Press translations [Japan]. Editorial Series 0084, 1945-12-12.

Full Translation:

Both the Government and the people are greatly concerned with the result the reparations problem will have. The statement issued today by Ambassador Edwin PAULEY, stating frankly the Allied Powers' general policy, is very significant. we understood that overseas enterprises would be chosen for the reparation, but according to the statement, a fair quantity of home production equipment is to be removed abroad. Therefore, the various plans concerning post-war economy will be obliged to changed. Both the authorities and the public must be expected to their best to overcome these new difficulties.

As the Ambassador pointed out, Japanese economy had made great progress after the MANCHURIA Incident. Especially, heavy and chemical industries, both substantially munitions industries, had been greatly expanded. The plan for removing industrial equipment, holds that even if the expanded part is cut off, the standard of living for Japanese will not always be lowered. The munitions industry having become extinct, civil industry can increase its efficiency by taking advantage of the surviving equipment. But here, it must be considered that our country, due to the population growth of some million yearly, has increase over ten millions since the MANCHURIA Incident. Consequently we are forced to urge the increase of civil production. If this is not done, the standard of living, in the long run, will be obliged to drop. In this case, it is very important that the equitable distribution of all products be assured. Therefore, economic democratization is essential.

The development of heavy industry has drawn an enormous number of employees, but if the expended part is cut off, where will they go to work? To push them out to the densely populated farm villages will be an obstacle to the villages which are being revolutionized through the reform of arable land. There lie the economic difficulties in the realization of complete employment.

In civil production and employment, the impending difficulties can be well imagined. The removal of shipbuilding equipment at twenty yards will likewise have a great influence upon us. If the amendment "that is essential to the occupation of JAPAN" is retained, our country will be unable to have more than the present existing homemade ships. There may be a way of buying ships from abroad or chartering foreign ships. Nevertheless it is a serious matter that our country, with its development as a peaceful country being promised by the promotion of foreign trade, should be denied the security of its own ships. Also moreover the fact that income from shipping

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greatly contributed to the "betterment of our international trade is now recalled.

Discarding our optimism for the future of Japanese economy, we must now determine to follow a difficult road. This may be proper for a defeated country. Neither the Government nor the people have made much effort to reconstruct economy due to the difficulty of foreseeing the outcome of the reparations problem. If this fact lowered the Powers! estimation of the future of Japanese economy and influenced the deliberation of the reparations problem, our responsibility is serious. Therefore, investigating the given conditions minutely, we should reestablish production as quickly as possible. We here expect the government to do its best to be understood by the powers, though difficulties still lie ahead in the reparations problem. We cannot tell whether the present cabinet which has not been able to establish even the principle of "An idle man should not eat", will have the ability or not.

Full Translation:

Allied supreme Headquarters disclosed the records which deserve to be called the history of aggressive wars by Japanese imperialism. It covers the 15 years from the outbreak of the MANCHURIA Incident to the end of the present war. The record revealed by Headquarters is compiled in the appendix to our paper issued today, the anniversary of the PEARL HARBOR attack of 8 December 1941.

On this memorable day, we Japanese can but be filled with deep emotion, reflecting on the many wrongs committed by our country. Though how the militarists led the country to the miserable conditions of today, has already been discussed from many points, the record, now revealed, which points out past mistakes with historical facts investigated systematically, will cause further reflection in the minds of the Japanese nation. Probably almost the whole Japanese nation will burn with unspeakable indignation at the past facts showing that they have been deceived and misled. At the same time they will realize the need for democracy in the new trend of their future. As our people were caused by propaganda to understand that the process which developed into the present war through the MANCHURIA and CHINA Incidents was a "holy war" to establish a new order, we cannot deny the fact that the people's criticism and discussions of the activity of the military clique and its followers tended to be limited to the investigation of responsibilities for the defeat, and not that of the motives behind the war crimes.

This tendency has already been pointed out in the public opinion of the Allied countries, and the record of the Japanese aggressive history now announced will have the effect of forcing our people critically to investigate the basis of the military clique and its followers.

Accordingly, it is expected that those who have been suspicious of the reason for the arrest of war criminals will charge their views. We must reflect not on our defeat in the war, but on the wrongs of our country the correction of which we should strive toward. The question of the distruction between aggressive war and defensive war has often been discussed at the conclusion of international coverents, and it is widely known that this distinction is very difficult. Moreover, it is further complicated by national feeling which desires

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to justify the deeds of on[illegible]s own country in every case. Actually we have experienced the above in the past, but the Allied authorities take a cautions attitude on this point.

In the description of our history of aggression, there is no trace of unnecessary exaggeration or intentional denouncement. They recognize the fact that democratic influences were once in existence in our country and that there were many who sacrificed much to fight against the military clique. It is also proved that all the people of our country were not always sympathetic to this aggressive policy. For example the description points out the fact that on 2 December 1931 the "MIYAEO SHIMBUN", antecedent of our paper, warned the nation in its editorial about the activity of the military in MANCHURIA, and bravely opposed the currents of the time. We believe, with no intention of boasting of our action, that it is required of the Japanese nation to read carefully and appreciate the fair record revealed by the Allied Supreme Headquarters.

When we consider that the establishment of the new JAPAN should be carried out after sweeping away past mistakes, we should appreciate highly the significance of this record. In the historical facts described in this record we find many instructions which make us reflect carefully and urge us to assume a positive will to start again.

Full Translation:

The extent of reparations to be paid by JAPAN was for the first time made clear in the statement by Ambassador E.W. PAULEY, Head of the UNITED STATES Reparations Mission. What he intends to do first is mainly to remove JAPAN's industrial plants and equipment - an interim disposal which does not cover all the reparations of the Allied Powers. But it points out the core of the reparations to be the assets in JAPAN proper and "it should remove all doubts on the subject of policy and set the pattern for implementing action."

The significance of the statement is of grave importance. Since the war's end we have been very anxious about the reparations question. Especially among industrial circles there has been great uneasiness which has prevented the restoration of production owing to the undecided amount reparations. The recent statement gave us a glimpse of the future, though not in all directions. Whether or not the reparations determined in that statement are unfair, depends upon the viewpoint one adopts. For instance, the reduction of steel production capacity to 2,500,000 tons per year implies that even peace time demands would be met, somehow or other, not to mention the extraordinary demand necessary for reconstructions in the coming years. But the UNITED STATES does not intend the complete elimination of Japanese industry as was frequently declared; her aim is to return Japanese industry to the standards existing before the CHINA Incident with the exception of specific industries. The removal of all machine tools in all Japanese Army and Navy arsenals as well as in other main factories, totaling about 400,000 machine tools, means a reduction to half the present capacity and will be a hard blow to this country since development in this sphere has been very great. Efforts should now he made to aim for technical development. The removal of all equipment and accessories in 20 shipyards to the extent not needed for the repair of shipping essential to the occupation would cause

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first-class shipyards in JAPAN to disappear and also make the construction of large ships impossible. Compared with our many activities in world-wide sea-transportation, before the war it will mean complete destruction of our commerce at one blow!

This plan, however, follows a natural course, for ship-building has a close connection with armaments. The equipment not to be removed may be sufficient to build ships of the 5,000 ton class. Half of the coal-burning electric generating plants are also to be removed. Furthermore, all capacity for producing light metals will be removed as far as it is considered necessary for the demilitarization of JAPAN. The bulk of the gold and other precious metals will be shipped to the UNITED STATES to be held in sustody pending further decision as to its disposal. The shipment of this treasure will not prejudice any later decision as to its use to pay for occupation costs, imports, reparations, or restitution. Deprival of all Japanese eternal assets will bring disadvantage to our international status in the future when JAPAN will be permitted to participate in international economic affairs.

It is already a well-realized fact that we must shoulder a huge burden of repatriations as atonement for war sins. We only have to carry them out. The UNITED STATES declared the plan was fair, though it might be cruel. We, as citizens or officials, must tolerate this economic hardship without despair. Ambassador PAULEY said, "This program will open to the Japanese people themselves an honorable, industrious, and peaceful future." There are some who are already in deep despair upon looking at the dark side of the Japanese economic sphere in the future, and there are others who will try to imitate the American models. Both are wrong. To be sure, the economic function of JAPAN will be smaller and the material resources will be poorer. This will make a glaring contradiction against a great excess of labor power, but there will be no denial on the part of AMERICA of the right of national existence as has already been justified by the permission of food importation by the Allied Forces. It would be senseless to desire the same livelihood as Americans enjoy.

Hard as it may be, we must tide over this difficulty with diligence and persistence. We must make our way towards the re-opening of all the economic fields in order not only to adjust ourselves to a peaceful JAPAN but also to the good-will of the UNITED STATES.

Full Translation:

There are two kinds of responsibility for war: the responsibility of those who caused the war, and the responsibility of those who led us into defeat.

Most of the arguments now prevailing among the people tend to the latter, namely the arguments of the inquiry into the responsibility of those who led us into defeat. This is certainly necessary, but, from this, all that we who have abandoned war forever can learn is how to apply the principle of responsibility to general policy and to the concentration of political powers.

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The former, namely the arguments concerning responsibility of those who caused the war, not only clears up the reel responsibility for the war but makes an important contribution to mankind which does not desire war.

Therefore, we attach far greater importance to the former. In this line, we have hitherto asserted that the detailed accounts of the developments in international relations up to the outbreak of the war should be made nubile by the nations concerned. In this sense, it is very significant that the truth about the war was bared by the Supreme commander on 8, December the day the war broke out exactly four years ago.

On reading the war criminal suspects talks in the papers, we hardly know to what extent they can be trusted, for all the statements only suited their own convenience. We cannot, therefore, understand how they can make their statements consistent with their opinions of non-responsibility on the part of the Emperor, something which they never forget.

In JAPAN, the Board of Investigation on the Greater EAST ASIA war is, we hear, to be formed, and will undertake to inquire into the causes of defeat. Do they think the people will put their trust in official accounts? We hope the people will make their own investigation.

Let us not waste time in establishing needless organization, but rather let us lay before the people all the details of international negotiations up to the outbreak of war. The verdict will be given by the people.

However, here is a condition. Facts must be made public without any additions. The notification of the UNITED STATES dated 26, November before the outbreak of the war is a "Confidential Tentative Plan" so that it should be translated as HIMITSU-SHIAN. If it is translated as SAIGO-TSUCHO (ultimatum), the truth will still be encumbered and in accurate.

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