The Chinese Republic

The U.S. was the first foreign country to recognize the new Republic Govt. of China in 1913. This act was an index of the interest of the American people in the welfare of the Chinese and it also showed the interest which we take in the success of the Republican experiment on the western side of the Pacific, On this side of the Great Ocean we have made a success of the experiment. Hitherto the Chinese have posed as the oldest of all monarchies and have been proud of their ancient civilization and long history. As a Republic however they hare junior to us. We look upon them as our imitators. I have a profound respect for the good qualities of the Chinese, and I wish that I might praise the success of their nine years trial of the new form of govt., and hold them up as an example to their great sister Republic on this side of the ocean. I cannot do this, however, for the Chinese are still feeling their way through the dark forest. Given time, I have great confidence in the common sense of the nation and I believe that they will find their way out of their difficulties.

During the last years of the Manchu Monarchy an attempt was made to modernize the Monarchy. In 1908 a scheme of gradual development was announced by the throne according to which all the necessary reforms were to be carried out in a period of ten^nine^ years. At the end of this period the Monarchy was to become a fully equipped Constitutional Monarchy with a parliament to represent the people and with a cabinet responsible to that parliament. I think that all sober-minded friends of China approved of this method of gradual ^education and^ approach.

On the one side we have the long experience of the Chinese in local self­ government. This has prevailed in China for ages. Every town and village is managed by its elders chosen rather^in most cases rather^ by common consent than by regular election. The highest ambition of every community is to be let alone by the Central Govt. Except is certain definite matters like the dyking of the Yellow River they expect nothing from the Central Govt. but consider the land lax as a solace money in return for which each community is to be left free to manage its own affairs. Analogous to this habit of self-government is the old system of organizing the trades and industries, especially the banking system in guilds for mutual cooperation and for mutual protection. On the whole therefore the experience which the Chinese have had in local self-government may be counted to their credit as fitness to manage the affairs of a Republic.

The only respect in which their experience counts on the other side is the absorption in local interests involved in it. If the [illegible: unit] can be enlarged to include the welfare of the nation as well as that of the village it will be well.

The second element of fitness to manage a Republic I find in the character of the Chinese people. They are sober, thoughtful and resourceful. They are capable if left to themselves of adjusting themselves to a new set of conditions. Just here I wish to say that California has had almost no opportunity to observe the real Chinese. The real true Chinese entered China in ancient times from the north west. They developed their language and literature in the northern portions of China, though they spread over the whole country as conquerors. The aborigines whom they found in possession of the land were not ^racially^ so different from their conquerors as were the American Indians and the Europeans and therefore easier to assimilate, though large numbers of them still live untouched by the Chinese civilization on reservations in Yunnan, Kuangsi and Kweichow. The Chinese ^of Kuang Tung^ who have come to America in so large numbers are a blend of Malay and Chinese. They are quite different both physically and mentally from the pure Chinese of North China. They are sometimes brilliant, always more emotional and more quarrelsome than the pure ^other^ Chinese. Physically they are smaller than the real ^pure^ Chinese

The qualities of sobriety and serious mindedness, ability to think through a new situation which I have attributed to the Chinese will certainly make for their success in managing the affairs of the new form of government which they have adopted.

The time will not allow me to do more than give an outline of the history of the Chinese Republic from 1911 to the present time. I will group what I have to say around the "Three Revolutions".

The 1st Revolution, was, of course, against the Manchu Court and led to the estab­ lishment of the Republic. A small minority of radicals under the leadership of Sun Wen, or as he is commonly called "Sun Yat-sen" had undoubtedly planned to change the government of China from a Monarchy to a republic, but to the majority of those concerned in the 1st Revolution the idea had not occurred at the beginning of the movement. They drifted into it.

Nanking is regarded as the political center of Mid-China it has several times been the capital of the Empire. The name means "Southern Capital" as distinguished from Peking, the "Northern Capital."

I will mention two or three of the leaders who came into prominence in that year of 1911.

Dr. Sun had been well known for many years as the leader of the radical reformers. He stood for the expulsion of the Manchus and the organiz­ ing of a Chinese Republic. Strange to say he was not in China, but in Europe when the 1st Revolution took place. He arrived at Shanghai on the 27th of Dec, 1911 just as the republican representatives were in conference at Nanking on the organization of a new government. They were in doubt whom to choose as Provisional President and on his arrival he was immediately chosen to the office and inaugurated on New Year's day of 1912. The Manchu Court abdicat­ ed on the 12th of Feby, 1912 and two days later Dr. Sun resigned his post and Yuan Shih-K'ai was elected in his place. As Yuan Shih-K'ai controlled the northern armies it was necessary that Dr. Sun should retired in the interests of peace between the Northern and Southern sections of the country and his self-effacement was certainly much to be praised.

Subsequently he was disappointed in Yuan Shih-K'ai and became implicated in the 2nd Revolution and had to flee to Japan where I found him in 1908^14^ living and dressing as a Japanese ^(my attempt to act as peacemaker)^ after the death of Yuan Shih-K'ai and the establish­ ing of military dictatorships in the North he organized a Southern Government at Canton which finally collapsed and he with his colleagues took refuge in Sh'ai where I met him a year ago. His reestab­ lishing of the Southern government at Canton has all taken place since I returned to America. At the present time in Canton govt. appears to be more flourishing than ever before and it seems that it will be a factor in the final settlement of affairs.

My impression of Dr. Sun is that he is rather an idealist than a practical man. His influence is great among the Cantonese, especially among those who live abroad. He labors under the disadvant­ age of not carrying great weight with the Chinese of the North and of the Interior

To give you any insight into the character of Yüan Shih-K'ai I must briefly trace his career before the time of the 1st Revolution. Previous to the Chinese-Japanese War of 1894 he was Chinese resident in Corea. Judge [illegible: Decury], the American advisor to the Corean government has brought serious charges against him in a pamphlet which he published in the early nineties. After his return from Corea he undertook the foundation of a model corps for the Chinese army at Hsiao Chan near Tientsin. In 1889 the young Emperor Kuang-hsü had assumed the responsibilities of government. After the disastrous war with Japan he came under the influence of K'ang Yu-wei and other reformers and soon commenced issuing reform edicts of a very radical nature. Finding that the Empress Dowager and her supporters ^were conspiring against him^ he sent orders to Yuan Shih-K'ai at Hsiao-Chan to march on Peking with his model army, and emprison the Empress Dowager and defend him from his enemies. Yüan ^declined to obey this order^ and revealed the plot and ^Emperor's plan to the supporters of the Emp. Dowager.^ This lead to the resumption of office by the Empress Dowager and the virtual imprisonment of the Emperor Kuanghsü until his death in 1908. The brother of

The brother of Kuanghsü became regent for his infant son Hsüan T'ung after the death of the Empress Dowager and of the Emperor in 1908 and one of his first acts was to dismiss Yuan Shih-K'ai, who was then a member of the Cabinet. This happened Jan.2, 1909. To avenge the betrayal of his brother, the Prince Regent would have decapitated Yüan Shih-K'ai had he dared. After Jan, 1909 Yüan retired to his nation Province, Honan and lived there in seclusion until the outbreak of the 1st Revolution. The Manchu Court being at its wits' end saw no other way out of their difficulties than to recall Yüan Shih-K'ai. He delayed and made conditions and only returned to Peking when he became the defacto head of the Govt. ^as Premier.^ Through the control of the modern army which he had organized he could easily have beaten the ill-equipped forces of the revolutionaries, but he held back and allowed the Republican movement to go forward until at last he found himself President of the new Republic after the abdication of the Manchus.

I have always felt that Yüan Shih-K'ai had the power, had he so willed, to make the the Republic a success. Unfortunate­ ly for the Republic their first President was not a George Washington. Yüan's energies were devoted to building up his own power; to making himself Dictator. I have always regretted that his American advisor, President Goodnow, gave him substantial aid in this policy. Dr. Goodnow drafted the "Constitutional Compact" which was promulgated May 1, 1914 to take the place of the "Provisional Constitution" which was passed at Nanking in Jan, 1912. By the Constitutional Compact all real power was centered in Yüan Shih-K'ai. Even this did not satisfy the growing ambition of Yüan and he at last tried to imitate Ta Yü the founder of the Hsia Dynasty who changed the ancient selective system over 2000 B.C. in order to do what the Chinese historians call "Chia t'ien hsia", make a family possession of the country ^Empire^. In December, 1915 The "Hung Hsien" Dynasty was announced with Yüan Shih-K'ai as the founder and first Emperor. He was

He was never enthroned however, ^He had misjudged his prestige.^ The whole country rose against him. He issued a mandate on the 22nd of March, 1915 cancelling the monarchy scheme and on the 6th of June he died.

Circumstances have caused me to see a great deal of Yuan Shih-K'ai during the past twenty five years. Until his last rush for Imperial honors I always regarded him as a man of force and great ability, though I always recognized the fact that he had no conscience. ^and no regard for human life if that life stood between him and the satisfaction of his ambition^ His career illustrates the danger that brains without conscience in will fail a man at some point in his career however will highly developed that brain may be.

I should like to give sketches of many others who have been prominent in China since the time of the 1st Revolution such as Li Yuan-hung elected Vice President with Yuan Shih-K'ai and by succession President after the death of Yüan, Feng Kuo­ Chang, afterwards General of the Imperial forces at Hankow and Han Yang, ^and Imp. Gov. of Nanking^ who afterward became Vice President and President of the Republic; T'ang Shao-i at first associated with Yüan Shih-K'ai but later allied with the Southern party. The time will not allow this, however, and I must go on with the history of the Republican experiment in China. I have spoken of the First Revolution which led to the abdication of the Manchus and the estab­ lishment of the Republic in 1912. President Yüan in 1913 negotiated what is called the "Reorganization Loan" of £25,000,000. with Great Britain, France, Germany, Japan and Russia. Parliament which had been convened in the spring of 1913 was bitterly opposed to the terms of this loan, but though the Provisional Constitution stipu­ lated that all measures affecting the National Treasury must receive the assent of Parliament, the President carried it through in spite of the opposition of Parliament. By this means he secured funds for making firm his dictatorship. This led to what is known as the "Second Revolution."

Upon Yuan Shih-K'ai's attempt to make himself Emperor in the winter of 1915 and 16, the Southern Provinces rose again and this time effectively. The insurrection started in Yunnan Province under Gen. Ts'ai Ao and it soon spread until An ultimatum was sent to Peking stating that the monarchy must be cancelled and the chief monarkists must be executed or Yunnan would take such steps as were considered necessary. Yunnan, Kweichow, Kuangsi, Kwangtung and Chehkiang soon declared their independence and eight other provinces were preparing to follow suit. When the great province of Ssüch'uan declared its independence, Yuan suffered a nervous collapse which brought on his death on June 6th. This constituted the Third Revolution which came to an end with the death of the would-be Emperor. Li Yüan-hung became President, having been elected Vice President in 1912. During the lurid career of Yüan Shih-K'ai he had kept in the back-ground. In fact he had practically been a prisoner. ^after the 2nd Revolution^ He had saved his life by remaining absolutely aloof from politics and he had refused to accede to the proposed chance from President to Emperor. Though a military man his sympathies had been with the constitutionalists and his first act was to reconvene the original Parliament that had been dissolved by Yuan Shih-K'ai in 1913^4^. We entertained great hopes of the Republic under the guidance of Li Yüan-hung but difficulties soon arose. Following the example of Yuan Shih-K'ai, the various military leaders aspired to control the government and jealousy soon arose between them and the Parliament. This became acute in 1917 over the question of the declaration of war with Germany and Austria. President Li was threatened into dissolving Parliament again. Wu T'ing-fang was premier at the time and he persist­ ently refused to sign the dissolution mandate. Finally his resignation was hurriedly accepted and Gen. Chiang, Chief of the Peking gendarmeries was put in his place, and signed the mandate. This happened on June 13th, 1917. Li Yüan-hung escaped to the foreign Settlements of Tientsin and Following shortly after this dramatic event came the mid-summer madness of Chang Hsün and his attempt to restore the Manchus to power. On the 1st of July Chang Hsün taking advantage of the confusion into which the governmental affairs had been plunged marched his army into Peking enthroned the young Emperor, Hsüan T'ung and formed a Cabinet, and attempted to start again the old regime. This was, however, too much for the stomachs of the military leaders who had bullied President Li into dissolving Parliament. Ex-Premier Tuan Ch'i-jui marched on Peking and after eleven days the republic was reestablished and Chang Hsün sought asylum and the members of his shortlived cabinet took flight. ^[left]Restoration of Manchus impossible if Chinese remain their own masters.^ President Li Yüan-hung retired to the Foreign Concessions in Tientsin and refused longer to act as President. This brought Feng Kuo-chang into the Presidential chain, as he had been chosen Vice President on the promotion of the the former Vice President Li Yüan-hung. From that time to the present, the struggle has been between the advocates of control by the military and the advocates of civilian control through constitutional means, and the end is not yet.

When we remember how long it took France to get into her paces as a Republic Indeed when we remember our own long period of experimenting we need not be impatient with the Chinese.