Press translations [Japan]. Political Series 0243, 1946-01-29.

Full Translation:

The enforcement of the Trade Unions Law was scheduled to take place on 1 February but owing to the redrafting of the text by The Bureau of Legislation and to negotiations with the interested parties enforcement cannot be expected before the middle of February. The ordinance concerning enforcement of the Trade Unions Law will supply detailed instructions for the application of each Article. It will further determine the structure of unions for officials and workers' committees. As regards these committees, which will be pivotal in making the law work, all regulations will be contained in the law itself with no special government organization being set up for controlling the committees.

As far as the activity of officials' unions is concerned, they are, on principle, not allowed to convert any disputes into political issues. Officials cannot join any unions except those established on their behalf, but these officials' unions can combine with other unions or join a combination of unions. In the case of officials, controversies will be recognized as such only after arbitration has failed; the administrative authorities are entitled to supervise these disputes.

In the welfare Ministry a Central Workers' Committee will be establish which corresponds to the committees in the cities, prefectures, districts and regions; special workers' committees will be set up for certain problems. The central committee will consist of not more than 21 persons, the district committees of not more than 15, and the regional and special committees of up to 9. These bodies will be convened for one year; they will consist of an equal number of representatives of capital, labor and neutrals. The committees will appoint a chairman by electing one of the neutrals; decisions are reached by majority; in case of a tie the chairman's decision is final.

Whereas in other countries, e.g. in ENGLAND, committees were the natural offshoot of a nationwide trade union movement. They are organized, in JAPAN, at the very beginning of a revived trade union movement; this implies that they are not organs for nationwide group negotiation but have rather an official flavor about them. Since the board investigating and deciding the qualifications of trade unions is in a position forcibly to dissolve them and to intervene powerfully in labor disputes, it is desirable that this body should reflect the will of the working class as far as its membership is concerned, and the bodies electing workers as committee members must not be bossed by officials.

POLITICAL SERIES: 243 (Continued)

TEEM 1 (Continued)

The law concerning the arbitration of labor disputes is intimately connected with the trade unions law but since its publication in 1926 it has been applied only twice, and therefore became virtually obsolete. Its amendment is under review by a small committee of society for investigation into labor legislation since 28 December. This group will soon end a report to the Welfare Minister and present a bill before the Special Diet after the election. It is intended to extend the field of application of this law to public utilities to provide for timely mediation in disputes before trouble has started, and to strengthen the binding force of arbitration. It is further under consideration to transfer the powers of the arbitration committee, as laid down in the Labor Disputes Arbitration Law. to the workers' committees, to make the workers committees the central organ of the arbitration system; to call upon public opinion wherever arbitration does not work smoothly by deciding pending issues through general vote of the workers and to create a labor court, with binding force upon both capital and labor, as the Supreme Court for labor disputes.

Instead of merely amending the reactionary arbitration law which suppressed the labor movement, it must be thoroughly reshaped. The general public is greatly concerned, being the chief loser, in labor troubles involving transport, communications, electricity, gas, water and similar enterprises of social importance, and here lies the great social significance of the law.

Summary:

Since the people's mass meeting held on 26 January in honor of Mr. NOZAKA's return, the attitude of forming a democratic front has become more definite by the joint struggle of the Social Democratic Party and the Communist Party. But what attitude, at present, have the Liberal and the Progressive Parties towards the problem of a democratic front? It is true that both political parties have declared democracy as their own principle, but their interpretation of democracy differs from their social viewpoints. As is evident in the declaration and platforms of these two parties they are opposed as ever to the formation of a democratic front in which the Communist Party participate. For example, with regard to the Emperor System, the Progressive party stood for "the continuance of the System" and "the maintenance of the national constitution" at the time of the party's formation, and it clarified its attitude as regards "the sovereignty of the Emperor" in dealing with the problem of revising the Constitution.

As for the Liberal Party's attitude towards this problem, it recognizes the Emperor as the superintendent of sovereignty in accordance with the principle of "the existence of sovereignty in the country"; and concerning the prerogative of the Emperor only the Emperor's right to veto is recognized. The political and legal responsibilities of the Emperor which will hereafter arise, are to be shared with the ministers of state.

The liberal Party fundamentally differs from the Communist Party on the following points, the Communist Party advocates the complete abolition of the Emperor System and establishing of a democratic system in the true sense of the word.

The points which attracted the attention of the Liberal Party in Mr. NOZAKA's speech at the people's reception are those concerning

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POLITICAL SERIES: 243 (Continued)

ITEM 2 (Continued)

nationalization of the important industries on one hand, and the strong control by the people's government of capitalist monopolies on the other, The above mentioned policies of the Communist Party should not be permitted in the light of the democratization of JAPAN. The Communist Party, at the moment, intends to carry out an autocratic policy under proletarian influences which do not possess private property. The Liberal Party continues to say that what are called the masses by the Communist Party are the working people, and while they are the predominant group in the nation, nations are never composed entirely of this class. Moreover, the members of parliament who are the representatives of the people do not represent the working man alone, to say nothing of the ZAIBATSU.

From this point of view, a struggle to the end among the various groups of the popular front seems inevitable. However, the democracy in such circumstance, has as its objective the solution of the various critical questions in the county by joint agreement, regardless of the fundamental differences of all the political parties.

The Liberal and Progressive Parties object to this point, in so far as the Communist Party is included in the formation of a democratic front. If the development of a democratic front in the future occurs without the coalition of the Communist and the Social Democratic Party it will not always be impossible to combine all democratic movements along this line. Therefore, the struggle by the Liberal and the Progressive Parties against the popular front will probably become more severe and continue to be serious even after the general election

Summary:

In anticipation of an Imperial ordinance concerning the prosecution of militarists, the House of Peers will supply the members of the House with a questionnaire, Immediately upon receipt of the replies those included within the SCAP directive will be asked to tender their resignation. There is a view supported by members of all parties, that prompt fulfilment of the POTSDAM terms implies that people included within the directive will voluntarily resign from office. Accordingly, some members of the Upper House have already tendered their resignation or notified the authorities of their intention to do so.

On the 28th a joint committee representing the various groups was convened with Count SHIMAZU as chairman in order to listen to an explanation of the SCAP order by Chief Cabinet Secretary NARAHASHI. In this way spontaneous resignations without awaiting official requests will be brought about after an exchange of views among the committee.

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