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Samson Occom, journal, 1784 May 8 to 1785 April 26

ms-number: 784308

abstract: Occom details his travels and activities during the period of May 8, 1784, through April 26, 1785.

handwriting: Handwriting is largely clear and legible. There are some uncrossed t's and crossed l's that have been corrected by the transcriber.

paper: Small sheets folded into a booklet and bound with thread or twine are in good-to-fair condition, with some staining, fading and wear that results in a minor loss of text. There is a large tear on the bottom outside corner of 12 recto/verso; this tear is apparently contemporary, as Occom has written around it.

ink: Brown ink varies in intensity throughout.

noteworthy: On one verso, the identification of “New City” is uncertain, and so it has been left untagged. On four recto, Occom mistakenly notes the date as "Sabbath May 29," when the date is actually May 30; this error carries over into May 31. On six recto, it is uncertain whether “Mr. Maples” refers to John or Josiah Maples, and so it has been left untagged. For this reason, “his wife” has also been left untagged. On seven recto, Occom mistakenly writes “Febr 6” instead of March 6. There are occasional red pencil marks throughout. An editor, likely 19th-century, has overwritten Occom's hand in several places. These edits have not been transcribed. Where appropriate, the transcriber has used her discretion to judge what is original and what is not, guessing at some uncertain elements and leaving some completely obscurred elements untranscribed.


N [illegible][guess: 1]
Saturday May 8; 1784;

we Sat[gap: tear]
very early in the morning from
New London for Albany in Capt
Hayley
s Sloop called Victory ther
was a number of Engliſh and
Indian Families; and we had
very Small wind, till towards
night, then the wind Sprung up
about South weſt, and we diret
ed our Courſe to Long Island, &
Dropt Anchor near the Shore
Some Time in the evening, —

Sabbath May 9:

was very
Calm, and the People deſired
me to give a Diſcourſe; and I
Complied, I expounded Some
part of 25 Chapr of Matth: and
the People attended with good
attention — In the after noon
the wind Sprung up about South
and we puſhd on our way
and Some Time in the evening
we Anchored again —

Monday
May 10:

it was very Calm agai[gap: worn_edge][guess: n]

[gap: worn_edge]ut the wind roſe early, and
we went on, and about 6:0:c
in the after noon we got to N-
york
, —

Tueſday May 11

about
9:0:c we hoiſted Sail again
and went into North River &
about 12: Jacob and I went a
Shore to wait upon Docr Leving
ſton
and Docr Rodgers the
principle Miniſters in the City
and they gave us encouragement
that they woud try to get Some
thing for the Indian Families
that are going up to Onoyda
Country
to Settle we Lodged
in the City this Night —

wedneſ
day May 12:

we went aboard
of a Certain Sloop belonging to
Albany, one Mr Waters Maſter
of her, and there was a number of
Very agreable gentlemen there
were four Colon[illegible][guess: a]ls, and Esqr and
two Young agreable gentlemen

Theſe Colon[illegible][guess: a]ls and [illegible][guess: Esqr] were
members of New Yorks Asembly
and they were greatly Pleaſd
with our Indians moving up to
onoyda Country to Settle, and
all theſe gentlemen were very
Friend to us, I eat and Drank
with them every Day while we
were together — we got up a little
way up in the North River and
Dropt Anchor —

Thirdsday May 13


went on again a little way the
was Very Small and Contrary

Fryday May 14:

moved very
Slowly again Wind Small and
Contrary, —

Saturday May 15


Sailed very Slowly yet, —

Sabbath
may 16

about 2 in the afternoon went
a Shore a number of us and had
a meeting in a Dutchmans H
and I gave them a Short Diſcource
and they made me a Collection
gatherd about [illegible][guess: 3] D[illegible][guess: a]llars after
meeting we went aboard again
in the evening Saild a little way
the wind was Contrary and hard

Monday May 17:

had good wind
and went up the River faſt &
got to Albany before night, —
Capt Hayley and Capt Billings
Juſt got up there — and we found
them all well, — And we made
applications to the Chief men of
the City for aſsiſtance, and there
was no Proviſions to be had for
Indians, which uſed to be allowd,
in Times paſt; — however, our
[illegible][guess: w]Folks were allowd to put up
in the Hespital, and the People
of the City were very kind to us
and were very much taken
with our Indians, —

Wedneſday, May 19:

I was in
vited to preach to the Priſoners
and I complied, —

Thirdsday

I
preachd in Mr Weſterlos Church
and the People made a Collection
for our People, — we got about
9 pounds —

Saturday May 22


our Folks left Albany and they
on towards Schenactedy, and
I Taried Still at Albany, —

Sabbath may 23:

I preachd
twice in the Pr[illegible][guess: i]ſb[illegible][guess: i]teryan
Meeting Houſe
, and they a
Collection for our Folks; they
Collected 8: pound, —

Monday
May 24:

John Paul went af
ter our Folks, and Caried the
Collection to our People, —

Tueſday May 25

in the morning
Anthony Paul and his Family
and his Mother and I went up
together in a waggon to the the
New City, in the afternoon
I preach in the Place to a large
Congregation, and the[illegible][guess: y] made
a Small Collection, [illegible][guess: i]n the
evening I returnd back 3 mile[below]s
towards Albany on the other Side
of the River, where I left my
Daughter Chriſtiana and her
Family and her Mother in Law
from this Place Athony went up
to S[illegible][guess: err]atoga for a Horſe to help
up his Family there, where
my Daughter and Children

intends to Stay this Summer
and in the Fall they will proceed
to onoyda

Wedneſday May 26


Early in the morning, I went
into a Waggon to Albany got
there about 9: o:c: and found
the Veſel, that I was to go in to
New York was juſt gone &
Luckily I found another that
is to Sail the next Day, —

Thirdsday May 27:

about 12
I went of a Sloop Capt Bogat
and a number of gentlemen
alſo went in the Same Veſel, and
they were very agreable &
great Docr Young was one
of the Company and we went
down the River about 20: Miles &
Dropt Anchor, — Fryday we had
very Small wind, and Slow way
down, Yet we down Some diſtance
that Day and the Night following,

Saturday May 2:9:

we had a find
wind and as much as we wanted
and we got down to new York,

about 6: o:c: in the after noon
and I immediately went a Shore
and went home with Mr John
Haggerman
, a good Friend
we found when we Stopt here
the other Day going up — I Sot
down but few minutes, and then
went to See Docr Levingſton and
Docr Rodgers Docr Levingſton
was at home but Collected no
thing for us; and Docr Rodgers
was not at Home and his People
had Collected nothing, and I was
good Deal diſappointed, for I
had given my Note of Hand
for 36 Dollars for the Paſage
of our People from New London
to Albany, —

Sabbath May 29


was at N: York and went to
hear Mr Gano in the morning
and at noon he invited me to
go home with him to take din
ner — and Deſired me to preach
to his People on Monday eveng
in the afternoon I went to hear

Mr Maſon the Cece[illegible][guess: e]der of the
Church of Scotland but he did
not Preach, So I went to my
Lodgings I was fatigued walk
ing, and went to no meeting in
the afternoon, —

Monday M:2 30


was in the City, — in the evening
about Seven, I preach'd at
Mr Ganos Meeting Houſe he
is a Baptiſt Miniſter the
meeting Houſe was very full
and they made a Collection,
made out five pounds, one
Shillings juſt in York Curren
cy — So I Continued in the City
till Fryday,

MaJune 4:

in
the evening at eight o:c I
preach in a Medthodiſt
meeting
and it midling
ful and they Collected 3
Dollars and Seven Shillings
in York Currency —

June 5 Saturday,

in the after
noon went a Board of a
little maſt Boat, Capt Harris

of New London Harbers Mouth.

Monday June 7:

juſt after
Sun riſe we got to [illegible]Capt Harriss
Houſe, and went took Break
faſt with him, after Breakt
I Bought a mare of him, and
So I went on directly home
ward, — I got Home about 11 &
found all my Family in
good State of Health, But
Taby, She had been very
Sick with Swelling in her
Throat but thro' Mercy She
was now much better, Bleſs
ed be god for his goodneſs to us
Since I have been gone from
Home. —

 Mohegan Janr 23: 1785


Made a Public confeſsion of my
miſs Conduct, and was receivd
univerſally by the People, and
immediately preachd to athe People
and there was great and [illegible][guess: a]ffectio
nate attention among the People

and in the Evening we had a
meeting in my Houſe and
we felt Some love —

 Janr 28


Preachd in our School Houſe
and there were many People
both Indians and Engliſh and
there was good attention —

 Janr 30


Preachd at Mohegan in Deacn
Henry
s Houſe to a Crouded Aſsem
bly, and I had Som freedom to
[illegible]Speak and many of the People
he[illegible][guess: a]rd with flow of Tears from
their Eyes — in the Evening
we met at Henrys and we gave
encouragements to one another
and I believe the Lord was
preſent with us —

 Febr 6: 1785.
Sabbath

preachd at Mr John
Heart Adgate
s and there was a
bundence of People, both Eng
liſh and Indians, and I believe
I had Some help from above
to Speak to the People and there

was great Solemnity, and Some
affection among the People —
in the Evening we had a meet
ing in Deacon Henrys and
our Hearts were melted down
before the Lord in Some mea
ſure, glory be to god —

 Febr 10: 1785


At Mr Joſiah Mapless in eveng and
there was a great many People
and attention becoming Ratio
nal Creatures, till I had done
Speaking, and then was Som
Levity among the Young People
but Mr John Maples was So
good as to give them a reprof
and they Soon deſiſted, — and I
lodgd at the Houſe that night
by the Deſire of Mr Maples and
his wife, and we had very a
greable Evening, they were
very free of their own acord
to relate to me their Spiritual
exerciſes, and I believe the Ld
will manifeſt himſefe to them

more and more —

 Febr 11 in the eveng


gave a word of exhortation to
a few People —

 Febr 13: on Sab —


was at Mr John Browns and there
was a great Number of People
tho' it was uncomfortable walk
ing, and I kink I had Some
Senſe of Divine things, there
was great Solemnity among
the People —

 Febr 20 on Sab


Preach at at Mohegan in Deac H
Houſe, to a large number of
People the Houſe was Crouded
Chiefly white People and I be
lieve there was a moving of
the Spirit of god in the Aſsem‐
bly for I took notice of many
Tears —

 Febr 24:


had an Evening meeting at
Mrs Fitches and it was amaz
ing to See how many People

Collected together, and we had
a Solemn meeting; I believe
the Lord aſsiſted both the Speaker
and the Hearer and we parted
in Peace and Love for I think
I felt Calmneſs and Love —

 Febr 27: Sab


Preach at Mr Darts to a Croud
ed Audiance and well behav'd
People, and Some were effected
with the word, —

 March 4: 1785


Preach at Docr Alp[illegible]heus Rogers
in the Pariſh, to a great many
People, and many were much
affected, with the word, —

 Febr 6 on Sab


Wat at Mohegan in Deacon
Henry
s, and there was many
People and I believe the Lord
was preſent with us by his
Divine Spirit — D: Henry R Aſh
and went

March 12: ˄ Evening


had an unexpected meeting
at one Sherrys Houſe a negro
man, there was not more

than an Hours Notice given
of the meeting, and the People
Crouded in Directly and I
preachd to the word of god to
them and they attended with
great Eagerneſs and affection
they Seemed to have a Taſte
for the Word of god — and when
the People were diſpercing
one Capt Troope invited me
to go Home with him, but I
did not love to go out after
Exerciſe. — Lodged at Sherrys

 March 13: on Sab —


Robert Aſhpo and I went
to Mr Downer's about a mile
and half, before Breakfaſt
and were received with all
kindneſs and Brotherly affec
teon and took Breakfaſt,
with them — and it was a
Snowy uncomfortable Day
Yet the People began to flock
together preſently and there
was great Multitude of

People got together more than
the Houſe Could Contain, they
Crouded in every Corner even
up in the Chambers — and I
preachd to them the word of
the Lord, and it fell heavy
upon the People it produced
many Tears and deep Sigghs
tho' there was one man mani
feſted a Diſpleaſure at my
Saying Some thing about
Univerſal Scheem, he Spoke
out in the meeting, but he
did not Say much neithe did
he Diſturb the People any —
in the after noon we removed
the meeting to another Houſe a
few Rods off, which was very
Large, and the People increaſd
and they Crouded that Houſe
alſo, and they attended with
uncommon Solmenity and af
fection Tears flowed Down from
many Eyes freely; I cant help
thinking, that god is about
to work amongſt this People,
in the Evening, we had a

a meeting again in Brother
Downer
s and there was a great
number of People again
and I preach again, and
we had a Comfortable meet
ing the Lord refreſhed the Chil
dren, and they manifeſted
Love to one another; I Lodgd
here this Night, went to bed
late in the Evening. the
Lord be praiſed for his good
neſs to us thus far —

 March 14: monday


I preachd at one Mr
Veſter
s began about 11 oc &
there was good many People
tho' it was a Snowy Day and
extreamly bad riding or wal
king, and there was great atten
tion, and I believe Some felt
the Power of god, the man of
the Houſe gave me a Text and
I [illegible]Spoke from it, which I

never Spoke from before, it
is writen in the firſt Epeſtle
of John 5:5: after meeting we
Stayd Some Time, took Dinner
with them, and we Sot off for
Home, about 3:o:c we got home juſt in the
Duſk of the Evening, found my Fam
in Health Thanks be to god
for his goodneſs to me —

 March 20 on Sabb —


Preach'd at Mrs Fitch's in the
North Pariſh of New London
and there was a large Congregat
tion of People, and they attended
with great Solemnity and Affecti
on, the Lord was preſent with
his word, I believe in Some
meaſure — Took Dinner with
them after meeting, and then I went
Home — The week paſt has
been very remarkable for Cold
and Snow deep and Cruſty &
it has layn Steady almoſt all
winter ex[illegible]cept 3 Days in Janr
it went off then, and Come on
again, directly and it has not been

off Since and it has been very
Steady Cold all winter, very
Spe[illegible]ding for Creatures of all
kinds, — but the Lord takes
Care of the World, and he doe[illegible]s
all things well, if we dont
See it, it muſt be all right —

March 23.

It was very Cold, windy
and bluſtring laſt Night, and it Con
tinues all this Day, it is remark
able Windy Cold Day and a Cruſty
hard Snow is now above a foot
Deep in many Places — —

 March 26; 1785 on Saturday


Went from Home about noon towards
one Mr Averys about 5 miles north
weſt from the City of New London
Snow Continues to ly upon the ground
and it is hard Cruſty, and it has
been Cold all this week, Stopt at
Mr Darts, and the old Folks were
not at Home, and So I went to Mr
Ames
's and was very kindly enter
taind, took Supper with them, after
Sun Set went back to Mr Darts and
Lodged there, and was moſt kindly
and Friendly treated,

m 27


Mr Dart and his wife and Daughr
Sot out with me to meeting, about

three miles, got there before 11
and the People began to Come to
meeting, and there was a vaſt
Concourſe of People, there were
near as many out Doors as in,
and Preachd to them the Word of
the Lord, and the People behavd
Decently, and heard with great
Solemnity, a many with affection
in the after noon Preachd again
and Sufferd greatly with Cold
was much Chil'd before I had done
the People attendid with great
Solemnity — after meeting took
Dinner with Mr Duglas he lived
one end of the Houſe, — juſt be
fore Sun Set, took leave of the
People of the Houſe and went to
Mr Robert Douglas's about half
a mile eaſtward, found him
very ill with a bad Cough and
Shortneſs of Breath, he Set up
in a great Chair moſt all the
Times, Night and Day, he is
very old nearly ninety, and I be‐
lieve an old Diſciple his wife
is not so old, very agreable.
old People the were very kind
to me, Lodged there,

March 28:



got up in the morning, Prayd with
the Family, had free & agree Converſation
with them laſt Night and this morn
ing about the great Concerns,
after Breakfaſt took my leave
of them in Peace and Friendſhip
and Sot off for New London, got
to the City about 10: Call upon
Mrs Shaw, found her little
Complaining of her Health, be
ing troubled with Cold, — Sot a
while, then went to the Ferry, Calld
at Mr Baileys a Tavern, and
Sot down to write, and while I
was writing, Mr Rathbond
Came in I Suppoſe to See me
he was put in Jail Some Time
back, it is Said for Deffamition
in his Preaching, he is one of
thoſe that are Stiled Shaking Qua‐
kers
, and we had a long diſ
couſe together — He is a yound man
of good Senſe, but in my opinion
he is altogther Caried away with
very St[illegible]ng Enthuſiasm and I am
afraid a bad one there is good
Enthuſiasm and there is a bad
one, he Says they go by imme

diate opperation of the Spirit
of god, their Bodies are great
ly agitated very often when
they are in Divine Exerciſe
in variouſ ways their arms
are Stretchd Strait Some Times
which they Call a Sign, they
muſt go that way that their
hands point to, — and they Say
they have new Tongue [illegible][guess: giv]
[illegible][guess: en] many Times, tho I perceve
they dont retain them, and he
Says they have gifts of Healing
but I cant find out, that they
have done any remarkable
mer[illegible][guess: i]cle, — and they dont allow
their Bretheren and Siſters that
were married before they Came
into this way, to uſe the means
for Propagation of their
Species, — and the unma
ried not to marry,
yet he Says he forbids
none to marry — he
Calls this way that
he is in, a New Diſ
penſation, which
will defuſe thro the

the World; — and he has a Noti
on too, they atain to Sinleſs
Perfection in this Life —
In the whole I believe he
has got into another goſpel
if it is right to Call it goſpel
I can not See it to be the goſpel
of Jeſus Chriſt, which his Apoſ
tles preachd, — and the Lord
have mercy upon them and
bring them to the Knowledge
of the Truth as it is in Jeſus —
Toward Night, went out of the
the City, Stopt a while at
Capt wheeler's, and then went
to old Maſter Jonathan Smith's
and Lodged there and was
kindly receivd, he is
troubled with many
Infirmities beſides
old age —

Tueſday
march 29:

took leave
of them early and
Sot off forr Home

and it was prodigious bad rid
ing noth Side of the Hills glaſe[gap: worn_edge][guess: d]
with Ice, and South Sides horſe
break thro' the Ice, I was obliged
to go a foot Some Times, and be
ing lame I made Slow progreſs
I got home near noon, found my
Family well thro' the goodneſs of
a mercyful god, — The Night
following, provd very Stormy
of Snow Hail and Rain, and
it froſe, as it fell, and it Con
tinued very Severe next Day
like a winter Storm —
This winter paſt and the Spring
thus far, is Judged by the oldeſt
men we have, to be the Hardeſt
in their memory, the moſt Spend
ing, for no Creature that is kept
by man Can get nothing to eat
only what is given them. —

(April 1 1785 on Fryday

went
from my Houſe a foot down to Mr
J: H: Adgate's, and got his Mare
Sot off from there for New London
Stopt a while at Capt Wheelers)

Sab: April 3: 1785.


w[illegible]went from my Houſe to one
Mr John Brown's about 3 miles
and it was very uncomfortable
riding I ever known for the Time
of the Year, Snow is now above
foot Deep and very hard, the roads
are bare on the Suny Side of the
Hills and very milrely, — got to the
Houſe, before 10: the People had not
began to Collect, but preſently after
they did, and large Company got
together preſently, tho it was very
ba[illegible]d Traviling, and between 11 and
12 I began the Divine Exerciſe
and I not not much Light and free
dom, Yet the People were greatly
attentive after meeting Sot in
the Houſe with Mr Wm Comſtock
a Preacher and the man of the
Houſe, had friendly Converſation
took a Comfortable Dinner with
them juſt at Night Night I Sot
off for Home, and as I was going
out Mr Brown gave me a pair
of Shoes, and I excepted of them
thankfully, in the Duſk of the
Evening I got Home

April 7: 1785


got up very early, and a little
after Sun riſe I Sot off from my
Houſe afoot to Mr J: H: Adgates, got
his mare and took breakfaſt with
them, and then went down to New‐
London
, got to the City a bout 10:o:c
and went over to groton, and got
to Mr Jabez Smiths about 1 in the
after-noon, to Dinner there, and
about half after 2: went back
towards the Ferry, and I turnd to
the Northward from the meeting
Houſe, to one Capt Robert Latham
got there Some Time before Sun
Set, — and had a meeting in this
Houſe, and there was a great Num
ber People, Conſidering the extream
bad traviling [illegible]both on Foot and
Horſeback, and I preachd to them
the word of god, and I had Some Senſe
of Divine things, and the People
attend with Solemnity and Some
afection, I belive the Lord was
preſent with us in Some meaſure
Thanks be to his name — After meet
ing, took Comfortable Supper with
the Capt, his wife looks quite
young, and they are very agreable
Diſcreet Couple, — after Supper
we had little exerciſe, with my

Printed, verſified Notes or Chri
tian Cards, and it was very a
greable Exerciſe, I hope it may
do them Some Benefit, — went to
be[illegible]d I believe near 12: took Com
fortable, — got up very early &
they all got up took breakfaſt
with them; and Soon after eating
took Friendly leave of them, &
the Capt Sent a Preſent of Tea t to
my Wife, went to the Ferry and
So over to the City of New London
went to See alderman Thomas Shaw
but he was not at Home, and I
Sot off for Home, S[illegible]topt a while
at Capt Wheelers, and then went
to Mr J Smith's, Calld for Dinner
there, and after I had eat, I Sot
off again, and it began to rain
and it was a Terrable Storm,
Stopt a good while at Mr Haugh‐tons
Dried me, and after a while
went on gain, and it raind
very hard and it was windy &
Cold, got Home Some Time
before Night, and I was much
wet, and Cold, found my Family
well thro the godneſs of god —

April 10: 1785: on Sab:


Preach'd at Henry's in Mohegan
there was Conſiderable number
of People Chiefly Young People
and white People moſtly, and
they behaved well ing the Room
but Noiſe was out off Doors, and
I fe[illegible]lt Some Strenght in delivering
the word and I believe Some had Movings
in their Minds —

Saturday [illegible][guess: March]April 16: 1785


Sot off from my Houſe for Preſ
ton
, got there at Deacon Avery's
about Sun Set, and found the[illegible]m
well, and was affectionately re‐
civd by them, lodgd there. —

Sabbath [illegible][guess: march]April 17:

went to meet
ing with them, Repreſented Some
thing of my paſt Tryals and
Troubles, and alſo my miſs Steps
and aſked their forgiveneſs, and
was accepeted, and I preachd
all Day, and I believe had Some
aſsiſtance, and the People attend
ed with great Solemnity and with
many Tears — and when I had done
Mr Park the Miniſter of the Churc[illegible][guess: h]
adminiſterd the Sacred Ordernance
of the Lords Supper, and it was
a Solemn Seaſon, and it revivin[gap: worn_edge][guess: g]

and refreſhing Time with my Soul
[gap: faded][guess: a]fter participation of the Holy Sup
per, Several Chriſtians broke out
in Praiſes and adorations to God
with floods of Tears of Joy, and
having Sung two or three Times
in Divine Love and Fillowſhip
we parted in Peace and Love —
went to the Deacons, took Dinner wh
them, after Dinner took my leave
of them, and parted in Love — I
went to one Mr Winter, an old
Diſciple, and was kindly entertaind
in the Evening, had agreable exer
ciſe with my Chriſtian Cards, with
the whole Family — about 9 oc went
to be[illegible]d with thankfull Heart in
Some meaſure, the Lord be Praiſed
for the mercies, Favours and the
Privilledges of the Day paſt —

Monday marchApril 18:

got up very
early, Prayd with the Family,
and then went of for Home, got
Home about 10: found my Fa
mi[illegible]ly well, and I went on di
rectly to Mr Haughtons to meet
our Honorable overſeers, and
did our Tribe buſineſs, before
Night, and got back to my H

Little after Sun Set —

Wedneſsday April 20: 1785


It was general Faſt in Connec
ticut
, I preachd at Widow Fitchs
and there was a goodly number
of People, tho it was very bad
riding, and going Foot, by re
ſon of the Dreadful Storm the
Day before, both of Rain and
Hail, Hail was two or three
Inches Deep this Morning, and
it was Cold, — the People attended
with great attention, — after meet
ing, I Sot a while in the Houſe
took Dinner, — and then went
to Mr Joſiah Mapless and Preachd
there to Conſiderable number of
well behaved People — about
Sun Set went Home, Thus far
hath the Lord lead me on, and
thanks be to his Holy Name —

Thirdsday April 21:

about 12
Sot off for Lebanon, went via
Norwich Landing, got to Capt
Troop
's about Sun Set and a
meeting there, and there was

Conſiderable number of People
and they attended well, — Lodged
at the Same Houſe, and was kindly
entertaind[illegible]

 Fryday April 22:

got up
very early, and took Breakfaſt
and then went to See Colonl Wm
Williams
, found him at Home
and did Buſineſs with him in
an Inſtant — and went back
to Capt Troops, and in the after
Noon about 3: o: c wen had a
nother meeting, and a Number
of People and they Heard with
great attention and Solemnity
I Lodged there again,

Saturday April 23:

got up
very early but I did not Set
out till about 8:o:c: got down
to Norwich Landing about 12
and So went on my way, went
by my Houſe down to Mr Haug[illegible][guess: h]
ton
s got there about 2: and
was there a Little while &
then went back to my Houſe
got Home Some Time be

fore Night

 April 24: on Sabbath morning


got up very early and went Long
Society
, and Preachd there at one
Mr Nathan Standiſhs, and there was
a great number of People, and
there was great attention, the
word fell with great weight, and
there was flow of tears from many
Faces, the Lord gave me Some
Senſe of Divine Things and freedom
of Speech — Soon after meeting
had Dinner, and then Sot off for
Home, Calld at a Certain Houſe
near Norwich Landing, and
were five or Six women, and an
old woman of the Houſe deſired
to have a meeting there as Soon
as I Coud, and I toold her I woud
we had a little Excerciſe with my
Chriſtian Cards, and there was
Solemnity and affection amongſt
Especially two Young women —
were much affected, — and about
Sun down left them and went
on my way, got home about
Day Light in — found my Ho[gap: faded][guess: uſe]

almoſt emty, my Folks were
all gone to fiſhing, and I went
to be[illegible]d Soon, the Lord be thankd
for his goodneſs to us thus far

 Tueſday April 26: 1785


We met our Hon,l Overſeers at
Mr Haughtons, upon aplication
of a Number of Merchants of the
City of Norwich, to purchace a
Pice of Land near o[illegible]ur River
to make a Landing Place, but
none Came from Norwich but
Mr Howland, in behalf of the
reſt, — but we Coud not agree
at this Time, and So we parted
Not transcribed.Blank page.
Occom, Samson

Samson Occom was a Mohegan leader and ordained Presbyterian minister. Occom began his public career in 1742, when he was chosen as a tribal counselor to Ben Uncas II. The following year, he sought out Eleazar Wheelock, a young Anglo-American minister in Lebanon, CT, in hopes of obtaining some education and becoming a teacher at Mohegan. Wheelock agreed to take on Occom as a student, and though Occom had anticipated staying for a few weeks or months, he remained with Wheelock for four years. Occom’s academic success inspired Wheelock to open Moor’s Indian Charity School in 1754, a project which gave him the financial and political capital to establish Dartmouth College in 1769. After his time with Wheelock, Occom embarked on a 12-year mission to the Montauk of Long Island (1749-1761). He married a Montauk woman, Mary Fowler, and served as both teacher and missionary to the Montauk and nearby Shinnecock, although he was grievously underpaid for his services. Occom conducted two brief missions to the Oneida in 1761 and 1762 before embarking on one of the defining journeys of his career: a fundraising tour of Great Britain that lasted from 1765 to 1768. During this journey, undertaken on behalf of Moor’s Indian Charity School, Occom raised £12,000 (an enormous and unanticpated amount that translates roughly to more than two-million dollars), and won wide acclaim for his preaching and comportment. Upon his return to Mohegan in 1768, Occom discovered that Wheelock had failed to adequately care for his family while he was gone. Additionally, despite the vast sums of money that he had raised, Occom found himself unemployed. Wheelock tried to find Occom a missionary position, but Occom was in poor health and disinclined to leave his family again after seeing the treatment with which they had met while he was in Britain. Occom and Wheelock’s relationship continued to sour as it became apparent to Occom that the money he had labored to raise would be going towards infrastructure at Dartmouth College, Wheelock’s new project, rather than the education of Native Americans. After the dissolution of his relationship with Wheelock, Occom became increasingly focused on the needs of the Mohegan community and increasingly vocal in criticizing Anglo-Americans’ un-Christian treatment of Native Americans. In September of 1772, he delivered his famous “Sermon on the Execution of Moses Paul,” which took Anglo-American spiritual hypocrisy as one of its major themes, and which went into four printings before the end of the year. In 1773, Occom became further disillusioned when the Mason Land Case was decided in favor of the Colony of Connecticut. The details of the Mason Case are complicated, but to summarize: the Colony of Connecticut had gained control of Mohegan land early in the 18th century under very suspect circumstances, and successfully fended off the Mohegan’s 70-year-long legal challenge. The conclusion of the case came as a blow to the Mohegans, and further convinced Occom of Anglo-American corruption. Along with David Fowler (Montauk Tribe), Occom's brother-in-law, and Joseph Johnson (Mohegan), Occom's son-in-law, Occom helped found Brothertown, an Indian tribe formed from the Christian Mohegans, Pequots, Narragansetts, Montauks, Tunxis, and Niantics. They eventually settled in Oneida country in upstate New York. Occom moved there with his family in 1789, spending the remaining years of his life serving as a minster to the Brothertown, Stockbridge, and Mohegan Indians. Harried by corrupt land agents, the Brothertown and Stockbridge groups relocated to the eastern shore of Lake Winnebago, though Occom died in 1792 before he could remove himself and his family there. Occom's writings and legacy have made him one of the best known and most eminent Native Americans of the 18th century and beyond.

Levingston
Cooper, Tabitha (née Occom)

Tabitha Cooper (née Occom, formerly Johnson), Samson Occom and Mary Fowler Occom’s third child, married Joseph Johnson, a Moor’s Indian Charity School alumnus and one of the primary founders of the Brothertown Movement. Although her father and first husband both wrote prolifically, surprisingly little information about Tabitha survives. Tabitha was born in 1754, during Samson Occom’s mission to Montauk. We can conjecture that she was literate in English and also familiar with Montauk and Mohegan culture (Mary Fowler Occom was notorious among Anglo-American missionaries for her adherence to Montauk life-ways). In 1773, Tabitha was courted by Joseph Johnson, and the pair married in December 1773. Tabitha maintained their household and raised their two sons (William, b. 1774, and Joseph, b. 1776) in Mohegan, but Joseph Johnson spent little time there: between 1773 and his death in 1776/7, Johnson was very busy organizing Christian New England Indians to emigrate to Oneida territory (the Brothertown Movement). He worked out of Farmington, CT, and often traveled back and forth to Oneida. Laura Murray attributes Johnson’s absence to some kind of tension between him and the community at Mohegan, but there are no indications of such tension in his writings (rather, he expresses a longing to be at Mohegan). Nor should we attribute Johnson’s absence to marital discord. As Murray demonstrates elsewhere, Johnson’s writings and actions illustrate sincere concern and affection for Tabitha: one letter from him to her after their marriage survives, and he delayed his travels to be with her during her second pregnancy. Tabitha did not move to Brothertown, even once it was successfully established in 1783. She remarried to either a George or Joshua Cooper in the early 1800s (by 1807 at the latest), with whom she had two children, Betsy and Charles. None of her children permanently settled at Brothertown: Joseph, her second son by Joseph Johnson, lived at Brothertown between 1797 and 1820 and married there, but he and his wife ultimately returned to Mohegan. Tabitha lived until at least 1816.

Paul, John
Paul, Anthony

Anthony Paul was born in Charlestown, Rhode Island, to Mary and James Paul. His family was a part of the Narragansett peoples who lived in Charlestown. There is not much information detailing Paul's early years, but he is believed to have attended Wheelock's school in Connecticut. It is through this connection that Paul is likely to have met Christiana Occom, daughter of Samson Occom and Mary Fowler. Paul married Christiana in 1777 and, after spending some time in Mohegan, the two settled in Brotherton in 1784. Paul worked as a preacher and helped raise at least six children with Christiana. Occom was fond of his son-in-law, and his journals tell of many happy times visiting the couple, including fishing trips and the day in 1787 when Samson baptized Paul and four of his children. As further indication of Occom's fondness for his son-in-law, he is believed to have left the books and papers that he kept in his New York home with Paul. In 1797, Paul and Christiana left Brotherton to live in Lake George, NY, where they spent the rest of their years.

Paul, Christiana (née Occom)

Christiana Occom was born in 1757 in Mohegan, CT as the ninth child of Samson Occom and Mary Fowler. Christiana spent her childhood in Mohegan, where she married the Reverend Anthony Paul in 1777. The couple eventually settled in Brotherton in 1784. There, they raised at least six children, four of which Samson Occom baptized. Occom's journals tell of many joyful visits he paid to his daughter and son-in-law while on his travels. Christiana and Anthony finally left Brotherton in 1797 to settle in Lake George, NY.

Paul, Mary
Occom, Mary (née Fowler)

Mary Occom (née Fowler) was a Montaukett woman who married Samson Occom. Although information about her is limited and often comes from male, Anglo-American sources, it offers a tantalizing glimpse of her strength, as well as an alternative to the Eleazar Wheelock-centered narrative of Occom’s life that often dominates the latter’s biography. Mary was born into the influential Fowler family at Montauk, Long Island. She met Samson during his missionary service there (1749-1761). Mary studied at Samson’s school along with her brothers David and Jacob, and was almost certainly literate. She and Samson married in 1751. Wheelock and several other Anglo-American powers opposed their union because they worried it might distract Occom from being a missionary (as, indeed, family life did), and thus many scholars have read in Samson and Mary’s marriage an act of resistance against Samson’s domineering former teacher. Little information about the minutiae of Mary’s life survives, but existing sources speak volumes about her character and priorities. In front of Anglo-American missionaries visiting the Occoms' English-style house at Mohegan, Mary would insist on wearing Montaukett garb and, when Samson spoke to her in English, she would only reply in Montaukett, despite the fact that she was fluent in English. Mary Occom was, in many ways, Wheelock’s worst fear: that his carefully groomed male students would marry un-Anglicized Indian women. It is not a stretch to imagine that Mary provided much of the incentive for Wheelock to begin taking Indian girls into his school, lest his other protégés replicate Samson’s choice. Much of our information about Mary comes from between 1765 and 1768, when Samson was fundraising in Great Britain. Despite promising to care for Samson’s wife and family (at the time they had seven children), Wheelock, by every objective measure, failed to do so, and Mary’s complaints are well documented. Hilary Wyss reads in Wheelock’s neglect (and in letters from the time) a more sinister story, and concludes that on some level Wheelock was holding Samson’s family hostage, in return for Occom curtailing his political beliefs on the Mason Case. Wyss also notes Mary’s remarkable survivance in this situation. Mary drew on various modes of contact, from letters to verbal communication with influential women (including Sarah Whitaker, the wife of Samson’s traveling companion, and Wheelock’s own daughters), to shame Wheelock into action and demand what she needed. One of the major struggles in Mary’s life, and in Samson’s, was with their sons. Both Aaron and Benoni failed to live up to their parents’ expectations. Aaron attended, and left, Moor’s Indian Charity School three times, and both Aaron and Benoni struggled with alcohol and refused to settle down. The Occom daughters did not cause similar problems. Given the nature of existing sources, little is known about Mary after Samson and Wheelock lessened their communication in 1771. Joanna Brooks has conjectured that Mary was likely influential in Samson’s Mohegan community involvement later in life, for instance, in his continued ministry to Mohegan and, perhaps, his increasingly vehement rejection of Anglo-American colonial practices.

Haggerman, John
Quaquaquid, Henry

Henry Quaquaquid was a Mohegan Indian who was active in both political and religious tribal affairs. In 1742 he, as a counselor, signed a petition that declared John Uncas as the rightful successor of Sachem Mahomet; however, the following year Quaquaquid, along with Occom and nine other counselors, signed Ben Uncas’s counter proclamation. As supporters of Ben Uncas, Occom and Quaquaquid lived in Ben’s Town rather than John’s Town, the home of the Ashpos. Nonetheless, they eventually changed their minds and joined the Ashpos in an effort to counteract tribal corruption and disunion. Around 1760, Ben Uncas III claimed that the rival faction had established Quaquaquid as sachem. Quaquaquid was also involved in the Mason case and acted as a messenger. He sought to protect the Mohegans’ native rights, and in 1785 signed a petition, along with Occom and four others, to the Connecticut General Assembly asking for unrestricted fishing privileges. In 1789, Quaquaquid and Robert Ashpo appealed to the Connecticut Assembly again seeking aid, and as in the original petition, stressed their friendship. Additionally, Quaquaquid often accompanied Occom during his missionary tours, such as those of 1757 and 1785. He also acted as a deacon, possibly at a church that Occom established in Mohegan. Quaquaquid did not move to Brothertown, but remained in Mohegan with his family.

Adgate, John Hart
Maples, Josiah
Maples, John
Brown, John
Rogers, Alpheus
Ashpo, Robert

Robert Ashpo was the brother of Samuel Ashpo, the influential Mohegan preacher. They were born into a powerful Mohegan family, considered equal to the Uncas line, and Robert became a tribal leader. We have no specific evidence of his education or conversion. But he was one of the signers of at least three important petitions that were submitted to the Connecticut General Assembly. The first, entitled "Appeal of the Mohegan Indians agst the Colony of Connecticut & Others" is dated July 23, 1746; Ashpo was one of over 80 signatories. The second was written by Occom in 1785 on behalf of five other signatories: Henry Quaquaquid and Robert Ashpo of the Mohegan Tribe and Phillip Cuish, Joseph Uppuiquiyantup, Isaac Uppuiquiyantup of the Niantics, expressing their dismay over restrictive fishing prohibitions (manuscript 785340). The third from May 14, 1789 is signed by Ashpo and Henry Quaquaquid, and using the metaphor of the "dish," complains bitterly about the loss of Mohegan territory and asks the Assembly to divide the "common dish" of the Tribe into individual dishes so each may do "as he pleases." These petitions invoke Tribal sovereignty, show collaboration between tribal leaders, and also employ the rhetoric of "improvement" to save their lands. Occom and Joseph Johnson record Ashpo's speaking and leadership at several meetings at Mohegan and elsewhere in the 1770s and 1780s. Ashpo did not move to Brothertown and remained in Mohegan.

Avery, John

John Avery was born in 1705 in Groton, Connecticut. Avery was chosen to serve as deacon for a Congregationalist church in Preston, Connecticut, and was ordained on August 16, 1747. A study by Avery's ancestors indicates that he was once imprisoned for refusing to pay dues to Connecticut colony's state-sponsored Congregationalist church. He felt his imprisonment was noble, given his aversion to centralized church power. Avery was named lieutenant and then captain of the Preston trainband, the local militia, in 1739 and 1741, respectively. He resigned in 1750. In 1743, Avery was named deputy to the general court. Occom lodged at the home of Avery at least three times when passing through New London. Avery died in 1789 in Preston, Connecticut, and in his will, Avery granted his slave freedom and financial support. Joanna Brooks confuses Deacon John Avery with his son of the same name, who was a clockmaker and silversmith in Preston, Connecticut born in 1732.

Dart, his wife
Mr. Dart's daughter
Douglas, Robert
Smith, Jonathan

Jonathan Smith was a friend of Samson Occom’s who lived in Long Society, a suburb of Norwich, Connecticut. Although Long Society did not have a formally organized church between 1782 and 1786, the town still hosted informal meetings, at several of which Occom preached.

Comstock, William
Smith, Jabez

Jabez Smith was a deacon at the Second Baptist Church in Groton, CT, a congregation with strong New Light sympathies. He was very active in the church, and on at least one occasion he opened his home to an extemporaneous religious meeting, at which Occom preached. Smith supported himself via the family farm. The house he built there, in 1783, is still standing and currently serves as a museum.

Latham, Robert

Captain Robert Latham was part of the large, ferry-man and ship-building Latham families of Groton and New London, Connecticut, several of whom Occom mentions in his journals. Robert's father was Daniel Latham, born April 16, 1719 in New London and his mother was Elizabeth. He was the youngest of five. After that, there is no more information about Captain Robert Latham except what we learn from Occom's journals for 1784-89. In his itinerant preaching in the area, Occom held meetings at Captain Latham's house, lodged, dined with and called on Latham and his wife several times, and used his Christian cards for exercises with them, describing them as a "very agreeable and discreet couple." The Captain must have been fond of Occom, because he sent a present of tea to Occom's wife in 1784. Going back and forth between Groton and New London in southern Connecticut required a ferry across the Thames River. Robert was likely a descendant of the first ferryman in this area, Cary Latham, who appears in the record during the 1680s. His successors, William and Thomas Latham, operated a shipyard in Groton where they built and launched ships. In 1807, this became the Latham Brothers company. It is not clear if Robert's title refers to his seafaring or military service. Although there is no mention of a Robert Latham in the records, members of the extended Latham family from Groton served with distinction and were captured, wounded, or killed in the Revolutionary War, participating in the Battle of Groton Heights and the storming of Fort Griswold.

Latham

Mrs. Latham was the wife of Captain Robert Latham, who was part of the extensive Latham family in Groton and New London, Connecticut. She lived in Groton with her husband, who was a friend and supporter of Occom. We know from Occom's journals for 1784-89 that he held meetings at the Lathams' house, lodged, dined with and called on the Lathams on several occasions as he crossed back and forth from Groton to New London on the ferry, which was likely operated by a descendant of Cary Latham, the first ferryman there in the 1680s. Occom notes several intriguing facts about Mrs. Latham: that she "looks quite young," which suggests she was Captain Latham's second wife, that they have no children, and that on occasion -- for example, after William Avery's funeral in January 1786 -- he calls on her specifically .

Shaw, Thomas
Williams, William
Standish Nathan
Avery, William

William Avery was born in 1724 to the prominent Avery family of Groton, Connecticut. From January 1768 until his death, Avery served as Groton's town clerk and treasurer. During the American Revolution, Avery served on several war committees. In 1779, he represented Groton at a general convention in Hartford, and then served on a committee to secure bounties for Revolutionary soldiers by selling Groton "public lands." From 1772 until 1810, North Groton did not have an official minister, and South Groton did not have one between 1798 and 1810; it appears that religious activity waned during this time. In his journal for 1785, however, Occom recalls an experience preaching in Groton, where Avery followed his sermon with an exhortation, an extemporaneous outpouring by a layperson that in New Light churches of the time often followed the more formal sermon. Occom notes that the audience was so rapt on this occasion that they did not want to leave, and begged Occom to preach to them again. Avery died at the age of 63 and was buried in the Starr Cemetery in Groton.

HomeSamson Occom, journal, 1784 May 8 to 1785 April 26
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