Press translations [Japan]. Editorial Series 0279, 1946-01-22.
Date22 January, 1946
translation numbereditorial-0874
call numberDS801 .S82
Persistent Identifier
EDITORIAL SERIES: 279
ITEM 1 The Question of the Communist Army in China - Jiji Shimpo - 19 January 1946. Transistor: B. Ishibashi.
Full Translation:
Nationalization of the armed forces was debased at the outset of the Political Consultative
Conference, which started in
CHUNGKING on 10 January. In other words, the problem lies in the existance of the
Communist Army. The problem is not confined
to the numerical strength of the army, as seemed usual in the Nationalist-Communist
talks, but includes deliberations on
incorporating it into the national army. Naturally, it cannot be expected that an
agreement will be concluded in one or two
negotiations; there may be many talks before the question is settled. To clarify the
issue, it is necessary for us to have
full knowledge of the background and the character of the army, and the objectives
of the Communist Party.
That the Communist Party has an army is one of the notable characteristics. This
was born out of circumstances peculiar to
CHINA and has been in existence nearly 20 years. We cannot dwell upon the details
of its history. We recall that during the
Communist period in CHINA, Soviets appeared in the wake of advancing Communist Army
units, and the so-called Chinese Soviet
Republic was established as a result of the unification of all the larger soviets.
During the war against JAPAN, it developed
into the United Government, consisting of the Governments of 18 "liberated districts,"
in the words of the Communists.
It is known that Communist activity is on the trinity of the Party, the Government
and the Array. Above all, the army was
foremost in its activities; that astonishing extension of the influence of the Party
was due greatly to the existence of its
army cannot be denied. The army would act, first of all, in close liaison with the
party. Once established, its Government
would be instituted. This is the normal procedure.
Why does the Army wield such influence? It is because of the fact that the army is
not merely an armed force, but an
"administrative army" or a "detached force of the Party's ideological branches." Thus,
a Communist Army was necessary to the
Communist Party. However, that the Communist Party, which leads national revolutions
directed at the realization of
independence, freedom, democracy, unification, wealth, and power for the people be
permitted to retain a private army is
untenable.
In this connection, the Nationalists argue that there should not be two armies with
two sources of com and in a country (the
Communist Army is under the command of the Communist Revolutionary Army Committee).
We support this argument. The Communist
Party, itself, also understand well this contradiction; it has attempted so far to
ignore this issue by using the euphemism,
"The army of the people."
EDITORIAL SERIES: 279 (Continued)
ITEM 1 (Continued)
The concept of the army of the people was founded by SUN Yat-Sen in recent Chinese
history. He attempted twice in the course
of a lifetime to wipe out the military factions of North CHINA, and failed. He discovered
that the cause of his failure lay in
his depending upon old military forces, called "associate armies," In November 1924,
when he went North to save the situation,
he declared that each of the armed forces connected with imperialism is bound to be
defeated, while those which maintain close
relations with the people and endeavor to facilitate the development of national revolution
will win the day. He added that it
is necessary to combine the Army with the people, thereby forming the army of the
people and preparing the only means by which
national revolution can be achieved successfully.
The Communist Party is pressing the Nationalists for an answer by frequent allusions
upon the above statement of SUN Yat-Sen.
MAO Tse-Tung stressed in his administrative address at the 7th general assembly of
the Party, held in April 1945, that "it is
right to say that an army is of nationalistic character." MAO continued, "There should
be no nation, without its own army.
CHINA will become one of the new democratic nations. Hence her Government should be
a coalition Government based on a new
democracy, and all of the armed forces in CHINA should belong to this Government."
When a coalition Government and
headquarters of the Army have come into being, we will willingly turn over our Army
of the liberated areas to this Government.
However, we claim that at the same tine the Nationalist army, as well, should be delivered
up to this Government. The great
SUN said in 1924 that it is necessary to connect the Army with the people in order
to form an army of the people. Such being
the case, the Nationalist Party should respect the spirit of SUN and reorganize its
own army."
The Nationalist Party says that two armies of different sources of command cannot
be allowed to exist in a single country, and
the Communist Party empahsizes that the Army must belong to the Nation. These views
are both right, and it would seem that
there is no room for controversy.
Then, why is it presumed that negotiations will inevitably run into difficulty? It
is because of the significant provision in
the statement of the Communist Party on the establishment of coalition Government.
The meaning inferred in MAO Tse-Tug's
address is that the Communist Party intends to maintain its on army as long as no
coalition Government is established. Such
being the case, the issue of coalition Government is a again under serious consideration.
We believe that, if only this
question is settled, other problems, including that on the Communist Army and of local
government systems, will be easily
solved. With this situation being deliberated, we feel it important to watch carefully
future steps taken by the Political
Consultative Conference.
ITEM 2 An Open Letter to Mr. Muto, Teiichi - Yomiuri-Hochi - 19 January 1946. Translator Y. Ebiike.
Full Translation:
Riding on the tide of militarism, you vigorously stirred up jingo feelings with bombastic
words, while chanting the praise of
militarism. However, we understand that you now run the JIYU SHIMPO (Liberal News),
changing from your old stand. We are more
angered by your attempt to make fools of the people than surprised at your apostasy
in thought, which has been completely
reversed. You, yourself, as well as the others will acknowledge that you are anti-Semitic
and severely attacked the Jews,
driving them into Jew-phobia. We are not so generous or peaceful as to be deceived
by you, a downright militarist and
anti-Semite, even though you address us in disguise under the beautiful name of liberty.
Some time ago KODAMA, Yoshio, was accused of apostasy in this column.
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EDITORIAL SERIES: 279 (Continued)
ITEM 2 (Continued)
He had already been designated as a war criminal. Both you and he rendered service
to the military clique, you with pen and he
with action. You are both equally guilty, but we would not like to see you share his
fate. Now is the time for you to retire
and meditate on the catechism of liberty, if you have conscience enough to recognize
the error of your writings against the
State and the people. We venture to write this letter as we are seriously concerned
about your future. (Sent by HAYAMA,
Juzo.)
ITEM 3 Problem of Electric Line Cars - Tokyo Shimbun - 20 January 1946. Translator: K. Sato.
Extracts:
On the 20th of this month nearly 60 new vehicles will be supplied to the Government
electric lines. They will serve in some
measure to alleviate the crowded transportation conditions. Also, coal output is calculated
to exceed 1,000,000 tons. These
prospects lighten our hearts to some extent.
However, the insides of our tramcars remain as dark as ever. While it is impossible
to read newspapers or magazines, we cannot
even recognize a neighbor's features. There is no doubt that the production of electric
bulbs has been hindered by the
shortage of coal. Nevertheless, it has been five months since the end of the war.
We cannot believe that bulbs are so scarce
that we cannot equip tramcars, which should have priority.
One night while I waited nearly an hour at TABATA Station to change trains, I happened
to talk with a carman. In passing the
time, our conversation came to the subject of electric bulbs. "There is distribution,"
he whispered, "but the people screw
them off and take them away. It is very troublesome."
When railway employees demand improvement of their conditions and pay, they can prepare
extra trains for themselves and can
threaten the staff with a strike. Passengers, however, cannot claim reforms in service
by refusing to ride on cars. Passengers
have the weakest position of all. Their only recourse, therefore, is to appeal to
the good sense of the operators. We implore
the operators to light up the inside of cars and replace the broken straps. If you
can see your way to repair the broken
windows, so much the better.
According to the report, instructions were despatched from headquarters to repair
cars immediately, and they have already
begun work on this. Please keep it up for the sake of the passengers. The passengers
will always be ready to take your
side.
ITEM 4 Neighborhood Associations - Mainichi Shimbun - 21 January 1946. Translator: T. Naruse.
Full Translation:
While the maintenace or abolition of the Neighborhood Association is frequently debated,
no solution has beer, found. The
concern felt about the various compulsions imposed by the authorities during the war
is not unreasonable, even though
opponents have claimed that the people would not tolerate such restrictions now. However,
there are also many individualists
among opponents who claim that since they have gained their liberty, therefore, whatever
neighborhood they may be in, they
will run their homes in their own way. This obviously is mistaking liberty for something
else. That we have obtained our
liberty does not mean we have lost our social responsibility. We can enjoy true liberty
only in a society which
lives-and-lets-live, with a spirit of mutual understanding.
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EDITORIAL SERIES: 279 (Continued)
ITEM 4 (Continued)
The Japanese people are exposed to such various dangers and social unrest as famine,
and increased crime incidence. The
magnitude of these dangers is not less than that of the danger from the air during
the war, against which the fire groups of
the Neighborhood Associations fought, co-operating with each other. At that time,
the Air Defense Authorities were utterly
unreliable, but now the Government is similarly uncertain in warding off current dangers.
In every nation, the neighborhood association system has been fostered with the aim
of self-reliance and the maintenance of
public peace. In JAPAN, in the past, the five-member group system which differs somewhat
from that of foreign countries in its
special features was developed as the authoritative organ for good morals and manners.
Those five members always acted as a
consultative body in case of an emergency.
At present, we cannot be expected to maintain order with Japanese swords or pistols,
but the Neighborhood or Street
Associations should advocate various substitutes such as whistles, night-sentries
or streetlamps. On the other hand, the
Co-operative Guild is in similar circumstances. With the war over, the. Japanese must
step forward toward establishing true
social living.
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