abstract: Jillard writes to express his admiration for Occom, and notes that his opinion is shared by many in Great Britain. He proposes that provision should be made for Occom and his family out of the funds collected.
handwriting: Handwriting is loose though mostly legible; it is occasionally difficult to decipher letter case.
paper: Two sheets are in good condition, with moderate wear and creasing; tear around remnants of seal results in no loss of text.
noteworthy: The “Narrative” referred to on two recto was written by Wheelock and contained the credentials and recommendations of Whitaker and Occom, as well as an abbreviated account of the Indian Charity School and its mission. A note reading "Man 2. 1767 --" has been added in pencil to one verso.
layout: Second page of letter is on two recto not one verso.The second page of the letter is written in landscape orientation.
your thots to So excellent a Plan for propagating the Gosple
among the Indians— It is I apprehend, in the General, ap
prov'd. meſs.rs Whitaker & occum have (in the places known
to me) had for the most part ⇑had great Succeſs.. It was a Right
to send over m.r occum , as a Specimen of the benefitt of
y.e School— As far as I hear he pleases in every Town
& city— So much Simplicity appears in the man: So honest,
guileſs a Temper, with Seriousneſs in his publick Service.,
So well he speaks in publick, & So well he acts in private,
among his friends & mankind, that he engages their hearts—
may you be as suceſsfull in training others to the ministry as
you have been in him!— By virtue of the Power given to
m.r Whitaker, Such Gentlemen of Fortune & Character are
are now chosen on this side the Water, Trustees for the
Money yt may be raised, that I doubt not the Collection in
Great-Britain & Ireland will be exceeding Great.
From the many Thousand Pounds in Capital, & the many
hundred, the yearly Interest of the same, w.ch will be
advanced, permitt me to be a Petitioner for ye worthy m.r occum .
Tis naturel to enquire into his family & worldly Circumstances.
His Children are, I apprehend, many, & Substance Small—
yet the Good man seems to expreſs full Contentment
if he can have a Sufficiency to Improve his little Estate.
Undesired, & entirely without his knowledge I write this
in his favour; but tho' I write in my own name only,
I'm persuaded, I might easily gett many hundred Persons
to join in the Same Petition— Shall I entreat, that
you, Dear Sr, will make use of all y.E Interest for Effecting
it— It must be supposed that the Great acceptance he
meets with among mankind, adds considerably to the
Collections, "This Preacher was born & bred an Indian—
He left his family— He risqued his life on the Sea, for the
good Cause. He is ready to Preach when desired— And
behaves w.th ⇑a decency. that seems to give universal Satisfaction ⇑[below]—
you have come among us with the Good word of God, or God is news— we will by ye help of God,
Endeavour to keep the Fire w.ch you kindled among us; and, will take our Old Customs,
"ways, & Sins, and putt them behind our backs & never look on them again; but will look strait
"forward & run after the Christian Religion— May The Indian People be renewe'd' in the Spirit of
their minds (may they be turn'd from ye error of their ways & built up in their most Holy Faith).
'o, that, the Power of Godlineſs, the Love of God producing a Conformity to his moral attributes,
all that is Pious, Right, & Good, may prevail among them! May their minds be enlightend,
well-inform'd, & healthy; rightly disposed; poſseſing the Xtian Temper! may duly regulated wills
& affections, w.th a Behaviour corresponding, be the happy Effects of the Schools, & the Ministe
rial Services!— — As I have the Satisfaction of contributing my best Endeavours to the
Increase of the Collections, it will be greatly promoted, by frequent acc.ts of the Succeſs w.ch
may attend the additional Schools in the Wilderneſs— That God maywill bleſs the Endeavors
& Reward your Pious zeal in time & to all Eternity
& Brother in the Gosple of Christ
Bristol march 2d 1767/
Bristol March 2.d 1767
Walker [illegible: [guess: 1/2]]
Eleazar Wheelock was a New Light Congregationalist minister who founded Dartmouth College. He was born into a very typical Congregationalist family, and began studying at Yale in 1729, where he fell in with the emerging New Light clique. The evangelical network that he built in college propelled him to fame as an itinerant minister during the First Great Awakening and gave him many of the contacts that he later drew on to support his charity school for Native Americans. Wheelock’s time as an itinerant minister indirectly brought about his charity school. When the Colony of Connecticut retroactively punished itinerant preaching in 1743, Wheelock was among those who lost his salary. Thus, in 1743, he began operating a grammar school to support himself. He was joined that December by Samson Occom, a Mohegan Indian, who sought out an education in hopes of becoming a teacher among his people. Occom’s academic success inspired Wheelock to train Native Americans as missionaries. To that end, he opened Moor’s Indian Charity School in 1754 (where he continued to train Anglo-American students who paid their own way as well as students who functionally indentured themselves to Wheelock as missionaries in exchange for an education). Between 1754 and 1769, when he relocated to New Hampshire, Wheelock trained approximately 60 male and female Native American students from nearby Algonquian tribes and from the Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) of central New York. At the same time, he navigated the complicated politics of missionary societies by setting up his own board of the Society in Scotland for Propagating Christian Knowledge, although he continued to feud with the Boston Board of the SSPCK and the London Commissioners in Boston (more colloquially called the New England Company). By the late 1760s, Wheelock had become disillusioned with the idea of Native American education. He was increasingly convinced that educating Native Americans was futile (several of his students had failed to conform to his confusing and contradictory standards), and, in late 1768, he lost his connection to the Haudenosaunee. With his inclination and ability to sponsor Native American missionaries largely depleted, Wheelock sought instead to fulfill his ultimate ambition of obtaining a charter and opening a college, which he did in 1769. To fund this new enterprise, Wheelock drew on the £12,000 that Samson Occom had raised for Moor’s Indian Charity School during a two-and-a-half year tour of Great Britain (1765 to 1768). Much of this money went towards clearing land and erecting buildings in New Hampshire for the Charity School’s relocation — infrastructure that also happened to benefit Dartmouth. Many of Wheelock’s contemporaries were outraged by what they saw as misuse of the money, as it was clear that Dartmouth College was not intended for Indians and that Moor’s had become a side project. Although Wheelock tried to maintain at least some commitment to Native American education by recruiting students from Canadian communities, the move did a great deal of damage to his public image. The last decade of Wheelock’s life was not easy. In addition to the problems of trying to set up a college far away from any Anglo-American urban center, Wheelock experienced the loss of relationships with two of his most famous and successful students, Samson Occom and Samuel Kirkland (an Anglo-American protégé). He also went into debt for Dartmouth College, especially after the fund raised in Britain was exhausted.
Samson Occom was a Mohegan leader and ordained Presbyterian minister. Occom began his public career in 1742, when he was chosen as a tribal counselor to Ben Uncas II. The following year, he sought out Eleazar Wheelock, a young Anglo-American minister in Lebanon, CT, in hopes of obtaining some education and becoming a teacher at Mohegan. Wheelock agreed to take on Occom as a student, and though Occom had anticipated staying for a few weeks or months, he remained with Wheelock for four years. Occom’s academic success inspired Wheelock to open Moor’s Indian Charity School in 1754, a project which gave him the financial and political capital to establish Dartmouth College in 1769. After his time with Wheelock, Occom embarked on a 12-year mission to the Montauk of Long Island (1749-1761). He married a Montauk woman, Mary Fowler, and served as both teacher and missionary to the Montauk and nearby Shinnecock, although he was grievously underpaid for his services. Occom conducted two brief missions to the Oneida in 1761 and 1762 before embarking on one of the defining journeys of his career: a fundraising tour of Great Britain that lasted from 1765 to 1768. During this journey, undertaken on behalf of Moor’s Indian Charity School, Occom raised £12,000 (an enormous and unanticpated amount that translates roughly to more than two-million dollars), and won wide acclaim for his preaching and comportment. Upon his return to Mohegan in 1768, Occom discovered that Wheelock had failed to adequately care for his family while he was gone. Additionally, despite the vast sums of money that he had raised, Occom found himself unemployed. Wheelock tried to find Occom a missionary position, but Occom was in poor health and disinclined to leave his family again after seeing the treatment with which they had met while he was in Britain. Occom and Wheelock’s relationship continued to sour as it became apparent to Occom that the money he had labored to raise would be going towards infrastructure at Dartmouth College, Wheelock’s new project, rather than the education of Native Americans. After the dissolution of his relationship with Wheelock, Occom became increasingly focused on the needs of the Mohegan community and increasingly vocal in criticizing Anglo-Americans’ un-Christian treatment of Native Americans. In September of 1772, he delivered his famous “Sermon on the Execution of Moses Paul,” which took Anglo-American spiritual hypocrisy as one of its major themes, and which went into four printings before the end of the year. In 1773, Occom became further disillusioned when the Mason Land Case was decided in favor of the Colony of Connecticut. The details of the Mason Case are complicated, but to summarize: the Colony of Connecticut had gained control of Mohegan land early in the 18th century under very suspect circumstances, and successfully fended off the Mohegan’s 70-year-long legal challenge. The conclusion of the case came as a blow to the Mohegans, and further convinced Occom of Anglo-American corruption. Along with David Fowler (Montauk Tribe), Occom's brother-in-law, and Joseph Johnson (Mohegan), Occom's son-in-law, Occom helped found Brothertown, an Indian tribe formed from the Christian Mohegans, Pequots, Narragansetts, Montauks, Tunxis, and Niantics. They eventually settled in Oneida country in upstate New York. Occom moved there with his family in 1789, spending the remaining years of his life serving as a minster to the Brothertown, Stockbridge, and Mohegan Indians. Harried by corrupt land agents, the Brothertown and Stockbridge groups relocated to the eastern shore of Lake Winnebago, though Occom died in 1792 before he could remove himself and his family there. Occom's writings and legacy have made him one of the best known and most eminent Native Americans of the 18th century and beyond.
Nathaniel Whitaker was an outspoken Presbyterian minister with a long and wide-ranging career. Between his ordination in 1755 and his death in 1795, Whitaker ministered to five different congregations. His longest tenure was at Chelsea, CT (near Norwich), from 1761-1769, during which he joined Occom on his two-and-a-half-year fundraising tour of Britain. While in Chelsea, Whitaker was very involved in Wheelock's project. The two engaged in frequent correspondence, and Whitaker served on Eleazar Wheelock's Board of Correspondents in Connecticut, as well as on the Board of Trustees of Moor's Indian Charity School. At one time, he was Wheelock's presumed successor, but Dartmouth's Trustees demanded that Wheelock appoint another. Wheelock, in part due to his strongly-held belief that Native Americans were childlike and rash, was convinced that Occom needed an Anglo-American supervisor on his fundraising tour. After several candidates turned down the job, Wheelock selected Whitaker. He proved to be a poor choice; he was, by many accounts, a difficult man to get along with, and many of Wheelock’s British allies, including George Whitefield and the English Trust (the organization that took control of the money Occom raised in England) preferred to deal with Occom, although Whitaker insisted on handling the tour’s logistics. Furthermore, in Britain, Occom was the obvious star of the tour, and it was unclear to many why Whitaker asserted himself so prominently. Whitaker’s poor decisions seriously alienated the English Trust and increased their suspicion of Wheelock’s later dealings and treatment of Occom. He gave the English Trust the impression that they would have control over money raised in Scotland (which was in fact lodged with the parent organization of the SSPCK), and he was the executor of the “Eells Affair,” a plan initiated by the CT Board of the SSPCK to bring the money that Occom and Whitaker raised back to the colonies by investing it in trade goods and selling them at a profit (Eells was one of the merchants who was to help with the resale of goods). The English Trust learned about the plan by reading letters that Whitaker had given them permission to open in his absence, and were immediately shocked. The wording of certain letters made it appear that only a percentage of the profit from the resale of the goods would go towards Moor’s Indian Charity School, but beyond that detail, the English Trust was scandalized at the thought of money raised for charity being invested in trade. The English Trust blamed Whitaker entirely for these affairs, and issued specific instructions for Occom to notarize all documents requiring Whitaker’s signature. In short, they wanted Occom to supervise Whitaker, when Wheelock had envisioned the opposite relationship (both Occom and Whitaker seem to have ignored their instructions, preferring to have as little contact with one another as possible). In 1769, a year after his return to Connecticut in 1768, Whitaker found himself dismissed by his Chelsea congregation (likely because he had spent two and a half years away from them). He went on to serve several more congregations before his death in 1795. Whitaker was an outspoken Whig, and during the Revolution he published several pamphlets on his political opinions.