of scale and in terms of available information,

    presented a new planimetric outline of the Soviet Arctic. This was followed

    by the publication of a thirty-two sheet "Planometric Map of the U.S.S.R. and

    Adjacent Countries, 1938–1939," on a scale of 1:2,500,000 and in 1938 by a

    twenty-sheet "Planimetric map of the European parts of the U.S.S.R.," on a

    scale of 1:1,500,000.

            With the publication of the first two volumes of "The Great Soviet Atlas"

    in 1937–1939, Soviet cartography came of age and stands out as an epic in modern

    026      |      Vol_XI-0244                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    cartography. Included within this atlas are maps of the whole Arctic and

    larger-scale relief maps of segments of the Soviet Arctic, which has been

    measured and its parts fitted and found to be quite unlike the old version.

    Let us select and note a few of the many expeditions which together made pos–

    sible these recent maps.

            When in 1931 the Graf Zeppelin, a lighter-than-air ship, glided over

    European U.S.S.R., Franz Josef Land, making a brief water landing in Calm

    Harbor of Hooker Island, and then on over Severnaya Zemlys, Cape Cheliuskin,

    Taimyr Sea, Dickson Island, Hara Sea, Novaya Zemlya, and returned to Berlin,

    a new period in the mapping and charting of the Soviet Arctic dawned. One of

    the products of this flight was topographic maps of parts of Novaya Zemlya,

    Sovernaia Zemlya and other islands, resolved by photogrametric methods. At

    once it proved the value of serial reconnaissance and photogrammetric methods

    and stimulated modern mapping in the Soviet Arctic. Simultaneously a reorgan–

    ized and considerably expanded Chief Administration for the Northern Sea Route

    and particularly the Arctic Institute, came into being. One of its first

    major mapping activities was the Anadyr-Chukchee expedition, which, from 1931

    to 1934, largely under the leadership of Sergei Obruchev, surveyed and mapped

    from the air as well as on the ground, a considerable area of heretofore pear–

    ly, or unmapped terrain, and contributed hysometric maps of the region, some

    on scales of 1:250,000 and 1:500,000, and one of the region on a scale of


            Geodetic positions were established in, and triangulation note were woven

    across numerous areas, as for example the lower Indiga River (1930–1932), the

    lower Lena River (1931), the Anadyr-Chukchi District (1931–1934), the coastal

    area between the Lena River and Bering Strait (1931–1932), Lower Pechora River

    027      |      Vol_XI-0245                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    area (1932), the Anni-Kolyma River region (1933–1935), Novaya Zemlya (1932–

    1936), Novaskbirskii Zemlya (1934–1935), Tixi Bay (1934), Chaun District (1934–

    1935), Nordenskiöld Archipelago (1935–1936), Pronchishobeva Bay (1935), Capes

    Cheliuskin and Schmidt (1935), the Taimyr, Anabar and Indigirks rivers (1935),

    Wrangel Island (1935), the Orulgan District (1936), Yenisei Bay (1937), and

    the Nordenskiold Archipelago (1938–1939). At least two comprehensive publica–

    tions have been issued as a product of these and other surveys. (1) V. G.

    Vasiliev and Others: "...[Catalogue of the Astronomical Points of the U.S.S.R.

    Sector of the Arctic]," Materials for the Study of the Arctic, No. 8, pp. 1–40,

    Leningrad, 1935 and (2) "...[Catalogue of the Astronomical Points of the U.S.S.R.

    Sector of the ArcticI." Published by the Chief Administration of the Northern

    Sea Route. Leningrad, 1937. 357 pp. and map.

            A few of the topographic and geological surveys and expeditions sent out

    during the period 1930–1939 bear notice. Sovernaya Zemlya, so long unsurveyed,

    was first surveyed and mapped in considerable detail by an expedition from the

    Arctic Institute in 1930–1932; a Mr. Lappo, observer on the airplane "Komsever–

    put No. 3" (Dornier-Val flying boat) made the first serial topographic map of

    Sverdrup Zemlya; the East Polar Expedition of the Air Fleet in 1931–1932 car–

    ried out geological and planetable surveys of areas between Bering Strait and

    the Lena River; G. A. Oushakov in charge of operations, made substantial changes

    in the map of the Sergei Komenov Zemlya in 1932–1933; approximately 15,000

    square kilometers of the Chelioskin Peninsula were mapped on a scale of

    1:500,00; the Geological Prospecting Detachment operating in the Bulun District

    planetabled on a scale of 1:25,000 selected areas in the Lena-Khatanga Region;

    Rudolf Zemlya and adjoining islands were mapped topographically in 1933; and

    mapping of large portions of the ice sheets of Novaya Zemlya was accomplished

    by members of a glaciological station established at Russian Harbour in 1935.

            During 1933–1935, the Arctic Institute Anui Expedition led by V. V. Vaker

    028      |      Vol_XI-0246                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    mapped, topographically and geologically, in some instances on scales of

    1:100,000 with 100 meter contours, large areas of hitherto unmapped terrain in

    the area between the Chaun and Kolyma rivers. Instrumental surveys were made

    of several islands in Franz Josef Land Archipelago in 1934 and subsequently,

    particularly with respect to establishing airbases; one of the first surveys

    was directed by air when M. K. Koshelev flow from the icebreaker Taimyr in

    1934. A topographic map of the Chaun Disttict was compiled from the detailed

    topographic surveys of the West Chukotsk Geological Expedition in 1934–1935.

    By 1936 Novaya Zemlya had been very nearly completely mapped and it was pos–

    sible to compile and publish a large-scale topographic map (1:500,000 ?) of

    the island by the Arctic Institute in 1936. In 1935 several extensive serial

    surveying parties were in the field, the Aero-Photo Survey Expedition of the

    Central Hydrographic Department with a two-motored plane and an aerial camera,

    surveyed, with occasional weather difficulties, large areas of the coast and

    of the rivers of the arctic coast of Eastern Siberia, notably the Lena, Clenek,

    Vilnia rivers and areas into Yakutsk. In 1935 the Lavienty Geological Research

    Party of the Arctic Institute completed extensive topographic and geological

    surveys in the extreme northeastern Chukotsk Peninsula, Asia. During 1936 and

    1937, an expedition of the Arctic Institute was in the Yana District and sur–

    veyed an area of some 35,000 kilometers from which a geological map on a scale

    of 1:1,000,000 and a topographical map on a scale of 1:500,000 were completed.

    By 1939 most of the Soviet Arctic had been surveyed in sufficient detail to

    make possible a serious attempt at compiling a topographical map on a scale of


            In 1934 the Arctic Institute completed the compilation of a hysometric

    map of the Arctic on a scale of 1:20,000,000. In 1935 the Arctic Institute

    029      |      Vol_XI-0247                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    announced that its Cartographic and Geodetical Section had been collecting

    all available information on topographic and other mapping in the Arctic and

    was preparing a comprehensive publication on "the Topographical Knowledge of

    the Soviet Arctic." In 1936 the same Section of the Arctic Institute publish–

    ed a detailed paper (with a map) on the "Computation of the Areas Occupied by

    the Soviet Arctic."

            Numerous large-scale geological, botanical, glaciological, oceanographic,

    and topographic maps of small areas accompany articles published in Soviet

    scientific periodicals of which there are surprisingly many.

            This period came to an end as World War II broke. In part this is a co–

    incidence, in part an obvious consequence of the impending crisis. The period

    that follows into the present is one of intensive effort at compiling on pro–

    gressively larger scales (1:1,000,000 and larger) a systematic series of top–

    ographic and other maps for tactical purposes.


    Present (1939 to 1947) Status of Cartography of the Arctic

            The following discussion of surveying in and mapping of the Arctic since

    1939, is necessarily confined to a few significant activities. For details,

    the reader is referred to the sources, particularly the finding aids, listed

    in the bibliography.

            The Whole Arctic . Since about 1939 the "air age concept" has yielded

    numerous maps of the whole Arctic and projections centered on the North Pole

    or in the Arctic. Necessity directed the preparation of systematic series

    of maps for use in flying as well as planning logistic covering considerable

    distances in the Arctic. Some of the most effective, useful and generally

    available should be described. For the sake of convenience these may be divided

    into two groups: (1) maps of the whole Arctic, and (2) systematic series of maps

    030      |      Vol_XI-0248                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    (sheets) together comprising the whole Arctic.

            The first large detailed relief or physical map of the Arctic centered

    at the Pole, compiled from basic sources and correcting many of the illusions

    concerning the Arctic, probably was prepared by the Arctic Scientific Investiga–

    tional Institute in 1940. This is a remarkably well compiled and clearly re–

    produced colored map showing not only the land surface by hysometric tints

    but the configuration and depths of the water areas of the Arctic by bathy–

    metric tints. On a scale of 1:10,000,000 with clearly distinguished detail,

    this map is one of the most useful, though unfortunately it has been produced

    only in Russian.

            Following closely on the publication of this map of the Arctic, the Can–

    adian Hydrographic and Map Service in 1941 published what continues to be a

    useful planimetric (base) map on a polar equidistant projection.

            Recognizing the need for an overall topographic map of the Northern Hami–

    sphere including the areas of the middle latitudes that are origins of the

    principal treansarctic routes, the Arction Section of the Arctic, Desert, and

    Tropic Branch of the United States Army Air Forces in collaboration with the

    United States Coast and Geodetic Survey, during 1943 and 1944, compiled and

    drafted a map for publication by the Army Air Forces Aeronautical Chart Service.

    This map on a scale of 1:6,336,000 at 65° north latitude was compiled from

    more than 2,500 different sources including particularly compilations from

    aerial photographs. Included on the map, in addition to contour lines showing

    relief, are such elements as principal transport facilities, unexplored areas

    of the Arctic Basin, the tree-line, settlements graduated by symbol according

    to the size of the population, polar stations, factors and posts, land forms

    such as glaciers and ice caps, and particularly place names that have been

    031      |      Vol_XI-0249                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    approved by the United States Board on Geographical Names. The map is accom–

    panied by a useful Gazetteer and List of Sources.

            Since 1946 the Air University of the United States Army Air Forces has

    compiled and is publishing through the Aeronautical Chart Service a "Northern

    Hemisphere Geography Series" of maps on a scale of 1:24,000,000 and on 1:12,000,000

    in color including such subjects as are listed in the bibliography to this article.

    These are excellent instructional materials.

            Among the most useful generally available systematic series of maps of

    the whole Arctic produced during the past six or seven years are the AAF Aero–

    nautical Planning Charts of the World on a scale of 1:5,000,000. The whole

    Arctic is covered in six matching sheets: Relief is shown by form line and

    gradient tints; transport facilities, air facilities, settlements and significant

    terrain features are shown. For overall planning these are among the best.

    Probably the best overall topographic coverage of the whole Arctic with details

    of terrain and culture and for which sheets, some 200 in number, are matched

    to be assembled as a unit if necessary, are the "AAF Aeroneautical (Pilotage)

    Charts of the World" on a scale of 1:1,000,000 and on a Lambert conformal pro–

    jection, except above latitude 72°, for which a polar stereographic projection

    is used. Those sheets are revised as new information warrants, and for parts

    of the Arctic, particularly areas recently flown for aerial photography, this

    is frequent. Indeed, this service is the closest approach to achieving the

    mapping once planned for the International Map of the World.

            The "Glacial Map of North America," published by the National Research

    Council in Washington, is a product of faithful collaboration of geologists

    in the United States and Canada and is an indispensable graphic tool for use

    by the serious student of the Arctic.

    032      |      Vol_XI-0250                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

            What remains to be done in order to achieve a continuously up-to-date

    accurate topographic map of the Arctic for the use of all peoples is a com–

    plete interchange of cartographic information among nations. What has been

    accomplished through the teamwork of Canadians and Americans in the Arctic dur–

    ing the past seven years is a miracle of rapid mapping.

            The United States (Alaska) Sector . In the relatively short period of

    some five years (1940–1946) Alaska has been mapped far more accurately than

    more than ninety-nine percent previously had been mapped to that date. During

    this brief period, the United States Army Air Forces in collaboration with the

    United States Geological Survey was responsible for obtaining more than 35,000

    aerial photographs which together cover the largest area ever mapped and fixed

    in geographic position as a single physical unit. Using every modern technique

    developed before and during the war, and with trimetrogon photography, more

    than 292,000 square miles were photographed from flight lines spaced about

    twenty-five miles apart. The first accurate planimetric map of Alaska (publish–

    ed as Alaska Map E in 1946) by the United States Geological Survey with the

    assistance of the United States Army Air Forces, is on a scale of 1:2,500,000

    and represents a strikingly different configuration, hydrographic pattern, and

    extent of glaciers than on any map of the area prior to this date. Thismap is

    the product of the complete air coverage available. Large-scale accurate top–

    ographic maps of selected areas of Alaska are now possible for use in regional

    planning, settlement, construction of transport facilities and in flying.

            From essentially the same basic sources of information, namely, trimetrogon

    aerial photography and ground controls, the United States Coast and Geodetic

    Survey during the war produced, and to date continue to produce, a highly accur–

    ate series of hypsometric (topographic) aeronautical charts of Alaska on a scale

    033      |      Vol_XI-0251                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    of 1:1,000,000. Alaska is covered in fifteen sheets. These sheets fit into

    a world-wide series of aeronautical charts on the same scale published by the

    United States Army Air Forces Aeronautical Chart Service, though in years before

    the war, the Coast and Geodetic Survey pioneered in this type of map. In addi–

    tion, aeronautical (topographic) flight charts covering the air routes in Alaska

    have been compiled and are being maintained up-to-date.

            Because of the urgent need for accurate large-scale maps of Alaska and

    contiguous areas of Canada, the Coast and Geodetic Survey early in the war

    carried on extensive geodetic work in the area. Numerous triangulations and

    leveling operations were carried out, particularly significant being the arc

    of triangulation westward from Nenana along the Yukon River to Norton Sound,

    and thence north and west on Seward Peninsula to Bering Strait and the arc of

    triangulation and leveling for the Alaska Military Highway. In 1943 when map–

    ping activities in Alaska probably were heaviest, the Coast and Geodetic Survey

    completed 12,823 soundings, charted 1,234 square miles of water, surveyed top–

    ographically about 100 square miles of coastal areas, and established 188 geo–

    graphic positions.

            In October 1947 the United States Army Air Forces revealed that among

    its notable achievements in the Arctic recently in collaboration with the United

    States Navy, more than 35,000 square miles were photo-mapped in the search for

    oil reserves much of which area is along the arctic coast of Alaska. In 1946

    the United States Navy Arctic Expedition initiated an intensive program of

    search for oil reserves along the Arctic Sea flanks of the Brooks Range, one of

    the products of which will be more accurate and numerous ground controls and

    surveys of local areas.

            United States Topographic Engineering Battalions and field mapping units

    034      |      Vol_XI-0252                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    have made large-scale topographic maps of areas selected and occupied as sites

    for airfields, emergency landing strips, military installations, proving grounds

    and the like.

            The Canadian Sector . The period 1940 to date was ushered in by the rapid–

    ly mounting wartime needs for maps of the North American Arctic, particularly

    in the eastern Canadian Arctic, for use in surveys for air ferry routes to

    England by way of Newfoundland, Labrador and Greenland and in the western Can–

    adian Arctic for use in establishing the best ferry routes from the United States

    to the U.S.S.R. and in making surveys for the Canol pipeline and the Alaska

    Military Highway. The almost total lack of adequate large-scale topographic

    maps initiated one of the largest mapping programs in the history of North

    America. The United States collaborated with Canada in mapping Canada and

    particularly the Canadian Arctic. An extensive joint aerial photographic cov–

    erage program was inaugurated, and the United States Army Air Force was made

    responsible for systematic aerial photographic coverage of large areas.

            Simultaneously with, and directly related to, these aerial surveys were

    the establishment of nets of ground controls by geodetists and surveyors of

    the Geodetic Service of Canada. During the period 1942 to 1945, unmapped areas

    between Alaska and Labrador were visited by geodetic parties during the short

    field season and some 215 stations were established. More recently, additional

    stations have been determined particularly in the arctic islands.

            In Canada aerial photography expedited the production of the Air Naviga–

    tion Series of topographic maps on a scale of 1:506,880 which to date cover,

    in barious degrees of completeness, all of Canada to the Pole. These are the

    best available large-scale topographic maps that together comprise a series,

    are a product of the most modern methods of compilation and reproduction and

    035      |      Vol_XI-0253                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    are being continuously revised on the basis of additional information as the

    basic series of topographic maps of Canada. The Department of Mines and Re–

    sources issues from time to time large-scale geological and topographic sheets

    of selected areas of the Canadian Arctic. These are particularly significant

    because, being resolved from Aerial photographs and ground surveys, they reveal

    a landscape in such detail that it often defies correlation with all prior maps

    of the area.

            During the war, the United States Hydrographic Office compiled and pub–

    lished hydrographic charts, including topographic information, of strategically

    important fjords and coastal areas, especially of Labrador and Buffin Island.

    Naval Aviation Charts [Number 3, 10, 11 and 12] on a scale of 1:2,188,800 of

    Canada, have been published with relief indicated by contour intervals of 1,000

    feet, and land area being shown in grey tint. The United States Army Air Forces

    Aeronautical Chart Service since about 1942, has been responsible for the pro–

    duction of a 1:1,000,000 scale aeronautical chart, essentially a topographic

    map of Canada, compilation being basically from the aerial photographs result–

    ing from the considerable number of flights over Canada, by Army Air Forces

    photo-greconnaissance units. Flight charts, essentially detailed topographic

    maps of terrain showing air facilities along the route, were prepared and are

    available for the eastern and western Canadian air routes. Topographical

    engineer battalions surveyed areas for military installations, and large-scale

    topographic maps were prepared.

            The Danish (Greenland) Sector . Greenland's strategic location astride

    the potential air route between Europe and North America early in the war, if

    not before, dictated its use by military authorities of the Nazis and Allies.

    As a protective measure, the United States Army Air Forces early in the war

    036      |      Vol_XI-0254                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    photographed the land-exposed margins of the island. The Army Map Service,

    during 1942–1944, prepared a series of topographic (form line) maps (twenty–

    nine sheets) on a scale of 1:500,000 extending north along each coast from

    Kap Farvel to latitude 74°. When the United States Armed Forces occupied

    Greenland and surveyed the area for advantageous sites for airfields, topo–

    graphic battalions prepared large-scale topographic maps of a number of the

    fjords and, to a limited extent, selected areas of the icecap. The United

    States Army Air Forces Aeronautical Chart Service, from aerial photographs

    and ground surveys and other sources, notably the Danish Geodetic Institute

    topographic maps, published a series of aeronautical (topographic) charts of

    Greenland on a scale of 1:1,000,000 which now are maintained up-to-date as

    part of their World Aeronautical Charts series.

            Although the Danish Geodetic Institute survey of Greenland was well under

    way on a modern scientific basis prior to the war, and large areas had been

    photographed by aerial reconnaissance, the war precluded continuance of field

    work but not of office work. Considerable effort was expanded in refining the

    field data and in compiling additional sheets of the map on a scale of 1:250,000.

    By 1946, 39 sheets had been published, each sheet comprising an area of about

    12,000 square kilometers, eight were nearly completed in compilation, and work

    on eleven had been initiated. In 1946 field work was resumed, primarily to

    complete the mapping of the west coast south of latitude 73° to Kap Farvel.

    Significantly, the Institute has completed a triangulation net of the first

    order on the west Greenland coast from 60° 40′. The Institute is resuming its

    program for surveying and mapping the entire land exposed areas of Greenland,

    and has had mapping parties in the field since 1946.

            With the publication in 1940 of Lauge Koch's "Survey of North Greenland,"

    037      |      Vol_XI-0255                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    Meddelelser on Gr o ø nland , vol. 130, pp. 1–364, Koøbenhavn, 1940, and an accompany–

    ing Atlas, a substantial contribution to the cartography of Greenland has been

    made. Particularly important is the map of Northeast Greenland (scale 1:750,000)

    which is the product largely of Koch's aerial surveys of 1938 and 1932–1933.

    The map was compiled in Bern, Switzerland, during the first of the war.

            The Svalbard Sector . Mapping of Svalbard during the period 1939 ti date

    has been limited and for most of the war was held in abeyance. However, com–

    pilation of maps of Svalbard by the Staff of Norges Svalbard-og-Ishava-Under–

    s o ø kelcer continued in Norway during most of the war. Maps of Tempelfjorden,

    Kjellstr [ ü ?] adalon, Skansbrikta, Adventfjorden, Bellsund, Midterhuken and other

    areas of the western half of Spitsbergen were compiled on a scale of 1:50,000.

    A now edition of the 1:2,000,000 scale map of Svalbard was published, its prin–

    cipal feature being that a more accurate distinction was made between ice-covered

    and ice-free areas. At least three hydrographic charts of the waters west of

    Svalbard and of northeast Greenland were compiled and printed. It is significant

    to note that the immensely valuable sets of aerial photographs of Svalbard taken

    by members of the staff in the late 1930's and representing very nearly complete

    coverage, were evacuated to the Kongsberg mines during the latter part of the

    war. Activities of the Norges Svalbard-og-Ishava-Unders o ø kelser are being re–

    organized and once again the task of prociding scientific surveys of Svalbard

    are being undertaken.

            During the war, ground forces of the Allies raided and photographed Sval–

    bard and aerial reconnaissances were sent over the Svalbard area. The British

    Geographical Section General Staff issued several large-scale maps and hydro–

    graphic charts of Svalbard and its islands during the war. Probably the most

    accurate map of North East land to date showing relief and being the product

    038      |      Vol_XI-0256                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    of aerial photography, accompanies a statement by A. R. Glen in the Geographical

    Journal , vol. 98, p. 207, 1941, who, while in Svlabard during the war, obtained

    a copy of the recent Norwegian map of the area. The map reproduced is on a

    scale of 1:1,250,000.

            The principal task remaining appears to be the compilation and publication

    of topographic maps on scales of 1:50,000 and 1:100,000, from the available

    aerial photographs for such areas as have not been covered.

            The U.S.S.R. Sector . During the period from 1939 to date, and particularly

    during the war, two series of maps have been compiled, largely from surveys of

    the periods to 1939, though nevertheless being recompiled as additional surveys

    have been completed. One of these is the so-called IMW or International Map of

    the World, on a scale of 1:1,000,000. Although a few sheets on this scale for

    parts of the U.S.S.R. had been published as early as 1925, it was not until 1940

    that the International Map of the World standards and format were adopted. In

    that year the Central Bureau of Geodeay and Cartography began compilation of the

    1:1,000,000 scale map and simultaneously issued a set of instructions for its

    publication. During the six years from 1940 to 1946, a staff of some 100 or more

    cartographers and other map-making specialists, working with basic cardographic

    sources from the many different cartographic and geodetic offices in the country,

    in the Cartographic Factory at Oask, completed (except for one relatively small

    area in the interior of Taimyr Peninsula) a map of the U.S.S.R., including the

    Arctic, in 180 matching sheets. Most of the European part of the U.S.S.R. has

    been mapped on scales larger than 1:1,000,000.

            The second series is a set of more than thirty-five large-scale (1:200,000

    to 1:500,000) hydrographic charts of the arctic coast and islands compiled and

    published by the Hydrographic Department of the Chief Administration for the

    039      |      Vol_XI-0257                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    Northern Sea Route and published since 1940.

            In 1940 the Chief Administration of Geodesy and Cartography of the

    Soviet of Peoples' Commissars issued a remarkably well compiled eight-sheet

    "Hypsometric Map of the U.S.S.R." in colors on a scale of 1:5,000,000 and

    including all of the Soviet Arctic. In the same year the Arctic Scientific

    Investigational Institute in Leningrad issued a "Physical (Hypsometric) Map

    of the Whole Arctic" in two sheets on a scale of 1:10,000,000. This ranks

    as one of the best maps of the whole Arctic and, centered at the North Pole,

    presents one of the most accurate three-dimensional pictures of that area

    to date because relief is shown hypsometrically and the water areas are shown

    bathymetrically. Since about 1939, the Geological Committee of the U.S.S.R.

    has published at intervals sheets on a scale of 1:1,000,000 together compris–

    ing a "Geological Map of the U.S.S.R." These conform planimetrically to the

    sheets of the 1:1,000,000 hypsometric map of the U.S.S.R. completed in 1946.

    At least a dozen sheets have been issued for the European Arctic.

            In one of the Official publications of the Arctic Institute, Problemy

    Arktiki, 1940 (3) is an illuminating summary of the scientific activities

    of that agency during the period 1920–1940. In addition to a map of the

    Soviet Arctic showing the coverage of geological maps (1:1,000,000 and small–

    er, 1:500,000, 1:200,000 and 1:100,000 and larger) there are statements de–

    scribing the mapping program. During the twenty-year period, some 484,000

    square kilometers were topographically surveyed of which some 92,000 square

    kilometers were of a reconnaissance nature only. Of this total, nearly 478,000

    square kilometers were mapped during the period 1930–1940. About 275 geodetic

    positions were established, mainly second and third order. Prior to 1929 very

    few maps had been compiled in and issued by the Arctic Institute. Between

    1929 and 1939, however, 139 different maps in 371 different sheets were com-

    040      |      Vol_XI-0258                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II.

    piled and published by the Institute. It is only within the past few years

    that the Arctic Institute has been completely responsible for the entire

    process of mapping and map reproduction.

            Unfortunately, though a good deal of surveying and mapping must be under

    way in the Soviet Arctic, very little appears to have been made available to

    foreign powers during the past few years. Examination of scientific Soviet

    publications reveals that mapping programs are underway and that maps are

    being published. (For recent scientific expeditions, see A History of Scien–

    tific Exploration of the Arctic Since the Introduction of Flying.

    001      |      Vol_XI-0259                                                                                                                  



            The following bibliography is a selection of recent generally avail–

    able sources that are helpful in obtaining more detailed overall and also

    regional information on the status of cartography in the Arctic. It is

    divided into the following categories and subparts thereof according to

    the informational character of each item and in order to facilitate their

    reference and use. Unfortunately it is not possible, for reasons of Nation–

    al Security, to note certain helpful sources particularly with respect to

    map coverage and special elements of reproduction. The finding aids and

    the maps and charts selected are almost all official government in origin

    and publication. Except for the products of individual expeditions limited

    for the most part to small areas, recent systematic topographic and hydro–

    graphic mapping of the Arctic is restricted almost entirely to organized

    government surveys and in nearly every instance maps resulting from such

    surveys incorporate proven results of private surveys into their maps and




            1. Achmatov, V. "Die Kartographie der Arktis innerhalb der Grenzen

    der U.S.S.R., " Petermann's Mitteilungen. Erg a ä nzungsheft , number

    201, pp. 64–72, Gotha, 1929.

            2. Ahlmann, H. W. "Scientific Results of the Swedish-Norwegian Arctic

    Expedition in the Summer of 1931. Part III. The Inland Carto–

    graphy of North East Land [Svalbard]." Geografiska Annaler , vol.

    15, pp. 47–68, Stockholm, 1933.

            3. Breitfuss, Leonid L. ... Arktis der Derzeitige Stand unserer Kennt–

    knisse u ü ber die Erforsching der Hardpolargebiete.
    Text sur

    Historischen und Physikalischen karte. Berlin, 1939. 195 pp.

    2 fold maps (German and English text.)

            4. Cady, Wallace M. "Aerial Photographs as an Adjunct to Arctic and

    Subarctic Geologic Reconnaissance." Transactions New York Academy

    of Sciences,
    Series 2, vol. 7 (6), pp. 135–138, 1945.

            5. Carroll, John "The Eastmain Experiment in Reconnaissance Mapping."

    The Canadian Surveyor, vol. 7 (10), pp. 2–11, Ottawa, 1942.

            6. Cabot, Edward C. :The Northern Alaskan Coastal Plain Interpreted

    from Aerial Photographs." The Geographical Review, vol. 37,

    pp. 639–648, New York, 1947.

            7. Curtis, Heber D. "Navigation near the Pole." Proceedings of the

    U.S. Naval Institute,
    vol. 65, pp. 9–19, 1939.

    002      |      Vol_XI-0260                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography - Selected Bibliography

    8. De Geer, Gerard "Tome II. Physique Terrestre. M e é t e é orologie.

    Historie Naturelle. IXième Section. Topographic G e é ologie.

    'Description Topographique de la Region Explor e é e G e é ologie.'"

    Missions Scientifiques pour la [ K ?] esure d'un Arc de Meridien au

    Spitsberg Entreprises en 1899–1902...Mission Suedoise
    . Stock–

    holm, 1923. 38 pp. maps.

            9. Eckert, Max ...Kartenkunde... Berlin, 1943. 149 pp. illus. maps.

            10. Gaveman, A.V. "...[Application of Aero-photo-survey to the hydro–

    graphic work in Arctic regions]." Izvestii a â Akademii a â nauk, U.S.

    S.R., serie geographicheskaia
    , 1940, No. 1, pp. 133–152, Moskva,

    1940. (Short summary in English.)

            11. Glen, A. R."The Oxford University Arctic Expedition, North East

    Land, 1935–36." The Geographical Journal , vol. 90, pp. 193–222

    and 289–314, London, 1937.

            12. Grant, J.Fergus "Air Photographs Speed Reconstruction." Canadian

    Geographical Journal
    , vol. 33 (1), pp. 19–37, 1946.

            13. Hinks, Arthur R. Maps and Survey , 5th ed. Cambridge University

    Press, 1944. 311 pp. illus. maps.

            14. Hobbs, William H. "Visibility and the Discovery of Polar Lands."

    The Geografiska Annaler , vol. 15, pp. 217–224, Stockholm, 1933.

            15. Jenkins, F. T. "An Aerial Photographic Survey in Labrador." The

    Canadian Surveyor
    , vol. 7, (8) pp. 2–17, Ottawa, 1942.

            16. Joerg, W. L. G. Brief History of Polar Exploration since the Intro–

    duction of Flying
    . Special Publication No. 11, American Geo–

    graphical Society. New York, 1930. Second revised ed. 95 pp.

            17. Kedrov, L. "...[The description of the geographical basis to the

    geological map (1:2,500,000) of the northern part of the U.S.S.R.

    and the index to the map]." Trudy Arkticheskogo institut [Trans–

    actions of the Arctic Institute
    ], vol. 87 (2), pp. 1–57, Lenin–

    grad, 1937. (In Russian.)

            18. Killerich, A. "On the Hydrography of the Greenland Sea." Meddelelser

    om Gr o ø nland
    , vol. 144 (2), pp. 1–63, K o ø benhavn, 1945.

            19. Koch, J. P. "Survey of North-East Greenland." Meddelelser om Gr o ø nland ,

    vol. 46, pp. 1–468, K o ø benhavn, 1917.

            20. Koch, Lauge "Survey of North Greenland." Meddelelser om Gr o ø nland ,

    vol. 130 (1), pp. 1–369, K o ø benhavn, 1940. Also an atlas of maps.

            21. Lacmann, Otto Geleitworte zu den bl a ä ttern Clavering o ö ya , Jordan Hill

    und Geographical Society - o ö ya der karte von Nordöstgrönland.

    Gotha, 1937. 57 pp.

    003      |      Vol_XI-0261                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Part II, Selected Bibliography

    22. Lindsay, Martin "The British Trans-Greenland Expedition. "Appen–

    dices I-II." The Geographical Journal , vol. 86, pp. 235–252,

    London, 1935.

            23. Mason, Kenneth M. "The Stereographic Survey of the Shaksgam." The

    [ ?] Geographical Journal
    , vol. 70, pp. 342–358, London,


            24. Meiklejohn, I. F. "The Use of Woreless Equipment vy Expeditions."

    The Polar Record , no. 17, pp. 15–24, London, January 1939.

            25. Miller, O. M. and Wood, Walter A. "Photogrammetrical Work of the

    Expedition." The Fjord Region of East Greenland , American Geo–

    graphical Society Special publication No. 18, pp. 267–287, New

    York, 1935.

            26. ----. "The Mapping of Northernmost Labredor." Northernmost Labrador

    Mapped from the Air,
    American Geographical Society Special Publi–

    cation No. 22, pp. 165–185, New York, 1938.

            27. Mines and Geology Branch, Department of Mines and Resources, Ottawa:

    "The National Air Photographic Library of Canada," The Geo–

    graphical Journal
    , vol. 99, pp. 257–260. London, 1942.

            28. Ney, C. H. "Position Determination of Arctic Coast Lines." The

    Canadian Surveyor
    , vol. 6 (6), pp. 6–14, Ottawa, 1938.

            29. Norlund, N. E. and Sponder, M. A. "Some Methods and Procedures

    Developed during Recent Expedition Surveys in South-East Green–

    land." The Geographical Journal , vol. 86, pp. 317–329, London,


            30. Ogilvie, Hool J. "Astronomic Control for Wartime Mapping of Northern

    Canada." Transactions of the American Geophysical Union. vol. 27

    (6), pp. 769–775. Washington, 1946.

            31. ----. "The Coastline and Islands of Hudson Bay — an Ideal Field

    for Geodetic Astronomic Work." Transactions of the American Geophys–

    ical Union, Section of Geodesy
    , April 26, 1934, pp. 41–45, Wash–

    ington, 1935.

            32. Peters, F. H. and Smith, F. C. Goulding "Charting Perils of the Sea."

    Canadian Geographical Journal , vol. 32, pp. 67–87. 1946.

            33. Pillewizer, Wolf "Die Kartographischen and gletscherkundlichen

    Ergelnisse die Deutschen Spitzbergen Expedition, 1938." Peter–

    mann's Mitteilungon Erg e ë nsungsheft
    , number 238, pp. 1–46, Gotha,


            34. Platt, Raye R. "Official Topographic Maps: A World Index." The Geo–

    graphical Review,
    vol. 35, pp. 175–181, New York, 1945.

    004      |      Vol_XI-0262                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Selected Bibliography

    35. Reeves, E. A. Hints to Travelers. Vol. I. Survey and Field

    . Royal Geographical Society, London, 1935. 448 pp.

            36. Rosenbaum, L. "Scientific Results of the Swedish-Norwegian Arctic

    Expedition in the Summer of 1931. Part II. Determinations of

    Latitude and Longitude [Svalbard]." The Geografiska Annaler,

    vol. 15, pp. 25–46, Stockholm, 1933.

            37. Schokalsky, Jules "Hydrographic Surveys Along the Northern Shores

    of the Soviet Union." The Polar Record , Vol. 12, pp. 128–133.

    Cambridge, 1936.

            38. Schokalsky, J. M. "La carte physique de la r e é gion polaire da Nord."

    Comptes Rendus des Seanoes de 1'Academie des Sciences , Paris,

    vol. 199, pp. 1557–1559, 1934.

            39. Schulz, B. "Neue karten von Gronland und Svalbard." Annalen der

    , vol. 66 (4), pp. 201–204. 1938.

            40. Seidenfaden, Gunner Modern Arctic Exploration. London, 1939. 189 pp.

    (Re. mapping and serial photography in Arctic see pp. 59–77.)

            41. Shirshov, P. P. "Oceanological Observations: Deep Soundings."

    Comptes Rendus, Akademila Nauk, U.S.S.R., vol. 19 (8), pp. 569–

    580. Moskva, 1938.

            42. Sidorov, K. V. "...[The topographical knowledge of the Soviet

    Arctic]." Builletin Arkticheskogo Institit. [Bulletin of the

    Arctic Instute
    ), 1935, no. 7, pp. 191–192 (in Russian) and p. 225

    (in English). Leningrad, 1935.

            43. Sargent, R. H. and Moffit, F.H. "Aerial Photographic Surveys in

    Southeastern Alaska." Part e of Bulletin 797. U.S. Geological

    pp. 143–160, Washington, 1929.

            44. Smith, Philip S. "How the [U.S.] Geological Survey Serves Alasla..."

    Engineering and Mining Journal , vol. 141, pp. 54–56, April 1940.

            45. Smith, F. C. Goulding "War Record of the Hydrographic and Map

    Service." The Canadian Surveyor , vol. 8, pp. 14–20, Jan. 1946,


            46. Spender, Michael "Map-making during the Expedition..." Meddelelser

    om Gr o ø nland,
    vol. 104 (2), pp. 1–21, K o ø benhavn, 1933.

            47. --- "Terrestrische und Luft-Photogrammetric in Gr o ö nland. Erfah–

    rungen während der Teilnahme an dänischen Expedition in den

    Jahren 1932–35." Petermanns Mitteilungen , 1939, pp. 153–158,

    Gotha, 1939.

            48. Taracouzio, Timothy A. Soviets in the Arctic: an Historical Economic

    and Political Study of the Soviet Advance in the Arctic
    . New York,

    1938. 563 pp. maps.

    005      |      Vol_XI-0263                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartograpy, Selected Bibliography

    49. Taylor, E. G. R. Hudson Strait and the Oblique Meridian." Image

    , vol. 3, pp. 48–52, 1939.

            50. Trorey, L. G. "A Map in a Day." The Canadian Surveyor, vol. 8,

    pp. 9–24, Oct. 1944.

            51. Urvantsev, N. N. "[The Cartography of Severnoya Zemlya (Northern Land)]"

    Izvestia de la Soci e é t e é Russe G e é ographique, vol. 65 (6), pp. 496–

    515, Moscow, 1933. (In Russian with English summary. pp. 509–


            52. Waugh, B. W. "Canada's Progress in Air Navigation Charting." The

    Canadian Surveyor,
    vol. 8, pp. 12–16, Ottawa, July 1944.

            53. ----. "Canada's Air Navigation Charts." The Canadian Surveyor,

    vol. 6, pp. 2–9, Ottawa, 1939.

            54. Wright, John W. "Methods of [Arctic and low latitude desect] Survey."

    The Geographical Journal, vol. 107, pp. 170–173, London, 1946.

            55. ----. "Survey on Polar Expeditions." The Polar Record, number 18,

    pp. 144–168, London, 1939.

            56. ----. "Methods of Survey in North East Land." The Geographical

    , vol. 93, pp. 209–227, London, 1939.

            57. The Survey of Bj o ø rn o ø ya (Bear Island) 1922–1931." Sicrifter Norges

    Svalbard-ag Ishava-Unders o ø kelser,
    number 86, pp. 1–82, Oslo, 1944.

    illus. map (1944).

            58. "...[Computation of the areas occupied by the Soviet Arctic]."

    Bu u û [?]lletin Arkticheskogo Institute (Bulletin of the Arctic Institute )

    vol. 1936 (3), pp. 105–114 (in Russian) and pp. 145–146 (in English).

    Leningrad, 1936.

            59. "...[ Catalogue of the astronomical points of the U.S.S.R. Sector of

    the Arctic
    ]. Russia. Chief Administration of the Northern Sea

    Route. Leningrad, 1937, 357 pp. and map.


            A. The Whole Arctic:

            1. Catalogue of Admiralty Charts and Other Hydrographic Publications.

    . Hydrographic Department, London, 1947. 262 pp. and 46

    plates of index maps. Re: Arctic see pp. 32–35 and 206–215 and

    plates A, D, D1, L1, O and V2.

    006      |      Vol_XI-0264                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Selected Bibliography

            2. (1) Verzeighnis der Hautischen karte under bücher für die Kriegs–

    marine (ausrüatungs batalog). and (2) Index karton zum varseich–

    nis..., Oberkommando der Kriegsmarine, Berlin, 1941. 191 pp.

    and 30 plates of index maps. Re. Arctic see pp. 13–18 and

    plates B. Ba, Da and H.

            3. Index to Aviation Charts and Publications on Issuance by the Hydro–

    graphic Office. Navy Department, Washington, July 1946 and sup–

    plement to Jan. 1947. H. O. Publication No. I-V (R). Re. Arctic

    see pp. 6–13 and 21.

            4. Index Catalog of Hautical Charts and Publications. Hydrographic

    Office, Navy Department, Washington, April 1947. 7 pp. and 110

    index maps. Re. Arctic see: Sailing directions: Publications

    numbers 73, 75, 76, 77, 122, 122A, 136; and hydrographic charts

    see index sheets A, AA, AB, A–2, A–2x, B, I, S and V.

            5. Aeronautical Chart Catalog. Feb, 1947. Published by the U.S. Coast and

    Geodetic Survey, Department of Commerce, Washington, D.C. 33 pp.

    text and index maps.

            6. Catalogue of Maps Published by the Geographical Section of the

    General Staff: and Amendments from 31 December 1941 to 31 July

    1943. London, 1941–1943. 20 pp. 78 amendments and 69 index maps.

            7. Catalog [of] Aeronautical Charts and Related Publications. Sixth Ed.

    Sept. 1946. Headquarters, Aeronautical Chart Service, Air Trans–

    port Command, U.S. Army Air Forces, Washington, D. C. 86 pp. text

    and index maps. Re. Arctic see: pp. 6–9, 12, 13, 15, 19, 21, 28,

    64, 68, 69, and 82–85.

            8. General Map Catalog [including index maps and descriptive lists

    arranged by Army Map Service map series number and theater area].

    Army Map Service, Office of the Chief of Engineers, War Depart–

    ment, Washington, 1947. 124 index maps and descriptive lists.

            9. Thiele, Walter Official Map Publications: a Historical Sketch and

    a Bibliographical Handbook of Current Maps and Mapping Services

    in the United States ... and Other Countries..., Chicago, 1938.

    356 pp.

            10. "...[An index map of the world showing map coverage by selected

    scales, to 1937. Scale 1:70,000,000]." Sovetskain Atlasa Mira

    [The Great Soviet World Atlas], Vol. I, Plate 7, Moskva, 1937.

            11. "...[Index map of the U.S.S.R. Arctic showing the area covered by

    geological maps on scales of 1:100,000, 1:200,000, 1:500,000

    and 1:1,000,000 during the period 1920–1940]." Problemy Arktiki

    1940, number 3, op. p. 22, Leningrad, 1940.

    007      |      Vol_XI-0265                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Selected Bibliography.

            B. The North-American European Realm:

            1. American Sector

            Catalog of Nautical Charts and Related Publications. Serial No. 665.

    Published by the U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey, Dept. of Com–

    merce. Washington, July 1946. 48 pp. and 41 index maps. Re.

    Arctic see: Index maps A, 22–51 and lists on pp. 22–31 and 43.

            Publications of the Geological Survey. U.S. Geological Survey,

    Dept. of the Interior, Washington, May 1947. 300 pp.

            Selected List of Geological Survey Publications [including maps]

    on Alaska. Published by the Geological Survey, U.S. Dept. of

    the Interior, Washington, 1942. See on back of Index Map of


            Index Map of Alaska Showing Areas Covered by Selected Available

    Reports and Maps of Alaska. Prepared by the U.S. Geological

    Survey, 1942. Scale 1:5,000,000. Conic-type projection.

    Published by the Geological Survey, U. S. Dept. of the Interior,

    Washington, D.C. Dimensions: 19 x 26 inches.

            2. Canadian Sector

            Catalogue of Nautical Charts. Sailing Directions. Tidal Informa–

    tion and Other Canadian Government Publications of Interest

    to Mariners. Corrected to 1st Feb. 1945. Hydrographic and

    Map Service, Dept. of Mines and Resources, Ottawa, 1945. 55 pp.

    and index maps. Re. Arctic see:

    p. 17. Hudson Bay and Strait (large-scale charts)

    p. 25. Great Slave Lake (large-scale charts)

    p. 34. Hudson Bay Route, Sailing Directions, 1940.

            [Descriptive list of] Published Maps (1917–1946 inclusive) [to

    maps of Canada]. Compiled by P. J. Moran. Mines and Geology

    Branch, Dept. of Mines and Resources, Ottawa, 1946. 119 pp.

    Re. Arctic see: pp. 1, 3–4, 51–56 and 76–96.

            Annotated Catalogue of and Guide to the Publications of the Geological Geological Survey, anada, 1845–1917

    Geological Survey, Dept. of Mines, [ ?] Ottawa, 1920.

    544 pp. and index maps. Re. Arctic see: pp. 3–104, 313–320

    and 355–387.

            [Descriptive catalogue of] Published Maps (1917–1935 inclusive)

    [of Canada]. Bureau of Economic Geology, Geological Survey,

    Dept. of Mines, Ottawa, 1936. 19 pp. Re Arctic see: pp. 1,

    11 and 15 thru 17.

            Publications (1909–1946 inclusive) of the Geological Survey and

    National Museum. Mines and Geology Branch, Dept. of Mines

    and Resources, Ottawa, 1946. 103 pp.

    008      |      Vol_XI-0266                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Selected Bibligraphy

            3. Danish Sector

            Fortesnelse over det Konigelige Sokort-Archivs forhandlines

    Artikler [List of publications for sale at the Royal Danish

    Hydrographic Office
    ]. K o ø benhavn, 1944. 22 pp. Re. Arctic

    See: pp. 9–10 (charts of Greenland).

            Geodaetisk Institute Kart. 1940 [Danish Geodetic Institute Maps,

    . K o ø benhavn, 1940. Unnumbered pages and index maps. Re.

    Greenland see: Section 16, Kort over Gr o ø nland.

            Dot Danske Geodaetiske Institute kart. Beskrivelse... [The

    Danish Geodetic Institute Maps
    .] K o ø benhavn, 1940. 28 pp. Re.

    Greenland see: p. 26. Index map showing coverage of maps,

    (1:250,000 and 1:300,000) of Greenland.

            4. Norwegian Sector

            Katalog over Si o ø karter og Farvannabeskrivelser...samt Arktiske

    Si o ø karter og Farvansbeskrivelser utgitt ay Norges Svalbard–

    og Iebava-Unders o ø kkelser. [Catalog of sialing charts...

    published by the Norges Svalbard-og Ishava-Unders o ø kkelser

    Oslo, 1946. 12 pp. and 6 index maps. Re: Arctic Norway and

    Svalbard see: pp. 10 and 11 and index maps 5 and 6.

            Katalog over Landkarter [Catalogue of topographic (land) maps

    of Norway]
    . Oslo, 1942 (with additions to June 1945). 26 pp.

    and index maps.

            " [De scriptive list of] topographical maps and charts published

    [by the] Norges Svalbard-og Ishavs-Undersokkelser, 1925–1944."

    Skrifter. Norges Svalbard-og Ishava-Unders o ø kkelser, number 88,

    pp, 1–71, Oslo, 1945. For list see inside cover and pp. 70–71.

            c. The Soviet-Finnish Realm :

            1. Yermolaev, M. M. and Petrenko, A. A. "...[Explanatory note to

    the geological map of the northern part of U.S.S.R. Scale

    1:2,500,000]." Trudy Arkticheskogo Institut [TRansactions of

    the Arctic Institute]
    , vol. 87 (1), pp. 1–491, Leningrad, 1937.

    (In Russian and includes a descriptive list of maps.)

            2. ...Katalog kart I krug. espravlen na 1 vanvarava 1943 g. [Catalog

    of maps and books, corrected to Jan. 1. 1943]
    , Gidrograficheskoe

    Upravlenie voenno-morskogo flota Souiza S.S.S.R. Moskva (?),

    1943. 100 pp. Re. Arctic see: pp. 22–42.

            3. Berg, L. S. "[Map of the U.S.S.R. on a scale of 1:1,000,000]."

    Igvestiia Vaesouiznogo Geograficheskogo Obachestva, Tom. 78

    (5–6), pp. 575–578, Leningrad, 1946. (In Russian and includes

    a statement concerning extent and nature of coverage.)

    009      |      Vol_XI-0267                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Selected Bibliography

            4. Kutafiev, S. "...[Development of the Soviet cartography for

    twenty-five years (1919–1944)]." Izvestiia Vsesouiznogo

    Geograficheskogo Obschestva
    , vol. 76, pp. 144–154, Lenin–

    grad, 1944. (In Russian and includes descriptive refer–

    ences to many different maps.)


            A. The Whole Arctic :

            1. "Map of the Northern Hemisphere North of 39° 30′ showing Topography

    (contour)... Compiled, drafted and printed by the Coast and Geo–

    detic Survey with the collaboration of the Arctic, Desert and

    Tropic Information Branch, U.S. Army Air Forces. Published by

    the Aeronautical Chart Service, U.S. Army Air Forces." Polar ster–

    eographic projection. Natural scale 1:6,336,000 at 65° north

    latitude. In four sheets each with a dimension of 40 x 34 inches.

    Also a "Gazetteer and List of Sources" accompanies this map,

    dated January 1945, Washington, D.C. 89 pp.

            2. Weather Plotting Chart [outline map of] the Northern Hemisphere.

    WRC-6–3. Polar stereographic projection. Compiled in and pub–

    lished by the Headquarters of the Army Air Forces, 1944. Scale

    at latitude 60° approximately 1 inch to 375 miles. Dimensions:

    38 x 38 inches.

            3. "Strategic Air Chart [with relief of the] Northern Hemisphere [showing

    air line distances between selected places.] Compiled for the

    U.S. Army Air Forces by the U.S.Coast and Geodetic Survey, Wash–

    ington, D. C., June 1943. Polar stereographic projection. Scale

    1 inch to approximately 380 statute miles at latitude 40°." In

    two sheets. (Dimensions 27 x 49 inches.

            4. "AAF Equidistant Chart of the World Centered Near Fairbanks, Alaska.

    Scale 1:55,000,000." Published by the Aeronautical Chart Service,

    U.S. Army Air Forces, Washington, D.C. 1947. Dimensions: 30 x 40

    inches. Others are available for Thule, Greenland; Southampton

    Island and Aklavik, Northwest Territories, Canada.

            5. "Northern Hemisphere Geography [map] Series... Designed for Instruc–

    tive Work at the AAF Air University, 1946–47. Scale 1:24,000,000.

    Polar stereographic projection." Published by the Aeronautical

    Chart Service, U.S. Army Air Forces, Washington, D.C. Dimensions

    of each of 11 sheets: 36 x 36 inches. This set of 11 sheets in–

    cludes the following:

    GH-1. Political and Time Chart

    GH-2. Physical Relief Chart

    GH-3. Temperature Provinces and Ocean Currents Charts

    GH-4. Annual Precipitation Chart

    GH-5. Climatic Chart

    010      |      Vol_XI-0268                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Selected Bibliography

            5. Cont. GH-6. Vegetation Chart

    GH-7. Density of Population Chart

    GH-8. Economic Chart

    GH-9. Transportation Chart

    GH-10. Isobars and Prevailing Winds Chart - January

    GH-11. Isobars and Prevailing Winds Chart - July

            6. "AAF Aeronautical Planning [Topographic (contour)] Charts of the

    World." Scale 1:5,000,000. Lambert conformal conic projection

    except North Polar Region sheet which is polar stereographic.

    Published by the Aeronautical Chart Service, U.S. Army Air Forces,

    Washington, D.C., 1945–47. Dimensions of each sheet: 45 x 30

    inches. Re.Arctic see: Sheets 1. Siberia, 2. Alaska, 3. Canada,

    4. Greenland, 5. Russia and 41. North Polar Region.

            7. "World Aeronautical [hypsometric] Charts." Scale 1:1,000,000.

    Polar stereographic projection north of latitude 72° and Lambert

    conformal conic projection south of this latitude. Published

    by the Aeronautical Chart Service, U.S. Army Air Forces, Wash–

    ington, D.C., 1943–47. Dimensions of each sheet 29 x 22 inches.

    Re. Arctic see: Sheets 1 thru 200.

            8. "U.S. Navy Air Navigation [Topographic (contour)] Charts of the

    World." Scale 1:2,188,800. Mercator projection. Published

    by the Hydrographic Office, U.S. Navy Department, Washington,

    D.C., 1944–47. Dimensions of each sheet 54 x 35 inches. Re.

    Arctic see: Sheets 1 thru 6.

            9. "AAF Long Range Navigation Charts of the World." Scale 1:3,000,000.

    Polar stereographic projection. Published by the Aeronautical

    Chart Service, U.S. Army Air Force, Washington, D.C., 1945–47.

    Dimensions of each sheet: 30 x 40 inches. Re. Arctic see: Sheets

    1 thru 6 and 77.

            10. "Physical [relief] Map of the Arctic [with insets]. Translated and

    revised kby the American Geographical Society of New York from

    map in Andree's Handatlas, 8th ed. 1924. Copyright 1929, Amer–

    ican Geographical Society of New York." Scale 1:20,000,000.

    Dimensions of each sheet 18–1/4 X 23 inches. Accompanying W.L.G.

    Joerg: Brief History of Polar Exploration since the Introduction

    of Flying
    . Amer. Geog. Soc. Special Publication, No. 11, N.Y. 1930.

            11. "[Physical (colored) map of] The Arctic Regions. Prepared in the

    Map Department of the National Geographic Society..." Scale

    1:14,673,400. Azimuthal equidistant projection. Nat. Geog. Soc.

    Washington, 1925, reprinted 1943. Dimensions of each sheet:

    19 X 20 inches.

            12. "Bathymetric Map of the Arctic Basin. By Fridljof Nanson. Revised

    to 1927. Scale 1:20,000,000. Published by the American Geograph–

    ical Society, New York, 1927. Dimensions of each sheet [ ?]

    [ ?] 10 X 15 inches.

    011      |      Vol_XI-0269                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Selected Bibliography

            13. "Ice Atlas of the Northern Hemisphere." H. O. [Publication]

    No. 550. Published by the Hydrographic Office, U.S. Navy

    Department, Washington, D.C., 1946. 106 pp. maps and biblio–

    graphy. Dimensions of each sheet 24–1/2 X 24–3/4 inches.

            14. "Carte Aeronautique de bane [of the world] 1935–36." Scale

    1:10,000,000 at the equator. Mercator projection. In sixteen

    sheets. Commission International de Navigation Aerienne, Paris,


            15. "[Hypsometric] Karte des Nordpolargebietes [includes area latitudes

    63° -80° N. and longitude 30° W-O° -60° E]. Herausgegeben vom

    General-stab der Luftwaffe, 7 Abt. 1942. Stereographische Pro–

    jektion." Dimensions of each 41–1/2 X 33 inches.

            16. "Bathy-orographical chart of the North Polar Basin by John Barthol–

    omew...1934. Scale 1:14,000,000." Accompanying John Mathieson:

    "The Story of Arctic Voyages and Exploration." The Scottish

    Geographical Magazine
    , vol. 50, pp. 281–308, Edinburgh, 1934.

    Dimensions: 18 X 18 inches.

            17. "[Planimetric or base map of] The Northern Hemisphere. [Compiled

    in and published by the] Hydrographic and Map Service, Surveys

    and Engineering Branch, Department of Mines, Canada." 1941.

    Polar equidistant projection. Scale at latitude 65° approximately

    285 miles to an inch. Dimensions: 36 X 36 inches.

            18. "Special Polar Air Chart [in two sheets: coast and west]." Compiled

    and drawn at the War Office. Printed by the Hydrographic Depart–

    ment, Admiralty, London, 1944. Polar stereographic projection

    (orthomorphic). Scale 1:4,000,000 at the pole. Dimensions:

    31 X 46 inches (each sheet).

            19. "Fizicheskaia karta arktiki [Physical (hypsometric) map of the

    Arctic], 1940." Scale 1:10,000,000. Lambert conformal conic

    projection. Glavnce Upravlenie Geodesii I Kurtografi [compiled

    in the Arctic Scientific Investigational Institute]. Leningrad,

    1940. In two sheets each 36 X 20 inches.

            20. "Geographical [plemmetrio] map [of the] Arctic composed at the

    1st cartographical factory by the engineers N. Lubvin and J. Hakkel

    under the direction of the professors R. Samoilovich and D. Rudnew,

    Leningrad, 1934." Polar stereographic projection (?) Scale

    1:10,000,000. In two sheets each 35–1/2 X 24 inches.

            21. "Arktika [Hypsometric map of the Arctic showing routes of significant

    scientific expeditions and including as insets eleven hypsometric

    maps of selected areas of the Arctic]." Scale of map of Arctic

    1:20,000,000. Sovetsk a i a Atlaa a Mira [The Great Soviet World Atlas].

    Moskva, 1937. Vol. 1, plates 18–19. Dimensions: 20 X 24 inches.

    012      |      Vol_XI-0270                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Selected Bibliography

            B. The North-American European Realm :

            1. Whole Realm

            "Glacial Map [including contours] of North America. Compiled

    and edited by a Committee (Chairman Dr. Richard Foster Flint)

    of the Division of Geology and Geography, The National Re–

    search Council, Washington, 1945." Scale 1:4,555,000. In

    two sheets each 55 X 41 inches. Published with a "Biblio–

    graphy and Explanatory Notes," 37 pp. as Special Paper No, 60,

    Geological Society of America, New York, 1945.

            "Geological Map of the Dominion of Canada. Scale 1:3,801,600.

    (Inset: Arctic Islands North of latitude 75° . Scale 1:6,336,00),

    1945. Lambert conformal conic projection." Bureau of Geology and

    Topography, Department of Mines and Resources, Ottawa, 1945.

            2. American Sector

            "Map E. [Planimetric map of] Alaska Compiled from all Authentic

    Sources, Chiefly Maps of the Geological Survey and [aerial

    photographs of the] Army Air Forces. Published by the Geo–

    logical Survey, Department of the Interior, 1946." Scale

    1:2,500,000. Conic-type projection. Dimensions 36 X 49 inches.

            "Outline [Mao of] Alaska, 1947." Scale 1:5,000,000. Lambert

    conformal conic projection. Published by the U.S. Coast and

    Geodetic Survey, Department of Commerce, Washington, D.C.

    Dimensions: 42 X 29 inches.

            "[Topographic (stippled relief) map of] Northwest North America.

    Special Strategic Map...1943. Scale 1:3,000,000. Lambert

    conformal conic projection." Compiled in and published by

    the Army Map Service, Office of the Chief of Engineers, War

    Department. Dimensions: 32 X 48 inches.

            "World Aeronautical [hypsometric] Charts of Alaska and North–

    western North America. Scale 1:1,000,000. Lambert conformal

    conic projection. Published by the Coast and Geodetic Survey,

    Department of Commerce, Washington, D.C. 1945–47. Twenty charts

    cover Alaska. Dimensions of each sheet: 21 X 28 inches.

            3. Canadian Sector

            "[Planimetric (base) map of the] Northwest Territories and Yukon

    [and including the Arctic Islands Preserve] 1939. Scale

    1:5,068,800." Compiled, drawn and printed in Hydrographic

    and Map Service, Ottawa, 1939. Dimensions: 30 x 40 inches.

            "Map 820–A. Geological Map of the Dominion of Canada, 1945.

    Scale 1:3,801,600." Compiled and Printed in the Mines and

    Geology Branch, Department of Mines and Resources, Ottawa,

    1945. In two sheets each 44 X 31–1/2 inches.

    013      |      Vol_XI-0271                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Selected Bibliography

            "[Planimetric map of the] Cominion of Canada [including the

    southern half of the Arctic Islands area], 1937. Revised

    to 1945. Scale 1:6,336,000." Compiled and Printed in the

    office of the Surveyor General and Chief of the Hydrographic

    Service, Ottawa, 1945. Dimensions: 25 X 36 inches.

            "[Map of Canada and Part of Alaska showing the] Average Date

    of the start and End of Flying Season for Float and Boat Planes."

    No date. Scale 1 inch to 325 miles. Compiled in and printed

    by the Topogruphical survey of Canada, Ottawa. Dimensions:

    9–1/2 X 14 inches.

            "Air Navigation [topographic (from line, contour and bachure)

    Charts of the Dominion of Canada, [Newfoundland and labrador],

    1942 to 1947." Scale 1:506,880. Transverse Morcator project–

    tion. Compiled, dream and printed at the Hydrographic and

    Map Service, Ottawa. Dimensions (average): 27x30 inches.

            "[Planimetric] Base Map of the North America Arctic from a Tracing

    Furnished by Captain A.L. Washburn and Prepared by William

    Eriosomeistor of the American Geographical Society, 1941, with

    Additions by the Hydrographic office, 1943, as U.S.H.O. chart

    Miscellaneous No. 10,586." Scale 1:3,375,000. Lambert con–

    formal projection.

            4. Danish Sector

            "[Topographic map of] Gr o ö aland. [From the survey of and compiled

    in the] Geodeatic Institut, Kobenhavn, 1923–1947." Scale

    1:250,000. Dimension of each sheet 27x22 inches. A set of

    39 sheets published, and 19 being completed by 1947 (?)

            "[Topographic (form-line) map of] Greenland. Prepared under the

    Direction of the Chief of Engineers, U.S. Army, by the Army

    Map Service... Washington, D.C. 1944. A.M.S. 0401." Scale

    1:500,000. Dimensions of each sheet 24x20 inches. In 29

    sheets. Area includes east and west coasts from Map Farvel

    north to 74°.

            "[General map of] Gr o ö nland [showing the area covered by ice and

    that land exposed]. Geodastic Institut, K o ø bonhavn, 1938.

    Scale 1:5,000,000." Dimensions: 27–1/2x23–1/2 inches. Also

    available on a scale 1:4,000,000.

            [(Topographic) Map of North Greenland." Scale 1:300,000. sur–

    veyed by Lange koch in the years 1917–1923. Published by the

    Geodetic Institute of Denmark. In 19 sheets. Dimensions of

    each sheet: 27x22 inches. Includes west coast from latitude

    75° N to north coast and then east to longitude 20° W.

    014      |      Vol_XI-0272                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Selected Bibliography

            5. Norwegian Sector

            "[Base map of] Svalbard." Scale 1:1,000,000. [complied and

    published by] Norges Svalbard-og Inhave-Unders o ø keleser, Oalo,

    1937. Dimensions: 27–1/2 x 23–1/2 inches.

            "[Topographic (hachure) map of] Spitabergen... Published by

    the Geographical Section, General Staff, War office, 1942."

    Scale 1:823,000. Dimensions: 40x30 inches.

            "[Topographic (contour) map of] Bj o ö ern o ö ya, Svalbard. [Compiled

    by the Norges Svalbard-og Ishave-Unders o ø kelser, reproduced

    and printed in the] Norges Geographic Oppmiling, Cslo, 1944.

    Scale 1:25,000." Dimensions: 40–1/2x31–1/2 inches.

            "Report of the Svalbard Commissioner Concerning the claims to

    Land in Svalbard. [By Kristian Sidballe.] Copenhagon, 1927.

    Also Cslo, 1927. Parts IA and IIA are text and parts IS and

    IIB are large-scale topographic (contour) maps numbered 1–33

    and a small-scale general map.

            C. The Soviet-Finish Realm :

            1. "...[Planimetric map of the U.S.S.R. and adjacent countries] 1938–

    1939." Scale 1:2,500,000. Conic-type projection. Published

    by the Geodetic and Cartographic People's Commissariat,

    Leningrad. In thirty-two sheets.

            2. "...[Planimetric map of the European parts of the U.S.S.R.] 1938."

    Scale 1:1,500,000. Conic-type projection. Published by

    the chief Administration of the State Geodetic Survey and

    Cartography, People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs of

    the U.S.S.R., Leningrad, 1938. In twenty sheets.

            3. [Topographic (contour) map of Finland] Carte Internationals du

    Monde. In two sheets. Eblsinki, 1933 and Turku, 1925.

    Scale 1:1,000,000. Modified polyconic projection. Complied

    in the Cartographic office of the coast and Geodetic Survey,

    Helsinki, Finland.

            4. "[Topographic (contour, form-line and hachure) map of] Eastern Asia

    (AMS 5302), 1943–1947. Scale 1:1,000,000. Approximately 90

    sheets assigned to cover area within Arctic of which 43 have

    been published. Dimensions of average sheet: 24x24 inches.

            5. "Hypeomotricheskaia karta SSSR [Hypsometric map of the U.S.S.R.]

    Moskva, 1940." Scale 1:5,000,000. Glavnce Upravlenic Geo–

    desii 1 kartografil Moscow, 1940. In eight sheets each sheet

    26 x 21 inches.

    015      |      Vol_XI-0273                                                                                                                  
    EA-Hist. Friis: Arctic Cartography, Selected Bibliography

            6. "Geologicheskaia karta SSSR. [Geological map of the U.S.S.R.] 1940...

    [Compiled by] Komitet no delam Geologii..." Scale 1:2,500,000.

    In thirty-two sheets. Dimensions of each sheet 27x22 inches.

            7. "Geological Map of the Union of Soviet Socialistic Republics... 1937

    ... Published by the Organization Committee of the Seventeenth

    International Geological Congress, moscow...Drafted and printed

    at the 1st Cartographical Factory of the Chief Service of the

    States' Survey and Cartography of the People's Commissariate of

    Interior of the U.S.S.R...." Scale 1:5,000,000. In eight sheets

    each 27 x 21 inches. (In Russian and English.)

            8. ...Bol'shoy Sovetskiy Atlas Mira... [The Great Soviet World Atlas.]

    Complied in and published by the Central Executive Committee and

    the Commissars of Soviet Nationalities of the USSR, Moscow, 1937–

    1939. 2 volumes.

            9. "[Plainmotric map of] Sovetakaia arktiki 1 Subarktina [the Soviet

    Arctic and Subarctic] 1939." Scale 1:10,000,000. Arktichoskii

    Nauchno-issledovatelskit Institut Glavsevmsrputi, Leningrad, 1939.

    Dimensions: 19 x 30 inches. Also reproduced with additional in–

    formation on a scale of 1:6,000,000 in two sheets each 25x25


            10. [Large-scale hydrographic charts of the U.S.S.R. Arctic Coast origin–

    ally prepared by the Hydrographic office of the Administration of

    the Northern Sea Route of the Soviet of People's Commissars of the

    U.S.S.R., Leningrad, 1938–1942, and reproduced as emergency re–

    production with transliterations by the U.S. Hydrographic office,

    Navy Department, Washington, 1943–45.] Dimensions: various.


    Horman R. Friis

    Mapping of the Arctic: A selected bibliography

    001      |      Vol_XI-0274                                                                                                                  

    [Herman R. Friis]



            The following bibliography is a selection of generally available sources

    that are helpful in obtaining more detailed overall and also regional informa–

    tion on the history and development of the mapping of the Arctic. This bib–

    liography is divided into two parts corresponding in sequence to the two primary

    divisions of the textual discussion, namely I. FOR THE PERIOD PRIOR TO ABOUT

    1900 and II. FOR THE PERIOD AFTER ABOUT 1900. Within each of these divisions

    the individual entries are arranged in strict alphabetical order in categories

    corresponding in sequence to the subject breakdown in the textual discussion.

    This has been done in order to provide ready cross-reference from text to bib–

    liography for additional, often considerably detailed, information.




            1. American Geographical Society, New York City, New York

            2. Arctic Institute of North America, Montreal, Canada

            3. Cartographic Records Branch, The National Archives, Washington, D.C.

            4. Division of Maps, The Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.


            1. Almagia, R.: Monumenta cartographica Vaticans. Vol. 1. Planisferi

    carte nautiche a affini dal secolo XVI al XVII esistenti nella

    Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana, 1944. 157 pp. and maps; Vol. II,

    Carte geographic a stampa di particolare pregio o rarita del

    secoli XVI e XVII esistenti nella Bibliotheca Vaticana, 1948.

    132 pp. and maps.

            2. Ames, John G.: Comprehensive index of the United States Government,

    1881–1893. Washington, D.C. 1905. 2 vols.

            3. Andreev, A. I.: "...[New materials concerning Russian naval expeditions

    and discoveries in the Arctic and Pacific oceans in the XVIII and

    XIX centuries'," Izvestiia...Russkoe geograficheskoe obshchestvo , vol.

    75 (5), pp. 34–35, Moscow, 1943. In Russian.

    002      |      Vol_XI-0275                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Friis: Mapping of Arctic Bibliog.

            4. Bacmeister, Hartwich L. C.: Russische bibliothek, zur kenntuiss des

    gegenw a ä rtigen zustandes der literatur in Russland... St. Petersburg,

    1772–1789. 11 vols.

            5. Brenneche, Wilhelm: "L a ä nderkunde aussereurop a ä ischer Erdteile. Polar–

    gebiete, 1898–1904," Geographisches Jahrbuch , vol. 27, pp. 343–375,

    Gotha, 1905.

            6. Breusing, Arthur: ...Leitfaden durch das wiegenalter der kartographie

    bis zurn jahre 1600...Frankfurst, 1883. 33 pp.

            7. Conway, Martin: Atlas of Spitsbergen, consisting of originals, Photo–

    graphs or tracings of the maps examined by him during seven years

    of researches, London, Royal Geographical Society, Map Collection,


            8. Dall, W. H. and Marcus Baker: "Partial list of charts and maps relating

    to Alaska and the adjacent regions," United States Coast and Geodetic

    Survey, Pacific Coast Pilot
    , Second Series, pp. 163–223, Washington,


            9. Haack, Hermann: "Die Fortschitte der Kartographie (1930–36)," Geograph–

    isches Jahrbuch,
    vol. 51 (1936), pp. 230–312; 52 (1937), pp. 3–74,


            10. Harrisse, Henry: Notes pour servir a à l'histoire, a à la bibliographie

    et [ ?] a à la cartographie de la Nouvelle-France et des pays adjacents

    1545–1700... Paris, 1872. 367 pp.

            11. Hermanneson, Halldor: "...The Northmen in America (982 c.–1500); a

    contribution to the bibliography of the subject," Islandica...,

    vol. 2, pp.1–94, Ithaca, 1909.

            12. Verner, Robert J.: Northeastern Asia, a selected bibliography;...

    Berkeley, California, 1939. 2 vols.

            13. Leland, Waldo G.: [ ?] Guide to materials for American History in the

    Libraries and Archives of Paris. Washington, D.C., 1932.

            14. Mezhov, Vladimir I.: Bibliographia sibirica. Bibliographia des livres

    et articles de journoux russes et e e é trangeres concernant la Sib e e é rie...

    St. Petersburg, 1891–92. [ ?] 4 vols. in 3. See vol. 1 re. cartography.

            15. Oberhummer, Eugen: "Bericht u ü ber L a ä nder-end V o ö lkerkunde der antiken

    Welt," Geographische Jahrbuch , vol. 19, pp. 307–358; vol. 22, pp.

    245–258; vol. 28, pp. 131–194, Gotha 1896–1905.

            16. Paullin, Charles C. and Frederic L. Paxon: Guide to the materials in

    London Archives for the history of the United States since 1783.

    Washington, D.C., 1914, 642 pp.

    003      |      Vol_XI-0276                                                                                                                  
    EA-History. Friis: Mapping of Arctic Bibliog.


            17. Pfaff, Christian G. F.: "Bibliographia groenlandica, eller Fortegnelse

    paa vaerker, afhandlinger og danske manuskripter, der handle om

    Gr o ø nland indtil aereb 1880 incl...," Meddelelser om Gr o ø nland, vol.

    13, pp. 1–247, Copenhagen, 1890.

            18. Phillips, Philip L.: A list of geographical atlases in the Library of

    Congress, with bibliographical notes. Washington, vols. 1 and 2,

    1909; vol. 3, 1914; and vol. 4, 1920.

            19. Phillips, Philip L.: A list of maps of America in the Library of Congress

    ...Washington, 1901, 1137 pp.

            20. Phillips, Philip L.: Alaska and the northwest part of North America,

    1588–1898; maps in the Library of Congress. Washington, 1898.

    119 pp.