Press translations [Japan]. Political Series 0056, 1945-12-05.

Extracts:

From beginning to end, there has been no divergence of opinions arising from the difference of interest among members of the committee. These members represented various classes in the Government councils, set up for the purpose of composing the labor Union Law. Hitherto Labor Unions have made an expansion on the occasion of a boom. Also the sole motive in their activities has been towards a more equitable distribution of goods.

The bill, however, has for its main purpose the future industries which will have to pass through a very difficult reconstruction on the one hand and the more difficult reparation on the other. It casts away the legislative conception of the past and has placed the fundamental idea in the establishment of an economic order based upon the workmen's spontaneous co-operation. With this idea in view from the very beginning of the deliberation council, it was resolved that the law should be endowed with epoch-making importance and be the guiding principle during the coming century or so. At first it was considered that this fact should be published as a preamble if possible but it was finally decided that this would be put into one of the articles of the revised constitution, and the purport of this law is shown in Article 1.

Article 2 provides for withdrawing the various laws and regulations which are impeding either the Labor Unions development or its healthy activities and for replacing "control supervision" with "assistance". In Article 3 it gives the "Labor Union" and "laborer" as broad a definition as possible and anticipate an important part to be played by the labor unions in the establishment of JAPAN's economic order in the future. The three articles of Chapter 1 are the basic provisions of this Law. In Chapter 2 it adopts "report" in place of "permission" for the formation of a union and provides for a union representation in a broad sense to facilitate the exercise of the right for collective bargaining. It guarantees the right of combination by stipulating that it is illegal to dismiss an employee because of his being a member of the Union or to engage one on condition of his non-participation in the union or his secession therefrom. It prevents an infringement upon the right of strike under the clause which exempts the union from damage through disputes.

In Chapter 3 it clarifies the mutual liability regarding a labor convention of both employers and union. It further specifies the procedure and scope of its application, thus allowing the union and employer to work out smoothly an improvement in labor conditions and an increase in efficiency so that they may contribute to the maintenance of industrial peace.

POLITICAL SERIES: 56 (Continued)

ITEM 1 (Continued)

It is the provisions of the Labor Committee of Chapter 4 on which we detect an epoch-making idea on labor administration and on which we can put great expectations. Labor committees will be established both in the Metropolitan center and each one of the prefectures and will be composed of a similar number of representatives of the employers, workers and third persons. The central one, which will be of a permanent nature, is expected to be a fair sized administrative and judicial body. The functions of the committee are the compilation of statistics regarding labor disputes, investigation of labor conditions, mediation for collective bargaining, prevention of disputes, arbitration and mediation of labor disputes, suggestions regarding improvement of labor conditions, etc. A more important aspect of the committee is that it virtually holds the key for the operation of this law in that according to its resolution, the Welfare Minister and local governors may issue various orders to the unions and employers.

Furthermore in this article, we see the realization of a demacratic idea, put forth holdly and sincerely. As the organ is expected to be an influential one in order to prevent it from becoming arbitrary by making a prejudiced judgment against the public opinion and acting contrary to public benefit, the law adopts the provisions for summons (order for attendance), submission of documents and the opening of meetings to the public when necessary. By the enactment of this law a great reform is expected in the existing administrative organs. At the sane time, the operation of this quasi-judicial organ, there will be brought about a departure such as was never before attempted in this country.

All the same, in the present bill there are still many important points yet to be clarified. However those who participated in the drafting will know best on which points they can say anything with confidence when future developments, revolving about the provisions of this bill, arise. The bill now before the Diet may fall short of many of the foreign counter-parts but it is an outcome of a serious attempt for the establishment of industrial economy by the combined power of the employers, workmen and consumer classes, and our earnest hope is that it may have its realization with the whole Nation's support.

Summary:

Mr. KON-KYU, who has long devoted himself to the independence movement of KOREA and its most distinguished spokesman, took leave of CHIANG-KAI-SHEK 5 November. He remained in SHANGHAI for some time, and on 23 November, he returned to his native land, accompanied by some staff members of the Government. Before his return, Dr. RI-SHO-BAN who had been in America for study, returned home with Lieutenant-General HODGE. He is quite vigorous for his advanced age of 82 years. Thus the two leaders of the independence movement met in their native land and were welcomed by 25,000,000 Koreans. The mass of the Korean People, who profess themselves to be more found of political affairs than of food, began to form political parties.

First, the Korean Foundation Preliminary Committee was organized with Mr. RO-UN-RYC and Mr. AN-ZAI-KO as leaders. Then came the Popular Political Party, the KOMA Democratic Party and many other parties, large and small, numbering more than seventy in Southern KOREA alone. Since then, many of them have been dissolved or amalgamated, and, at

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POLITICAL SERIES: 56 (Continued)

ITEM 2 (Continued)

present, only four parties survive. That the return of Mr. KON-KYU and Mr. RI-SHO-BAN will exert a Teat influence upon these political organizations goes with out saying.

Let us now look into the true make up of these parties. The Korean Democratic Party led by Mr. SO-CHIN-U, with the big four ZAIBATSU of KOREA as its hackers, namely, the KON, BIN, BOKU, and KAN families, represents a conservative bourgeois democracy, and strongly attacks communism and socialism. Mr. KIN-SEI-SHU, who is a famous supporter of Mr. SO and a patron of educational circles in KOREA, is also of a patron of educational circles in KOREA, is also of a ZAIBATSU family. The leader of this party is at present our official on the Investigation Committee of the ALLIED FORCES. On 20 October, the party invited Lieutenant-General HODGE and Major-General ARNOLD and held a grand welcoming in honor of the American Army. It is now a leading political party in the American occupation regions.

Against this party is Mr. RO-UN-KYO's Korean Popular Party. Its viewpoint is just the opposite of the Democratic Party. Its members comprise those ranging from the middle classes to the extreme left wing. This party advocates the nationalization of basic industries.

At the end of the war this party was called the Korean People's Republic. It established the Korea Foundation Preparatory Committee, and wielded considerable power. However, opinion was divided among them and finally, was dissolved. According to an Associated Press dispatch of 23 October, the party held a meeting of its central committee, with 600 delegates present, and decided to cooperate with the American Army in the reconstruction of KOREA and in the solution of political problems, thus showing its attitude of compromise with the American policy there.

It the meantime, Dr. RI SHO BAN, with a view to the independence of KOREA, investigated the problem of amalgamating all parties into one. Following his initiative, the first meeting of the delegates of each party was held at KEIJO, and the Central Conference for the Independence Movement was organized. Thus he entered a new stage of preparation for an independent country. However it seems that he cannot easily cut himself off from the environment which surrounds him. Under these circumstances, Mr. KOK-KYU has returned home. Mr. SO of the Democratic Party declared that it was most desirable that the central power of an independent Government should be held by Mr. KON-KYU and his followers who had been carrying on anti-Japanese activities at JUKEI. Dr. RI-SHO-BAN is also of opinion that he will support Mr. KON-KYU as the leader to complete Korean independence. There are many other leading Koreans who are ready to support Mr. KON-KYU, and it is reported that the presidents of all parties have acknowledged overall recognition of his leadership.

After his return home, he said, (The present condition of KOREA can neither be said to be satisfactory from the economic nor from the political point of view. I will do my best to drive out the Japanese from KOREA, and unify the territories now occupied by the troops of AMERICA and the SOVIET UNION." The return of these Koreans, however, is in the capacity of private persons, and their participation as advisors to the military government of the ALLIED FORCES must be expected in the future.

Summary:

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POLITICAL SERIES: 56 (Continued)

ITEM 3 (Continued)

After the abolition of the Army and Navy Ministries, the First and Second Demobilization Ministries were created. Consequently, Army Minister SHIMCMURA was relieved of his post at his own request. Whereas Navy Minister YONAI was dismissed. Both Demobilization Ministries will, of course, be headed by civil officials and have now been taken over by premier SHIDEHARA. The Government explained that the difference in the removal of Army Minister SHIMOMURA and Navy Minister YONAI followed their own wishes. SHIMOMURA's attitude resulted from a feeling of responsibility for the cessation of payments to Demobilized soldiers etc. The minor officials of the dissolved ministries will remain in office as civil officials.

A short ceremony was held in the Army Ministry with Minister SHIMOMURA bringing the Army's 77 years history to a close by a speech with a solemn "Banzai". From noon of the 30th, army contingents in JAPAN proper, to the last man will be awaiting orders. On the first of December theoretically they will be entering the ranks of the reservists, but in the future all demobilization matters will be handled by the First Demobilization Ministry. The affiliated organs of this ministry are as follows: The Laison office for demobilization in Eastern and Western JAPAN (formerly the First and Second Army Command) supervises light Demobilization Inspection bureaus (formerly Army District Commands) which control Territorial Assistance Bureaus (formerly Regimental Headquarters) and Branch Offices in regions where landings have taken place. Furthurmore, there is an office taking over the remaining duties of the Munition Administration and the Air-craft Fuel Section; and office for Demobilization Management (formerly Infantry Quartermaster's Bureau of TOKYO); a Demobilization News Bureau (formerly Central Infantry News Bureau) all of which are apart from the various sections in the Ministry itself.

There was no special ceremony in the Navy Ministry. YONAI stated on behalf of those that had died was grieved by the fact that the Navy could not be saved. He felt guilty over the fact that inspite of ceaseless fighting the Emperor's mind could not be put at ease. He hoped the state would do its utmost for the bereaved and wounded.

The staff of the Second Demobilization Ministry was published as follows: Secretary to the Minister and Chief of the Public Affairs Department IMAMURA, Ryosuke; Chief of the General Affairs Department: YAMAMOTO, Yoshio; Chief of the Personnel Bureau IWA, Kawai; Chief of the Administration Office YAMAMOTO, Ushinosuke; Chief of the Juvidical Bureau YUFU, Kikuo; Chief of the Yokosuka Demobilization Office FURNMURA, Keizo; Chief of the Kure Demobilization Office OKADA, Tameji; Chief of the Saseho Demobilization Office TSHII, Noriyuki; Chief of the Maizuru Demobilization Office TORIKOSHI, Shinichi; Chief of the OSAKA Demobilization Office MATSUZAKI, Akira; and Chief of the Ominato Demobilization Office SHIKAME, Yoshisuke.

Summary:

The 89 Extraordinary Session of the Diet, the first Diet after the termination of the war and the last Diet based on the old system, is under the watch of the Allied Powers and the Japanese people. Generally speaking, it is regrettable that discussions have not sufficed to meet the gravity of the present social conditions because too much time was spent in debating on general theory in discussing bills, and

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POLITICAL SERIES: 56 (Continued)

ITEM 4 (Continued)

precious time was wasted on the problem of examining war responsibility. Now let us examine the chief problems of the plenary session of the past four days.

The most important fundamental principle specified in the Potsdam Declaration is that JAPAN must make democracy the foundation for her rebirth, and the people must endeavor to establish a democratic JAPAN. So we expected that most time and effort would be spent on this problem, but we actually found only very inconclusive discussions. Of more than ten representatives who delivered speeches, it was only Messrs. HATOYAMA, Ichiro, () and KITA, Reikichi () in the Lower House and Count FUTARA. () and Mr. MATSUMURA, Giichi () in the Upper House who chose this problem as a theme during these four days.

Moreover they agreed as if prearranged, that the continuance of the Emperor's sovereignty is absolutely unchangeable. This opinion agrees completely with that of Premier SHIDEHARA, who says "It is Democracy that makes it the highest political ideal to have a regard for public opinion. Our Emperor always has had this ideal. It is Japanese Democracy to look up to His Majesty as our political center and reconstruct a peaceful JAPAN in co-operation with him".

As no one opposes continuance of the Emperor system, the idea of doing away with the Emperor system cannot appear, but it is not radical to curtail the Emperor's sovereignty. Nevertheless, conclusive opinion was not found on the Emperor problem. Even Prince KONOYE said that the Emperor's sovereignty would be curtailed and that the status of the Emperor would become that of the royal family of ENGLAND, but the current session of the Diet is inactive about this problem. Re-plying public opinion that a democracy in which the people have no sovereignty is inconceivable, Mr. ANDO, Masazumi, (), one of the shining lights of the Liberal Party, said, "Democracy is not new in JAPAN. JAPAN has always been a democratic country, as democracy is defined in the Potsdam Declaration, JAPAN must revive and strengthen democracy." Democrats of the Meiji Era would grieve over such withered descussions on democracy as found in the current session of the Diet.

It goes without saying that examination into war responsibility is absolutely necessary to establish a new JAPAN, but resolutions of war responsibility, which caused a quarrel in the Lower House, resulted in a mud-flinging contest between the parties. Parts of the resolution concerning members are as follows:

• 1.Members who cooperated directly with the military clique to wage war, especially leaders of the Imperial Rule Assistance Association, should resign their posts as members immediately and should be deprived of their civil rights in the future (Social Democratic Party).
• 2.Members who fulfilled their political ambitions by working with the military clique should decide on their own courses, according to conscience (Liberal Party).
• 3.Persons responsible for the war should be examined thoroughly, and members should judge cautiously, remembering their own war guilt. (Progressive Party).

Of these three, the resolution of the Progressive Party was passed after vote. Regarding this problem, it was noticed that in putting

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POLITICAL SERIES: 56 (Continued)

ITEM 4 (Continued)

them to the vote, [illegible]than 100 members of the Progressive Party were absent. Because of this fact, the Independent Club has determined to [illegible]in a body, and some members of the regressive Party have also determined to resign, so it is presumed that the Diet will not be held because of a deficiency of members.

The day when the Premier delivered as administrative speech, we found Mr. HOSHINO, [illegible]acki () former Chief Secretary of the TOJO Cabinet and Mr. HASHIMOTO, Seinosuke (), former Chief Secretary of the Imperial Rule Assistance Association, sitting coolly in seats of the Upper House. Everyone knows that Mr. HOSHINO worked as General TOJO's right hand and man and Mr. HASHIMOTO was a leader of the Imperial Rule Assistance Association. In the Lower House, members' resignation owing to war responsibility has been decided upon, but how much selfcriticism was made in the Upper House? That is a question, because only Mr. MIYATA proposed to abolish the Upper House. The Negotiation Committee, made up of members of the various parties, stuck to the old convention against the demand to open the committee to the public. Democratic influences are touching the Upper House, which is still based on privilage, but there is still no response.

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