Press translations [Japan]. Editorial Series 0236, 1946-01-13.

Full Translation:

The first session of the general assembly of the United Nations Organization opens today in LONDON with the assembling of delegates of the 51 member nations. The United Nations' Organization contrasts sharply with the League of Nations in that the former includes all the powers today who are able to contribute to world progress, while the latter did not include such powerful nations as AMERICA and the SOVIET UNION. Consequently, the UNO is much more realistic than the League of Nations. Moreover, we can expect much of the UNO, because the merits and demerits of the League of Nations were thoroughly considered when planning the UNO.

For instance, while stipulating peaceful measures for the solution of an international conflict, should the condition arise wherein there is no alternative to the use of arms, member powers are obliged to offer armed forces at the request of the Security Council. This is one of the good examples of the substantial difference between the United Nations' Organization and League of Nations. Noteworthy, too, is the fact that in order to debate on the matter of an international army, a committee meeting of the military chiefs of AMERICA, ENGLAND, the SOVIET UNION, CHINA, and FRANCE will be held simultaneously with the present first session of the general assembly. The establishment of an international army was not adopted by the League of Nations as being too super-national, but it is about to materialize under the United Nation Organization for the purpose of perpetuating world peace. Our respects should be paid to those who have exhibited commendable valor and wisdom in creating the UNO, one of the greatest achievements of human beings.

As is already well known, there is no considerable difference between the structure of the League of Nations and that of the United Nations Organization. The concurrent existence of the general assembly and Security Council is considered very effective in precluding any power, large or small, from being arbitrary or self-willed. This rationalism in its structure is enough to make us believe that most of the various problems about the security council, trusteeship council, the international court of justice, economic and social council, and the secretariat will easily be solved.

There are many possibilities, however, that much discussion will be concentrated again on the regulation providing for the veto right on decisions of the Security Council. In this connection it may be recalled that at the SAN FRANCISCO Conference too, the question of the right to veto caused considerable disturbance. The regulation provides that no decision will be available unless the five permanent members unanimously agree, and two of the six elected members consent. Accordingly, if one of the five permanent members opposes a question, there will be no solution. Therefore, it cannot be denied that amendments or abolition of this regulation will have a great effect on the management of the UNO.

EDITORIAL SERIES: 236 (Continued)

ITEM 1 (Continued)

The question of the management of atomic energy, too, is expected to be discussed. However, moral forces behind the UNO will surely conquer these difficulties.

Human being instinctively desire peace. In this respect, history offers us invaluable lessons. It was after the Napoleonic Wars that the Holy Alliance was created, and it was after the first World War that the League of Nations was established. Now, after the present great war, we welcome the birth of the United Nations Organization. It must be realized that the desire for peace is forcing mankind to build a permanent structure denying any aggression for the third time. It still remains questionable whether or not the so-called "eternal peace" of Emmanuel KANT will be realized by the UNO. However, it must be borne in mind that there can be no peace where there is no will for peace.

Especially when we consider the development of atomic power, we cannot help appreciating all the more the significance of the United Nations' Organization. To our great regret, we are now disqualified from attendance at the first session of the general assembly, but this does not mean we are shut out from the establishment of peace. It is up to the Japanese Nation today to create a new democratic JAPAN. While waiting for the day our Notion will be allowed to join the United Nations Organization, we are very eager for its sound development.

Full Translation:

Japanese written from the left is much easier to read and write then that which is written from the right. It has many advantages since numbers, foreign words, muscial notes, punctuation, and other marks can be put in at will. However, it's greatest faults are disharmony with the general mode of writing from the right, and confusion for the eyes when horizontal and vertical writings are mixed together.

A method for eliminating these faults would be to abandon the vertical way of writing, that is, when writing vertically, we should change our custom of writing from the right hand side and start writing from the top left, ending at the bottom right corner. Accordingly, not only would it harmonize with horizontal writing written from the left, but also with the rules of calligraphy, and would permit distinct spaces between the lines. Also, wet ink would not be smudged by the hand. Everything would be much easier. The good point of Japanese writing is that it can be written horizontally and vertically. This is greatly used in posters, signboards, and statistical graphs. However, the advantage would be displayed still more if everyone would start writing from the left hand corner, whether horizontally or vertically.

Plans for the reform of writing Japanese from the left should have been advocated and. practiced before those for writing it horizontally. For instance, the Mongolians although they use the same characters (KANJI) as we do, have the ancient custom of writing from the left. To facilitate this, we must accustom the eyes by taking the method of using the horizontal way of writing from the left as our example, such as we see on graphs and covering explanations of printing, then later, practice on a small scale with the writing on advertisements and covers.

We must rouse the public and gradually spread the idea, thereby making for unity in the future. Although this is rather a difficult job, we must have the resolution to build a foundation of culture with courage, for our descendants. (From IMAIZUMI, Umpei, of FUKUSHIMA)

As the world is one organic body, it is necessary for JAPAN, who desires a just position among the Nations, to use an international script, for it is the go-between of ever-varying cultural currents. The difficulty of

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EDITORIAL SERIES: 236 (Continued)

ITEM 2 (Continued)

learning German and Russian resulted from the difficult characters, so that GERMANY romanized her letters. Turkish and Malayan words have now become universal. Even CHINA, the originator of KANJI, is strongly in favor of a romanizing movement. Students waste their time trying to read them, and short-sightedness comes from reading KANJI. Their use may be necessary in classics, but there is no necessity for the people in general to bear the burden of them.

Before the war an inspection delegation of a certain country, having seen the newspaper offices, said, "We have no fear as long as JAPAN uses KANJI."

I cannot imagine the head and branch offices, who use rapid automatic line type for type-picking, printing, distribution, and typography, using KANJI.

Roman letters are international characters formed by many races over long ages. By using it, we shall make the language internationally understood. JAPAN thought of many ways of writing it; however, after years of study and consideration, results were decided and announced in the Cabinet instructions in 1936. The Romanization of our language should be in accord with these instructions. It is systematic and very easy for Japanese to write and foreigners to learn. Some characters, which cannot be understood without actually being seen, will gradually disappear as we begin to use it, and will also help us to put the language in order.

Education does not become popular in JAPAN because KANJI is so difficult. It is not the study which is hard but it is the words themselves. If JAPAN, as a peace-loving and cultured country, wants a new position in the world, she must try to grasp the opportunity of romanizing her language. Our wish of changing over to democracy from a feudalistic system cannot be fulfilled if we have not the courage to write the new constitutional laws in Roman letters of the spoken style. There is no greatness in using difficult words. (From YAMANAKA, Jota)

Full Translation:

I question Mr. SHIGA on the following matter to which I cannot fully agree: You say, "By the reduction of working hours, the unemployment problem can be solved." This can be construed as meaning that there is an end of work, notwithstanding the fact that the unemployed are innumerable. You, therefore, want to distribute the work impartially to as many persons as possible by the reduction of the working hours assigned to each person. If that is so, when the working hours are reduced to seven, if there are still some unemployed, you will reduce it to five hours. Nevertheless, you can't say that the reduction of working hours will make the workers happy immediately.

The realization of an abundant world in which all the wealth-like air, has no exchange value, is not the present problem. At present we do not mind how many hours we work, if we can eat our fill. The fundamental problems of economy can be summarized in these two items: how to produce as much wealth as we can, and how to distribute this wealth impartially. Based on the theory of the surplus value of labor, it is convincing to think that the exploitation of capital can be prevented by reducing working hours. However, in JAPAN, the living conditions of the asses at present cannot be good, even if the wealth, which is low in absolute quantity, be wisely distributed. First of all, we ought to contrive a means to produce as much wealth as possible.

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EDITORIAL SERIES: 236 (Continued)

ITEM 3 (Continued)

Without stating definite objection to this problem, you irrelevantly connected the unemployment problem with the reduction of working hours. This is one of the Communist Party's political views which does not completely satisfy us. I ask you for a more logically consistent explanation. (MAAISHI, Kichishiro, IWATE) Concerning the reform of national education, I hear the assertion that since the views of teachers from normal schools are narrow, graduates from other schools should be taken into service. However, these narrow views are not due to the training in normal schools. No one could help becoming narrow minded and of low caliber if he held a post at a national school for a year or two, no matter from what school he came.

The Government authorities as well as the intelligent class of people frequently explained the importance of national education and urged better treatment of teachers. However, actually, how ridiculous the improvements were! You will be dumbfounded to hear of the mean treatment still existing.

Give teachers enough money and time! Take away the fetters on thinking and the limitation of educational activity caused by the excessive issuance of instructions!

Then, every teacher cannot help but educate himself day and night. First of all, carry out resolutely the thorough improvement of treatment, the reduction of hours in charge, and the harmful and useless restraint of thoughts! So long as these three items are not really acted upon, the reform of national education cannot be expected (KURATA, Goro, NAGANO)

Full Translation:

The SHIDEHARA Cabinet which has fallen into utter confusion as a result of the "housecleaning" directives issued by General MacARTHUR, has not yet determined its attitude, whether to resign en masse or to continue after reorganization. Although thinking is "free", a plan is not always carried out "freely" since it requires a joint effort to achieve it. In case of continuing reorganization, there is no means other than selecting the right man among the bureaucrats as ministers. However, those who are not disqualified by the directives, are not men of ministerial caliber judging from the connections with the bureaucrats. Besides, it is impossible to select the right man from party men.

With the intention of co-operating, the Liberal and Social Democratic Parties are pressing the SHIDEHARA Cabinet for wholesale resignation, and as for the Progressive Party, their leaders have been implicated by the directives. The remainder are merely rank and file who are not representatives of the party. Concerning the Communist Party, its composition is quite different from that of a bureaucratic cabinet, and it makes frontal attacks upon the Government. Accordingly it cannot take part in the reorganization of the SHIDEHARA Cabinet.

Under these circumstances it is absolutely impossible for the SHIDEHARA Cabinet to fill at least five vacancies. It is only as a last resort that the remaining Ministers would hold all the vacant posts as additional offices until the coming general election. Such a feat might have been possible at the time when the GU[illegible]BATSU and bureaucrats controlled public opinion. However, discussion is now freely held and all the chief retainers who formerly supported cabinets have disappeared. In addition,

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EDITORIAL SERIES: 236 (Continued)

ITEM 4 (Continued)

the intention of SCAP is absolute, therefore, any such feat is now impossible. Thus, the SHIDEHARA Cabinet will be obliged to fall to the roadside.

From the political point of view, the sooner an election is held, the better it will be. However, as things have gone this far, it would not be very serious if the general election were prolonged even for six months. Remembering wartime, it is easy to draw up the budget bill, even if the estimated amount of the budget were enormous. It is necessary for us to change our political common sense and ideas into a realization of utter defeat.

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