Press translations [Japan]. Political Series 0196, 1946-01-17.
Date17 January, 1946
translation numberpolitical-0808
call numberDS801 .S85
Persistent Identifier
POLITICAL SERIES: 196
ITEM 1 MITSUCHI Clarifys his Intention Regarding Reorganization of Officials Affected by the Allied Directive - Asahi Shimbun - 16 Jan 46. Translator : S. One.
Extracts:
MISSUCHI, Home Minister, who disclosed, at a press conference, his decision for the
swift carrying out of the latest directive
of the Allied Powers concerning reorganization of personnel within the Ministry, clarified
his intentions at a Cabinet meeting
held yesterday. He stated that he would leave it to the voluntary judgment of his
subordinates whether or not they resign from
the jobs they now hold. This is expedient due to the difficulty of drawing a clear
line as to how many of them are to be
affected by the directive; other Cabinet members agreed with this. Accordingly, instructions
to this effect were sent to the
quarters concerned.
The Minister, directly after adjournment of the Cabinet meeting, held a press conference
to clarify his attitude with regard
to the problem, the gist of which is as follows:
(Q:) Why does the Government hesitate to announce the number of officials to be affected
by the directive?
(A:) The directive could be interpreted in various ways. We find it difficult to
reach a definite conclusion.
(Q:) Are you going to accept all the resignations if tendered?
(A:) Yes, if some one who is not affected should resign we may re-nominate him at
a later date.
(Q:) What are you going to do when some one definitely affected is reluctant to resign?
(A:) We can not go into that just now.
(Q:) How many have resigned up to now?
(A:) I was informed that a certain number of officials have already submitted resignations.
ITEM 2 A Woman's Voice on Enabling Women to Vote - Provincial Newspaper Shinano Mainichi Shimbun (Nagano) - 14 Jan 46. Translator: S. Sano.
Full Translation:
The first general election since the recognition of women's suffrage i now at hand.
The woman who is busy with the everyday
affairs of life, despite the fact that she is interested in the election, will be
inclined to abstain from voting because of
the distance of the polling place or the complicated formalities of voting. To prevent
this, I want to
POLITICAL SERIES: 186 (Continued)
ITEM 2 (Continued)
advocate a new measure. That is, a voting box, which is locked like a money savings
box, would be taken from house to house by
a member of the Neighborhood Association and every woman could out her vote into the
box.
Policemen and village or town heads should keep a vigilant eye on the voting for
at present it is merely a scene from the
feudal ages. I sincerely look forward to prompt judgement on the part of the authorities
on this problem.
ITEM 3 The Mission of the Reorganized Cabinet - Provincial Newspaper Niigata Nippo (Niigata) - 14 Jan 46. Translator: N. Tachibana.
Summary
The SHIDEHARA Cabinet experienced difficulties in its reorganization, but it must
be remembered that all parties demanded the
general resignation of the Cabinet. Now the Cabinet, more than ever before, is required
to know its own status and mission in
order to win the confidence of Allied Headquarters and to carry out urgent policies
without hesitation.
The Government must first faithfully carry out Allied directives for a political
clean-up. For this reason it is necessary to
prevent those who are affected by the directive from standing as candidates in the
general election and to definitely
determine the next Cabinet. Together with the measures for the general election the
Government must change the prefectural
governors, who are affected by the directive, and therewith democratize local administration.
We rely on Home Minister
MITSUCHI's ability. We also demand that the Government quickly draft laws for the
election of prefectural governors and bring
them before the forthcoming special Diet.
Second, the Government is urged to take up fundamental measures for dealing with
the food problem, because we shall face a
critical situation because there is no rationing of foodstuffs and also because only
23 per cent of the allotted quantity of
rice was provided upto 31 December. It is impossible to remove political and social
uneasiness and to habilitate industries
without solving the food problem. Former agriculture Minister MATSUMURA submitted
the draft of a scheme for obtaining rice
from the farmers at the Cabinet meeting and asked for its approval. We expect the
new Minister, FUKUSHIMA, to take more
positive measures along this line.
Third, we demand that the Government take drastic measures against an inflation which
is causing social uneasiness. Indeed,
the Government discussed urgent measures for dealing with this problem at the Cabinet
meeting on 5 January, but it is
necessary to take urgent and appropriate measures by doing away with the lukewarm
attitude of the interim Cabinet. We reply on
Finance Minister SHIBUSAWA to take appropriate measures.
Fourth, the problem of the revision of the constitution is the important mission
of this Cabinet. In view of the fact that
State Minister MATSUMOTO, who is said to be affected by the directive, is remaining
in office, we take a serious view of this
problem because of the pledge that the Cabinet made, both at home an abroad.
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POLITICAL SERIES: 196 (Conitinued)
ITEM 3 (Continued)
Fifth, as this Cabinet is destined to hand over the reins of Government after the
general election, at must decide on a body
to advise the Emperor in appointing the next Premier. Moreover, we demand that the
Government reform the higher political
organizations by disposing of Grand Chamberlain FUJITA and President of the Privy
Council SUZUKI, who are affected by the
directive, and that they carry out the general principles of reforming the House of
Peers Ordinance, which was agreed upon at
the Cabinet meeting on 8 January.
ITEM 4 "The Truth About The Surrender" - Diary of SAKOMIZU, Hisatsune, Secretary to the SUZUKI Cabinet ( Part 3 ) - Asahi" Shimbun - 16 Jan 46.Translator: Paasche.
Summary:
I was of the opinion that the SUZUKI Cabinet should seek peace through the good offices
of the SOVIET UNION. Since this
failed, the Cabinet could, theoretically, retire, leaving their successors to handle
the situation. But this would have
entailed a delay which would probably be harmful for the Nation. So I decided to ask
the Premier what should be done. SUZUKI
called the Foreign Minister who wanted to settle matters through the Cabinet now in
office. I now foresaw two possibilities
from which we had to choose: declaration of war against RUSSIA, and fighting to the
bitter end, or peace through acceptance of
the POTSDAM Declaration.
SUZUKI pondered this deeply and said he would report to the Emperor, which he subsequently
did. But the Foreign Minister was
there shortly before him and had made an overall report of the situation. The Premier
returned at about 0900 hours (9 August
45) and said he was resolved to end the war. Accordingly a Supreme War Council was
convoked at 1000. Because of it's great
importance it was attended only by six important persons and appeared to be a rather
quiet affair, lasting three hours.
Afterwards I learned from the Premier that there were two opinions, one of which favored
acceptance of the POTSDAM
Declaration; the other insisted on the following conditions for peace: 1. No occupation
army should land in JAPAN; 2. Instead
of the Japanese armies overseas surrendering formally, troops should withdraw and
demobilize by their own effort; 3. JAPAN
should try her own war criminals.
However, both disagreeing groups were in accord in assuming that the POTSDAM Declaration
contained no provision for changing
the position of the Emperor's sovereignity. Incidentally, the atomic bomb was dropped
on NAGASAKI during this conference.
At 1300, a Cabinet session started, during which the Navy Minister clearly stated
that the situation was hopeless, while the
Army Minister asserted that the first onslaught of the invading enemy could be warded
off. As to the next stage, victory was
not certain not could certain defeat be anticipated. He stressed the possibility of
snatching victory from defeat. The other
ministers (Interior, Armaments, Finance, Agriculture and Industry, and Transport)
were very pessimistic about the outlook for
continued warfare. The Minister of the Interior stressed that the cessation of hostilities
would endanger the country's
political and social stability. Most Cabinet members were for accepting the POTSDAM
Declaration, but some insisted on the
above three conditions, or at least on the first and second. Many, however, held that
the negotiations would not get under way
if conditions were brought forward. One section of the Cabinet thought the Cabinet
should resign en bloc, but the Premier
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POLITICAL SERIES: 196 (Continued)
ITEM 4 (Continued)
was definitely against it. All of us were impressed by the way the Premier was presiding
over the discussion.
At 2000 the session ended without reaching an agreement. Since the matter permitted
no further delay, it was agreed that the
Emperor must decide. The supreme War Council was to be convened again, this time in
the presence of the Emperor, with
president of the Privy Council HIRANUMA, attending. The meeting took place at 1130
of 9 August in the palace air-raid shelter
(the so-called First Meeting in the Emperor's presence). The Premier, the Ministers
of Army and Navy, the Foreign Minister,
the Chief of the General Staff, the Chief of the Navy General Staff, Baron HIRANUMA,
the Chief Secretary of the Cabinet, the
Chief of the Military Affairs Bureau of the Army and Navy Ministry, and Chief IKEDA
of the General Planning Office attended.
The meeting dealt with the text of the POTSDAM Declaration and the two opposing views
at the foregoing Supreme War council. I
had to read out the Declaration, but was so awed by the Imperial countenance that
I cannot remember having read aloud.
Thereupon the Foreign Minister stated that this was the appropriate time to end the
war. Therefore, he was for accepting the
Declaration unconditionally, provided there should. be no change on the position of
the Emperor in the national structure. The
Minister of the Army voiced dissent on the ground that the country's ability to wage
war had not yet been completely
destroyed. It was, therefore, possible to administer a strong bating to the invading
enemy. After that there would still be
time for ending the war. He was for continued fighting but would accept a peace based
on the aforesaid conditions, if it could
be had. Navy Minister YONAI said he agreed with the Foreign Minister. HIRANUMA asked
the Army and Navy Minister for detailed
information and then stated he agreed with the Foreign Minister. The Chiefs of Staff
were for fighting unto death.
ITEM 5 Joint Front of Political Parties - Asahi Shimbun - 16 Jan 46. Translator: S. Kawasaki.
Full Translation:
Many small political parties in TOKYO, numbering more than 40, are now hastening
to form a new party alliance (SHINTO-REMMEI)
before the forthcoming general election, taking advantage of the trend towards a joint
front. The first meeting is to be held
at MAINICHI Hall, KOJIMACHI-Ku, on 18 January. The alliance wants various political
parties to participate, basing their plans
on the downfall of the old political powers, "thereform of the TENNO system, the public
election of a Prime Minister, et
cetera.
The 14 united political parties at present, are as follows: the independent Social
Democratic Party (DOKURITSU-SHAKAI-TO); the
Constitutional Youngmen's Party (RIKKEN-SEINEN-TO); the National Republic Party (KOKUMIN-KYOWA-TO);
the Social Productive
Party (SHAKAI-SEISAN-TO); the JAPAN Rising Sun Party (NIPPON-ASAHI-TO); the JAPAN
Republican Party (NIPPON-KYOWA-TO); the
autonomous Imperial Nation Party (NIPPON-KYOWA-TO) the Youngmens' New-Progress Party
(SEINEN-SHINSHIN-TO): the JAPAN Good Life
Society (NIPPON-MEISEI-KAI); the Constitutional Labor Party (RIKKEN-KINRO-TO); the
JAPAN Nation Party (NIPPON-KOKUMIN-TO); the
JAPAN Labor Party (NIPPON-KINRO-TAISHUTO); and the New JAPAN Reform Party (SHIN-NIPPON-KAKUSHI-TO).
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POLITICAL SERIES: 196 (Continued)
ITEM 6 Explanation of the Emperor System (Part 6) by SUZUKI, Yasuzo - Mainichi Shimbun - 16 Jan 16. Translator: J. Weiller.
Summary:
Hundreds of thousands of young men offered their lives simply on the belief that
it was for the good of their Emperor. As the
Emperor's children, they willingly sacrificed themselves in absolute unity and reverence.
On the other hand, the Peace Preservation Law, which was promulgated in the name
of the Emperor, was mercilessly put into
execution by the ignorant and cruel civil and military police in the belief that torture,
sometimes death of innocent, was for
the protection of the Emperor System. All the labor and farmers' movements to alleviate
destitution were ruthlessly suppressed
in the name of the Emperor. How many brethren were put to indescribable hardships,
how many excellent brains and spirits were
ruined, and how many noble lives were lost, in such a manner?
For the men who have not the remotest idea of such tragedies, especially the Zaibatsu,
parasitic landowners, bureaucrats,
high-ranking soldiers, and the political parties, which are connected with and represents
these strata, it is natural to
protect the national organization and order under the Emperor system.
On the other hand, for those who belong to the classes which were humiliated and
tortured, or robbed of their livelihood, it
is natural to cry for the abolition of the system.
How to consider the Emperor System and what attitude is to be taken toward it is
now a fundamental question which we must not
neglect.
Unless theoretical analysis and free debates, quite separate from all the personal
feelings about the Emperor himself, are
thoroughly carried out, JAPAN'S democracy can never attain the desired development.
Are democracy and the Emperor System compatible? At least the system as hitherto
operated (since the MEIJI Restoration but
more especially from the Manchurian Incident to the end of the War), is absolutely
incompatible with democracy in the real
sense. It is incompatible, so long as it retains the present substance as a constitutional
monarchy, which is a compromise
between democratic republicanism and a absolute monarchy.
The independence of the supreme command is based on the Army's conception that the
fighting forces are directly connected with
the Emperor, and therefore the right of command is vested with the Emperor alone,
and only the organ which is under His direct
command can utilize the right. In other words, it is neither the People's nor the
Nation's, but the Monarch's own right.
Contempt or disregard of personality, character, and rights, and the lack of independence,
which are the fundamental
shortcomings of our politics and national life, are due to the idea that we find our
happiness and raison d' etre in being
loved by the Emperor as his subjects, obeying him and submitting to the various trappings
which nourish and strengthen such
ideas.
The restriction of the authority of the Diet, unparalleled in other countries' constitutions,
the national institutions, such
as
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POLITICAL SERIES: 196 (Continued)
ITEM 6 (Continued)
GENRO, the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal, the Privy Council, and the House of Peers
(which is aloof from the people's will and
interests, very often ignoring thorn entirely), and the arrogant and privileged bureaucrats
who despise the populace—all have
grown and been maintained to support the Emperor's prerogative. They have all originated,
not from the people's will or
interests, but from the fundamental principle based on the Emperor's will and dignity.
The cause for the repressions of freedom in the scientific and cultural development
of the Nation's speech, literature, arts,
religions, at cetra, whereby the cultural development was made stagnant, lies in the
fact that the highest discipline and
virtue was regarded as absolute obedience to the Emperor, and any sort of discussion
of the Emperor was forbidden.
Furthermore, a society and a moral and political system which regards reverence for
the Emperor as the highest virtue must
necessarily bring into being the submission of the masses to the oligarchal strata,
from the Emperor down to the Government
officials.
The collapse of the so-called Imperial Army's spirit in the practice of terrible
immorality in the occupied countries was
pathetic indeed, but it was nothing but a natural outcome.
People speak of the attainment of democracy under the monarchial system in ENGLAND,
but they disregard the process through
which ENGLAND has arrived at its present stage. There the will of the Parliament and
the Premier could force the abdication of
the reigning King, if necessary. Such a phenomenon, with the hitherto conceived position
and dignity of the Emperor, is
unimaginable in JAPAN. And yet, those who were nearest the Emperor has always utilized
him for Forcing the people's blind
obedience to despotic rules.
Apart from the question of the Emperor as an individual, and the action or merits
of the Imperial Family, the characteristics
of the Emperor System in our political organization and constitutional system is far
more absolute than the Prussian Monarchy
in the Constitution of 1851; it is equal to Tsarism in Imperialistic RUSSIA of 1905.
The Imperial Household is a stupendous landowner whose estate covers approximately
1,350,000 CHOBU (T.N. 1 CHOBU - 2.45
acres). Its members are, also, independent plutocrats possessing assets to the extent
of 1,500,000,000 Yen. Considering the
democratic revolution we are now facing, which naturally includes the elimination
of the parasitic and feudalistic land
system, Zaibatsu and war profiteers, it is self-evident that the extinction of the
Imperial property, and the Family defendent
on it, is quite inevitable.
It is quite natural that the Imperial Family, surrounded by landowners, Zaibatsu,
and bureaucrats, cannot take in the people's
ardent desires and sentiment as their own; nor can they practice politics for the
people as representatives of the masses.
Moreover, as long as the Emperor System is based on a theory contrary to that of liberty,
equality and personal rights, and so
long as it may be utilized for the protection of a reactionary and despotic political
order it cannot but contribute to the
stagnation and distortism of democratic principles.
DISTRIBUTION "X"
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