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Encyclopedia Arctica 6200 +150 145 Eloise McCaskill McCaskill Popini

William Baffin

        Read and slightly edited May 1/48

        William Baffin (d. 1622), one of the greatest of English seamen and

Arctic explorers, first appears in history in 1612 as pilot on board the Patience ,

commanded by James Hall (q.v.) on a voyage to Greenland. Although he

made seven recorded voyages of great importance, five of them to the

Arctic , and contributed immeasurably to the science of navigation and to

geographical knowledge, absolutely k nothing is known about him until he

appears as an experienced seaman in the prime of life . , just ten years before this death. Sir Clements

Markham (q.v.) writes that he has been baffled in all his attempts to find

even a single fact respecting his Baffin's birth-place a h n d early history. Every

parish register in London and its suburbs was searched and only six persons

of the name of Baffin were found, three, including a William, being adults

who died of the plague in 1609. A daughter of a William Baffin, named

Susan, was baptized in the Church of St. Thomas the Apostle, in Vintry

Ward in the City of London, on October 15, 1609, three years before Baffin

joined Hall's expedition. Markham writes, "This Ward includes Queenhithe,

a landing-place frequented by sailors, and a likely locality for a seaman

to take up his abode while on shore. We know that Baffin had a wife, for

she gave a good deal of trouble to the East India Company after his death.

Susan may have been his daughter.

        But ¶ Baffin himself, though probably a

Londoner, must have been constantly at sea, and probably raised himself by

his good conduct and talent, from a very humble position". A kingdom-wide

search of parish registers yielded no other instances of the name, nor was

there any indication whatsoever of the name at Hull, the place where Baffin

first appears to us. Markham says, "If Baffin was not a Hull man, he probably

was not known to Captain Hall. It may, therefore be conjectured that one of

the merchant adventurers associated with Hall in the voyage, perhaps Sir

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William Baffin

Thomas Smith ( [ q.v. ] ) , knowing Baffin's worth and ability, recommended

him as chief pilot of the Patience .2

        The voyage of Hall was undertaken after his return to England from Danish Arctic

service, for further search for the Northwest Passage, for trade on the

coast of Greenland, and for getting ore from the mines which Hall he had dis–

covered in 1605 and which he believed to contain great wealth in silver,

but which, like Frobisher's (q.v.) mines, turned out to be worthless. Hall,

chief promoter of this voyage, was joined in his enterprise by several

other London adventurers, including Smith, and the expedition consisted

of two ships, the Patience , with Hall and Baffin on board, and the Heartsease ,

commanded by Andrew Barker of Hull.

        ¶ Hall The expedition made sailed on

April 22, and Hall made direct for Cape Farewell, which he sighted on May 14,

keeping close along the belt of ice lying off shore in order to avail him–

self of any opportunity of getting through to the land. He was thus able to

examine a portion of the coast which he had not previously observed, A green and

inviting looking promontory was named Cape Comfort , and on . On May 27 the two

vessels came to land in about 64° 15′', at the mouth of an inlet which was

named the Harbor of Hope. This was Davis's (q.v.) Gilbert Sou j n d, near what

is now the settlement of Gothaab. Hall with Baffin explored the fjord and

named tow of its arms Bell and Lancaster Rivers after two of his partners.

Hall and Baffin then took the smaller of the vessels, the Heartsease , and

went northwards to explore, going as far as Christian and Cunningham Fjord in 67° 25′ and Christian

[Transpose] Fjord in 66° 54′ the southernmost points which Hall had previously visited. They then

went south again to Rommel's Fjord (Holsten s borg) in 66° 54′, and on June 27

met the Patience in Cockin or Cockayne Sound (Sukkertoppen) in 65° 25′.

        Here the Eskimos recognized Hall, who had kidnapped some of their

number on previous voyages, and in revenge they murdered him. The expedition ret

returned to England under the command of Andrew Barker, with Baffin now on

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board the Heartsease , and arrived around the middle of September.

        Two narratives of the voyage were written; one by Baffin, of which, unfort

unfortunately, only a fragment, printed by Purchas, has been preserved. 56

The other, written by John Gatonbe, or Gatonby, quartermaster on board

the Heartsease , has been preserved in full in Churchill's Collection of

Voyages and Travels Voyages and Travels . The Baffin fragment commences on July 8, 1612, in

Cock ayne in Sound. It relates the events of the voyage while the ships were

on the Greenland coast, including the death of Hall, and his burial, in

accordance with his w o i shes, on one of the small islands near where he was

killed.

       ¶ In the fragment Baffin records sixteen observations for latitude

and eight for variation. He always used every opportunity of taking astron–

omical observations, and especially of testing methods of finding longitude.

He describes tells of his attempt to determine the longitude by observing the time

of the moon's culmination, and his method describes in detail his method . so goes down in the history of navigation

as the first man who ever attempted to take a lunar observation at sea.

        He Baffin concludes with an account of the land and its people which is of

interest. He describes the northwest part of Greenland as "an exceedingly

high land to the sea-ward, and almost nothing but mountaynes...all of

stone, some of one colour, and some of another, and all glistering, as

though they were of rich value". Their ore, however, he says, is valueless,

on the authority of their his goldsmith, who had tried it out. But Baffin

thinks there may be ore of value deeper in the mountains, which cannot be

so easily come by. He describes the "rocks" (quartz) in these mountains,

"finer and whiter than alabaster"; the moss and grass in the valleys, "with

Check possibility of angelica a little branch running all along the ground, bearing a little black ber–

rie". He says they found in many places much angelica, and supposed "the

people eat the roots thereof, for some causes, for we have seene them

have many of them in their boats". Though there were few trees, he says that he saw

[ ?]

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William Baffin

forty miles inland, on Ball's River, "on the south side of an high moun–

tayne, which we went up,...a young groue [grove] of small wood, some of it sixe

or seuen foot high, like a coppice in England that had beene some two or

three yeers cut; and this was the most wood that wee saw growing in this cou-

country, being some of it a kind of willow, juniper, and such like". He goes

on to describe the animal life: the foxes "of sundry colours", the hares,

the deer, the latter being "most commonly up within the Mayne very farre;

because the people doe so much hunt them that come neere the sea". He has

"seene the footsteps of some beast, whose foote was bigger than the foot

of a great oxe". The dogs are "like unto wol u [ u?] es, liuing by fish, as the foxes

doe".

        Baffin gives us one of the earliest accounts of the life of the Green–

land Eskimos. Like other explorers navigators of the period, he was especially im–

pressed by their boats, both the small ones, of which he describes as in

the form of a weaver's shuttle, and so swiftly maneuvered that "no ship in

the world is able to keepe way with them"; and the geeat great boats often as

much as thirty-two feet long, with ten seats, in which they carry their

goods and household stuff; "for they remooue their dwellings very often,

as their fishing doth serve, liuing in the summer-time in tents made of

seales skinnes, and in winter in houses somewhat in the ground". He says

that- the he was unable to learn their rites or ceremonies, but thought

they might be sun-worshippers, as "at their first approach u v nto u v s, they

vsed with their hands to point vp to the sunne, and to strike their hands

upon ther brests [crying] Ilyout; as who would say, I meane no harme;

...and will not come neer you vntil you do the like, and then they will come

without any feare at all". (Davis gives the same word with the same meaning —

"Yliaoute", "I mean no harm".)

        He ¶ Baffin describes their manner of burial as being

in stone graves or caves, on top of the ground, on the hilltops, with the

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weapons and other furnishings of the dead buried with them. He says

as far as could be perceived they ate all their food raw " . and he had seen them

"drinke the salt-water at our shippes side; but whether it be usuall or no,

I cannot tell". Although many of the Englishmen thought that they were

"man-eaters", Baffin did not think so, "for if they had bin so minded, they mig

might at one time haue caught our cooke, and two other with him, as they

were filling of water at an Iland a great way from ovr ship". But it

turned out that the great company of "sauages" that came rowing up were

merely looking "for nayles, or any old iron, which they so greatly desire,

while our men were in such a feare that they knew not what to doe. At length

our cooke remembered that he had some old iron in his pocket, and gaue

each of them some, as farre as it would goe, with his key of his chest.

And presently they all departed, without offering any harme at all...".

        On his return from Greenland, Baffin entered the service of the

Muscovy Company. This company of merchant adventurers, in which Sir

Thomas Smith was a leading director moving spirit , had sent Captain Jonas Poole (q.v.)

to Spitsbergen in 1610, 1611 and 1612 to follow up Hudson's (q.v.) dis–

coveries there in 1607-8, to pursue the attempt to find a passage straight

across the Pole, and to investigate the possibilities of an English whal–

ing enterprise. These voyages resulted in a profitable industry, and in

1613 the Muscovy Company immediately obtained a charter pretending to exclud ing e all others, native and

foreign, from the Spitsbergen waters. They equipped a fleet of six armed

vessels, which drove away from the Spitsbergen coast fifteen sail of Dutch,

French and Biscayan ships.

        ¶ In 1613 they the Muscovy Company fitted out a fleet of seven ships,

on a whaling expedition, under the command of Captain Benjamin Joseph. This is called "Baffin's

second voyage". Baffin was chief pilot, on board the Tiger , of 260 tons,

with Cpatain Joseph. Twenty-four Biscayan whalersmen were engaged for the

voyage and one Biscayan ship had permission to go along and fish. They de-

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parted May 13 and made Spitsbergen in eighteen days. Baffin wrote a nar–

rative of the voyage, which was printed by Purchas, . and We learn from

this account that the English found as many as seventeen foreign ships

on the Spitsbergen coast--four Dutch, two Dunkirkers, four from St. Jean

de Luz and seven from St. Sebastian. All submitted to the English, and a

few were allowed to remain and fish on the condition of surrendering half

their catch. The Company's fleet returned safely in September with full

cargoes.

        The most notable feature of the account is Baffin's description of his

astronomical variations observations . He observed for dip as well a as for variation;

and tells us he used a quadrant of four feet semidiameter in taking his

altitudes. His most interesting observation was for sun's refraction,

although there appear to be several mistakes in the record of it. A second

account of the voyage, probably written by Robert Fotherby, is extant.

        In 1614 the Muscovy Company again equipped a Spitsbergen fleet under

the command of Benjamin Joseph, with Baffin as pilot. This c i o nsisted of

eleven ships and two pinnaces. Baffin , was aboard a ship called the

Thomasine , with Robert Fotherby, who had been a member of the previous

expedition. There is unfortunatly no extant account of the voyage by Baffin , , and so his personal observations are lost to us; but a

detailed narrative, written by Fotherby, is printed by Purchas.

        ¶ The

fleet left England April 16, but on account of bad weather and ice did

not reach the Spitsbergen coast until June. Baffin and Fotherby were

more interested in exploration than in whaling, and during the summer

made persevering attempts to extend discovery to the eastward, along the

north coast of Spitsbergen. They set out in two shallops, and on several

occasions advanced eastwards, until they were stopped by the ice. Early

in August they reached "Wiches Sound" (Wiide Bay) (Wijde Fjord of modern

maps). Here they walked up a high hill and saw"another fair sound", and

resolved to "make further search alongst this shoare, and to proceede with

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our shallops so farre as we possibly could". They observed the latitude,

which they found to be 79° 54′.

        ¶ A shallop now came rowing towards them, and

they "hastened towards them, to see who were therein", and found men

from the Heartsease , commanded by Thomas Marmaduke (q.v.). They had left

their ship in the ice, about a league from Red Beach (on the North coast,

at the western entrance of Liefde Bay). "Here", writes Fotherby, "they

were setting vp a crosse, which they said that they found there fallen

downe, and had beene formerly set vp, in the time of Master Marmaduke's

first discouery, by one Laurence Prestwood, whose name I saw there on engrauen,

with two or three names more, and it had the date of the seuenteenth of

August 1612. Vpon this crosse they nailed the Kings armes". ((Thamma Marma (Jonas Poole, in

1612, met Thomas Marmaduke in Spitsbergen, in 1612, in command of

duke, commanding a Hull ship, and Marmaduke told him that he had just come

from 82° N. latitude.) Baffin and Fotherby walked from Wiches Sound until

they came to the entrance of Sir Thomas Smith's Inlet (Hinlopen Strait).

They returned to their shallops, and with great difficulty, to t on account

of the ice, to their ship. Fotherby describes T t he weather towards the end of August Fatherby

describes as very warm. They left for England and arrived October 4.

        Baffin now entered the service of the Company of the Merchants Discov–

erers of the North-West Passage, of which the leading directors were Sir

Thomas Smith, Sir Dudley Digges and Sir John Wolstenholme (q.v.). Members of

this Company, before its charter, had in 1610 sent Henry Hudson (q.v.) to see if

a passage might be discovered through any of the inlets described by Davis.

This resulted in his Hudson's passage through Hudson Strait the Strait which now carries his name and discovery of the

eastern side of the Bay. In 1612 they had sent Sir Thomas Button (q.v.) for

the same purpose, and he discovered the western side of Hudson Bay and re–

ported discouraging prospects for a passage in that direction, but felt

very strongly that one might exist through what is now Fox's Foxe Channel. His

report led the Company, which had received its charter during his absence,

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to send out out the ex unsuccessful expedition of Captain William Gibbons (q.v.) in

1614.

        ¶ Upon his Biffin's return they the Company resolved to send yet another expedition, since

Hudson and Button had made important discoveries. Robert Bylot (q.v.), who

had been in the three previous voyages, was in command, and Baffin was his

pilot. The little Discovery , of about fifty-five tons, ( which had been the

ship of twice served Hudson (twice) , once Button and once Gibbons,) was now outfitted for her fourth fifth Arctic

voyage.

        ¶ The entire account of the this expedition was written by Baffin. It was

printed by Purchas, but the manuscript, preserved in the British Museum, 200

is fuller, and was first edited by Rundall and published by the Hakluyt

Society. Markham writes: "An excellent system of keeping log books, inaug–

urated by Sebastian Cabot, was enforced by the Muscovy Company, and the officer

officer of its ships were expected to take frequent astronomical observa–

tions. Baffin, who had a natural love for such work, was had been [was ?] given an excellent

training while serving under the Company in his two Spitsbergen voyages,

and he continued the same admirable system in his western enterprises under

the North-West Passage Company".

        ¶ In the letter to his patrons (Smith, Digges and Wolstenholme) with which

Baffin he Baffin prefaces his account, Baffin he describes his method of preparing the

tabulated log book, and in delineating the coast on his map, which is pre–

served with the manuscript. Though he made many maps, this is the only

one which has come down to us , and as . As such it is extremely important as in show–

ing his beautiful style of drawing and his care and accuracy in surveying

the coasts. A facsimile of this beautiful illuminated map is reproduced

in Markham's edition of Baffin's voyages. Following the letter is the

tabulated log book, entitled The Breefe Journall . Then follows "A Tru

Relayt Relatyon of such thinges as happened in fourth voyage for the discouery

of a passage to the north west, performed in the yeare 1615", .

        In the "True Relation" Baffin commends his commander "Byleth" (Bylot)

as a man well experienced in Arctic navigation. He tells us the ir ship left

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England March 16, and that, after "an indifferent good passage", they

saw land on May 6, on the coast of Greenland on the east side of Cape

Farewell. They In order to get around the ice they kept a southerly

course until the May 17. At noon of that date they came to what looked

like firm ice, although, says Baffin, it was indeed "many pieces drawn

together". Captain Bylot asked his opinion concerning putting into the

ice, and Baffin's judgment was that it would be best for them to stand

somewhat more northward, to see if they could find any more likely place,

for there they could not discern where to put in the ship's head. Bylot

answered that they were as far to the northward as the south end of

Resolution Island, and now had all the south channel southward of them,

"and through much ice we must goe". If they could get some three or four

leagues within the ice, it would open at every tide, and they would get

a little ahead on their way, now that the weather was fair; butand ifit

should blow hard, then they would have to enter the ice anyway.

        ¶ Baffin

then says: "I could not say much agaynst his op[i?]nion, beinge indeede in

the latitude of 61 deg. 26′, and hee knew the manner of this ice better

then my selfe, so presently we resolved to put into the ice". Baffin ad–

mits that he did not like "this first entrance" very well. ¶ They made

little progress toward the entrance to Hudson Strait on account of the

ice, and on May 22. Bylot decided to "run up Dauis Straytes and to spend

some 20 dayes therein, to trye what hopes that wayes would afford", but

changed his mind the next day when they were clear of the ice. On May 27

they saw Resolution Island, and on May 30 they were within Hudson Strait,

on the west side of Resolution Island, where they anchored. They went

ashore on the island, which they found rocky and stony, with "hardly any–

thing growing thereon which is green". They saw "no certain sign of inhab–

itants, but only the track of bears and foxes".

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        From here they made their way to the Savage Islands, and anchored

at one of them on June 8. But, eExploring the north shore of the island, they saw tents, boats and dogs;

and, going to the top of a hill, they saw a "great canoe or boat", with

about fourteen people in it. Baffin called to them, "using some words of

Groynlandish speeche" and making signs of friendship. The Eskimos did the

like, but, since they seemed to be afraid, and Baffin did not know whether

he could trust them, he showed them a knife and other objects, which he

left on top of the hill for the m , Then he and his party returned to the

tents, and took from them some whale fins which they found and a small

leather bag containing "a company of little images of men, and one the

image of a woman with a child at hir backe", leaving in return knives,

beads, etc. Baffin tells us that the apparel, boats, tents, etc., of

these people are much like those of the inhabitants of Greenland; but

stresses the point that the Resolution Islanders former Resolution Islanders are "more rude and uncivil",

are not so neat and are not such good artificers as the Greenlanders.

        On June 10 Bylot and Baffin began to coast along the north shore of

Hudson Strait, Baffin constantly taking observations, noting the tides, etc.

Sir Edward Parry, passing over the same ground in 1821, confirmed Baffin's

observations on the tides, and found his latitudes to be nearly correct.

On June 19 they arrived about midway up the Strait at a "poynt of ilands"

which, says Baffin, "I after called Fair Ness [ still so called ] , by reason

of the fayre wether we had at this place, for from this 19 daye till the 27

daye (yea till the 30) the wether was so faire, cleare and calme, that it

was more then extraordinary in this place, and we so fast closed up with

ice, that many tymes one could not well dip a payle of water".

        The next passage is of extraordinary significance. Baffin first tells

how the mariners spent the days while they were locked in the ice in such

beautiful weather. Some days they shot at " butts " with bows and arrows, other

times they played stool ball or and sometimes foot ball. "And", continues Baffin, "seinge

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I have begun to speak of exercise, I think it not amiss to relate one

dayes exercise of my owne".

        ¶ Here follows a description of the first com–

plete lunar observation ever, so far as is known, taken at sea. Markham,

discussing this observation, says that its elements were observed alti–

tudes of sun and moon, and angular distance probably measured by distance difference

of azimuth. He then writes as follows says : "These elements, cleared from the effect

effects of parallax and refraction, would give the true distance, and the

longitude could be found by using the right ascensions of the sun and moon,

without the aid of the tables of lunar distances now given in the Nautical

Almanack .

       ¶ Of course the distance must have been very roughly observed, and

the whole attempt was merely experimental and tentative. But it shows that

Baffin was acquainted with the method of finding longitude by observing the

altitude of the moon and some other heavenly body, and measuring the angular

distance between them; a method first suggested in 1514 by Werner, and again

in 1545 by Gemma Frisius. It enable us to claim for Baffin the honour of

being the first who ever attempted to take a lunar at sea. Baffin also re–

cords, during the voyage up Hudson 's 's Stet Strait, another attempt to find the

longitude by lunar culmination".

        During They The expedition arrived at the western end of the Strait early in July: and

the whole of July and August was spent in cruising about among the ice and

islands at the western end of the Strait. here and at the southern end of what

is now known as Fox Channel. Baffin named Seahorse Point on the southeast–

ern end of Southampton Island, and other places previously unnamed. Christy

says: "Although the amount of original discovery effected on this voyage was 300

but small, the coasts of the regions visited were for the first time laid

down with tolerable accuracy on a chart; and we may fairly say...that Bylot

and Baffin 'lighted' Foxe into his Channel".

        ¶ The expedition arrived back

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in England, anchoring in Plymouth Sound, September 7, without the loss

of one man.

        To his na journal Baffin appends a note concerning his opinion on

the prospect of passage, He syys says that there is doubtless a passage, but

that he is doubtful if it is to be sought through Hudson Strait. The great–

est "indraft", he says, comes from Davis Strait, and "the mayne will be

upp Fretum Davis". It was doubtless this opinion of Baffin's which moved the company

of Discoverers of the North-West Passage to prepare, the following spring,

yet another expedition in search of the Passage, which was to explore, as

Baffin had recommended, the further extremity of Davis Strait. This was

Baffin's greatest most important and final Arctic voyage. , during which he discovered the great bay which bears his name. Its narrative, preserved in Purchas,

was written by Baffin himself.

        Bylot was again in command,with Baffin as pilot, in the Discovery , which

thus made her sixth and last recorded Arctic voyage. The ship, with seventeen

persons on board, set sail from Gravesend March 26, 1616. They had a good

passage, and the first land they sighted was on May 14, "in Fretum Davis, on the coast

of Groinland, in the latitude of 65° 20′", writes Baffin. (This would be

at about near Sukkertoppen, or the Coekayne Cockins Sound visited by Baffin on his first

voyage.) Here they gave pieces of iron to the Eskimos, who were quite disap–

pointed that they did mot tarry, and followed the ship for awhile in their

boats. At 70° 20′ they "came to anchor in a faire sound (neere the place

Master Dauis called London Coast)". (This would be in the neighborhood of

Disko Island, whose north point is in 70° 20′ N.) Here the Eskimos fled at

sight of the Englishmen, who stayed for two days to take in wa fresh water,. et

        ¶ They The Discovery then plied still northward , . and o O en May 26 they spied a dead whale, made

fast to it, and got as much whale-bone as they could before the whale broke

loose. By May 30 they came to Hope Sanderson, "the farthest land Master

Dauis was at, lying between 72 and 73°". (Davis gives the latitude of Hope

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William Baffin

Sanderson at 72° 12′ N.) Here they ran into much ice, which they put into,

plying all the next day to get through it. Then they put in among a group

of islands, where the Eskimos again fled from them, "leauing their tents

behinde, and vpon a small rocke they hid two young maides, or women. Our

ship riding not farre off, we espyed them, to whom our master, with some

other of our companie, went in the boate, they making signes to be carried

to the iland, where their tents were close adioyning. When they came thither

they found two old women more...". They later saw another woman with a

child at her back, and they named the islands Womens Islands (now Upernavik

Island and the surrounding islets). Baffin here gives another description

of the Greenland Eskimos and their customs, noting particularly the tattoo–

ing of the women.

        From here they proceeded to around 74° and saw three small islands , which

were probably those now know n as the Baffin Islands, north of Cape Shackleton.

Here Baffin noted signs of habitation, but observes that the people had that

year not as yet come. They left the shore and put into the middle of the

pack, "but this attempt was soon quailed [2?] " , as they found it too perilous, and

put in for the shore again.

        ¶ [ ?] A place which in 73° 45′ Baffin named Horn Sound, be–

cause the Eskimos there gave them "many peeces of the bone or horne of the

sea vnicorne", in addition to sealskins, etc., in exchange for the usual

iron and trinkets.

        See we get biog of Wolstenhome. Progressing northward, on July 1 they "were come into an open sea, in the latitude of

75° 40′, which again anew reuiued our hope of a passage". Foul weather

caused them to run along the land again, and Baffin named a point, which ac–

cording to him was in 76° 35′, Sir Dudley Digges (q.v.) Cape. Twelve leagues

distant from this they discovered a sound, which they named Wolstenholme (q.v.)

Sound (still so called). They were forced to drift in a storm and found

themselves imbayed in a great sound which they named Whale Sound because

they saw great numbers of whales in it.(Hval Sund on modern maps).

       ¶ With

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fair weather they the Discovery put ahead until they came to a great bank of ice,

"it being backed with land" . and w W hen they saw this they determined to

stand back some eight leagues to an island which they named Ha [ ?] luyt's

Isle--"it lyeth betweene two great Sounds, the one Whale Sound, and the other

Sir Thomas Smith's Sound; this last runneth to the north of 78°, and is

admirable in one respect, because it is the greatest variation of the

compasse of any part of the world known".

        Baffin then describes their attempts to land without succes s on

various islands in lower Smith Sound, a group of which they named the

Carey (or Cary) Islands, "all which Sounds and ilands", he says, "the map doth

truly describe.".Here it must be remarked that the loss of Baffin's map

of this voyage is an irremediable one. Rev. Samuel Purchas (q.v.) tells

us: "This map of the author for this and the former voyage, with the

tables of his iournall and sayling, were somewhat troublesome and too

costly to insert".

        (Include Insert here : see. p.14a)

        On July 12 the expedition they discovered and named Lancaster Sound, after Sir

James Lancaster, voyager to the East Indies and himself a promoter of

all contemporary voyages of discovery. Here, says Baffin, their hope of a passage be–

gan to lessen every day, for from this sound to the southward they had a

ledge of ice between the shore and themselves. The ice"led" them into

latitude 65° 40′, he writes, and then they left off"seeking to the west

shoare" because they were in the "indraft" of Cumberland Sound. Since the

year was so far spent, they decided to run across to Greenland and put in

at Cockin Sound for refreshm a ent. Baffin tells us that they went ashore on

a little island near this sound and found a great abundance of the herb

called scurvy grass. This they boiled in beer and drank, "using it also

in sallets, with sorrell and orpen, which here greweth in abundance; by

means hereof, and the blessing of God, all our men within eight or nine

014a      |      Vol_XV-0057                                                                                                                  
William Baffin

Insert for p. 14

       ¶ While it is true that it was Purchas' s lack of funds and not merely only his lack

of discrimination which led to his omission, his failure to print the tab–

ulated journal and map led to such geographical blunders and to such con–

fusion , during the next to two centuries, that the very existence of Baffin Bay

came to be doubted. , and i It is only within the period of modern exploration

that the eclipsed greatness an of Baffin emerges from its eclipse. Markham,

in his edition of Baffin's voyages, traces the history of these errors re–

specting Baffin Bay by means of an interesting illuminating series of maps.

015      |      Vol_XV-0058                                                                                                                  
William Baffin

dayes space were in perfect health, and so continued till our arriuall

in England". They arrived August 30.

        See we have biog of him.

        Baffin, on his return, made a report to Sir John Wolstenholme (q.v.) as on

the prospect of a passage through Davis Strait and its upper reaches ,

now called Baffin Bay for their discoverer. He had lost hope that the

search in this direction would be more fruitful than through Hudson

Strait, and sets forth his reasons in very clear fashion. He then stress–

es the profit to be derived from a whaling industry in the Greenland wa–

ters. He modestly mentions the contributions to knowledge of his own 400

geographical discoveries and scientific observations. This letter was

fortunately printed by Purchas along with the narrative, and it is these

two documents which furnish us with the main incidents of Baffin's great

discovery and and with his scientific conclusions from it.

        Markham, still our leading authority on Baffin, writes: "Baffin had

now made five voyages to the Arctic Regions. The fiords and islets of

West Greenland, the glaciers and ice floes of Spitzbergen, the tidal

phenomena of Hudson's Straits, and the unveiled geographical secrets of

the far northern bay, were all familiar to him. He had practically sought

out, and deeply pondered over the absorbing questions of polar discovery. As

an astronomical observer and navigator, his unwearied diligence was as re–

markable as his talent, and in this branch of study he was certainly in ad–

vance of his contemporaries. If he was a self-taught man, who had risen

from a humble origin, he had so far educated himself as to be able to

write letters which are not only well-expressed, but graced with classical

allusions. He was probably past middle age when, in August 1616, he returned

from his great discovery, and sought for some new employment".

        To the above Markham adds that it was not to be expected that Arctic

016      |      Vol_XV-0059                                                                                                                  
William Baffin

problems could be effaced from Baffin's mind. Like John Davis before him,

he conceived the idea of attempting the passage from Japan and the coast

of Asia. Purchas tells us that Baffin told him, before his untimely death

"in the late Ormus businesse", "that hee would, if hee might get employment,

search the passage from Japan, by the coast of Asia ( qua data porta ) any

way he could". The employment which he found in the hope of carrying out

this ambition was in the employment of with the East India Company, which, in

the winter of 1616, was preparing its fleet for its seventh joint-stock

voyage early in the following year. It was to be commanded by Captain

Martin Pring, on board the Royal James . Baffin u o btained an appointment

as master's mate on the Anne Royal , commanded by Andrew Shilling.

        The fleet left Gravesend on February 4, 1617, and and arrived at Saldanha

Bay, on the Cape of Good Hope, on June 21. By this time many of the men were afflicted with scurvy,

which was the most terrible scourge of the Indian voyage. On landing, Captain Pr

Pring was obliged to use force to obtain get a supply of cattle and sheep, but

a number were obtained, and the sick men, cured by the fresh meat, soon grew

strong again.

        ¶ In September, 1617, the fleet arrived at Surat, on the west

coast of India. The Company then decided to send Captain Shilling to the

Red Sea. "for settling an English trade in those parts". Instructions were

drawn up by Sir Thomas Roe (q.v.), Ambassador at the Court of the Mogul.

The Anne Royal , with Baffin aboard, anchored off Mocha April 13, 1618. The

merchants went ashore with presents for the Governor, and Shilling succeeded

in obtaining a grant from the Pasha for English merchants to trade at Mocha and

Aden.

        ¶ In May the Anne Royal crossed the Red Sea to the African side, for the

benefit of the sick aboard, to procure ballast, and to explore the coast.

Here Baffin occupied himself very diligently in surveying and preparing charts.

        ¶ After a return to Mocha and thence to India, the ship was again later in the

year sent to the Persian Gulf. Baffin again made use of his time in observing

017      |      Vol_XV-0060                                                                                                                  
William Baffin

and surveying the coasts. Returning to Surat, the Anne Royal commenced her home.

ward voyage in February 1619 and arrived in the Thames in September.

        In the minutes of the Court of the East India Company of October 1, 1619,

appears the following entry: "William Baffyn, a master's mate in the Anne , to hav

a gratuity for his pains and good art in drawing out certain plots of the coast

of Persia and the Red Sea, which are judged to have been very well and artifi–

cially [ i.e., artfully ] performed; some to be drawn out by Adam Bowen, for the

benefit of such as shall be employed in those parts". (Adam Bowen was a clerk

employed in the Company's to draw up sailing directions from the journals and

prepare copies of charts.)

        A new fleet of six ships was sent the following year to the East, with Shilling in comm

command, aboard a great new ship named the London ;. William Baffin, at the

special recommendation of Captain Shilling, was appointed her master, and thus

received command of a ship for the first time. Before they approached the Per- Off the coast of India in

sian Gulf in November they received word that a combined force of Portuguese and Dutch

ships had been waiting was waiting off J a á shak, near the entrance of the Persiam Gulf, to inter–

cept and attack the English ships. The latter then went in search of the enemy,

and December 16 ,1620, came in sight of two large Portuguese ships and two smaller

Flemish vessels.

        ¶ The fight commenced at once, and continued without intermis–

sion for nine hours. The Portuguese then anchored to repair damages, and the

English ships put into Jashak Roads. ¶ The two fleets watched each other for

ten days and a second encounter took place on December 28. Captain Shilling was

wounded, and died on January 6, 1621. Captain Blithe, of the Harte , assumed command. ¶In February the fleet returned to Surat.

It was then to have been sent to the Red Sea, but it was found too late in the sea

season, and was sent to the coast of Arabia instead . Baffin, in the London ,

put into the port of Sur, on the Oman coast, and found water and palm trees.

Here they remained at anchor until August 15, when the n y again set sail for

India.

       ¶ The English now agreed with Shah Abbas the Great of Persia to drive

018      |      Vol_XV-0061                                                                                                                  
William Baffin

the Portuguese out of the island of Ormuz by a joint attack. This ,

island, in the Persian Gulf, had been occupied by the Viceroy Affonso

Albuquerque the Great in 1515, and a strong fort had been built there

by the Portuguese, and an exorbitant tribute exacted from the people.

The English fleet arrived off the town of Ormuz on January 20, 1622, and

found the Portuguese already beleaguered by a Persian army.

        The first operation of the English was to land guns from each ship

and throw up batteries. The siege commenced, and after two days Baffin

went on shore with his mathematical instruments to take the height and

distance of the castle walls in order to find the range "for the better

levelling of his piece. But as he was about the same, he received a

shot from the castle." Purchas says: "In the Indies he dyed, in the late

Ormus businesse, slain in fight with a shot, as hee was trying his

mathematicall proiects and conclusions." This was on January 23, 1622.

Early in February the Portuguese surrendered.

        There is no record of Baffin's having made a will. His widow is

described as impatient and troublesome, which appears to have been due

to her pressing claims for money due her deceased husband. She eventually

received £500. He probably left no surviving children, for we do not

hear of any, either as claimants to his property or as recipients of

the charity of the Company, as in the case of Henry Hudson's son and

the children of other men who had served the Company well.

        Baffin's case is one of the two or three most notable in the history

of exploration where a man highly respected in his day fell into gradual

disrepute, to be vindicated by later generations. The outstanding case

is, of course, that of Pytheas, who had a topmost reputation while he

lived and a good reputation for a century or two thereafter, but who

019      |      Vol_XV-0062                                                                                                                  
William Baffin

then declined in the esteem of scholars until his name became a

synonym for Ananias, and so remained for nearly two thousand years.

A pioneer in the rehabilitation of Pytheas was Sir Clements Markham,

president of the Royal Geographical Society of London. Markham was

also a pioneer in the vindication of Baffin, who had sunk so low that

many were beginning to feel that his work was of little consequence.

Now Pytheas ranks with the half-dozen greatest explorers of all time,

and Baffin with the dozen greatest in the field of arctic exploration.

---

Bibliography

Purchas, Samuel Purchas his Pilgrimes , London, 1625, Vol. III

Churchill, John Collection of Voyages and Travels , London, 1732, Vol. VI

Fotherby, Robert "A Short Discourse of a Voyage made in the Yeare of

our Lord 1613, to the Late Discouered Countrye of

Greenland; and a Briefe Discription of the same

Countrie, and the Comodities ther raised to the

Adventurers," in Transactions and Collections of the

American Antiquarian Society (1860), Vol. IV

Markham, Clements R. (ed.) The Voyages of William Baffin, 1612-1622 ,

London, Hakluyt Society, 1881

Gosch, C.C.A. (ed.) Danish Arctic Expeditions, 1605 to 1620 , Book I,

London, Hakluyt Society, 1897

Rundall, Thomas Narratives of Voyages towards the North-West , London,

Hakluyt Society, 1849

Christy, Miller (ed.) The Voyages of Captain Luke Foxe of Hull, and

Captain Thomas James of Bristol, in Search of a

North-West Passage, in 1631-32 , London, Hakluyt Society,

1894

Dictionary of National Biography article, William Baffin

       

Eloise McCaskill

018      |      Vol_XV-0063                                                                                                                  
William Baffin

        Rewritten

        the Portuguese out of the island of Ormuz by a joint attack. This island, had in the

Persian Gulf, had been occupied by the Viceroy Affonso Albuquerque the

Great in 1515, and a strong fort had been built there by the Portuguese,

and an exor bitant tribute exacted from the people. The English fleet arrived

off the town of Ormuz on January 20, 1622, and found the Portuguese already

beleaguered by a Persian army.

        ¶ The first operation of the English was to land

guns from each ship and throw up batteries. The siege commenced, and after

two days Baffin went on shore with his mathematical instruments to take the

height and distance of the castle walls in order to find the range "for the- bet

better levelling of his piece. But as he was about the same, he received a shot

from the castle " into his belly, " wherewith he gave three leaps, and died im–

mediately". Purchas says: "In the Indies he dyed, in the late Ormus businesse,

slain in fight with a shot, as hee was trying his mathematicall proiects and

conclusions". This was on January 23, 1622. On February A few days Early

in February the Portuguese surrendered.

        There is no record of Baffin's having made a will. His widow is described as impatient and troublesome, out this which ap–

pears to have been due to her pressing claims for money due her deceased hus–

band. He probably left

no surviving children, for we do not hear of any, either as claimants to

his property or as recipients of the charity of the Company, as in the case

of Henry Hudson's son and the children of other men who had served the Com–

pany well. His widow is described as impatient and troublesome, out this which ap–

pears to have been due to her pressing claims for money due her deceased hus–

band. Of this She eventually received £ 500. Omit? In August, 1623, Sir John Wolstenholme, her husband's Baffin's patron, advised

her to have patience awhile. On November 21 of the same year, she appeared

before the Company's Court in person, accompanied by a Mr. Robert Bourne, and

"made demand of her husband's estate, who deceased in the Indies in the Com–

pany's service". The Court told them that "if Baffin's estate were questioned

it might prove dangerous to the widow, especially if it be true, which she

pretends, that he carried £600 out in money, a thing utterly unlawful". The

019      |      Vol_XV-0064                                                                                                                  
William Baffin

Omit Court proposed arbitration, and the affair dragged out for several years.

Finally, in January, 1628, it the Court ordered that Mrs. Baffin should have £ 500

in satisfaction of all claims in full, provided that she, her friend Mr.

Bourne, and her second husband, should join in a discharge to the Company.

It was said that she was then advanced in years and deaf, and "had made

an unequal choice of a man not the best governed". At any rate, the Court

promised so to work out some plan with her husband by which that she might be taken

care of out of the funds allotted by the grant.

        Insert Estimate attached)

---

Bibliography

Samuel Purchas: Purchas his Pilgrimes , London, 1625, Vol. III

John Churchill: Collection of Voyages and Travels , London, 1732, Vol. VI

Robert Fotherby: "A Short Discourse of a Voyage made in the Yeare of Our Lord

1613, to the Late Discouered Countrye of Greenland; and a Briefe

Discription of the same Countrie, and the Comodities ther raised

to the Adventurers", in Transactions and Collections of the American

Antiquarian Society (1860), Vol. IV,

Clements R. Markham(ed.): The Voyages of William Baffin , 1612-1622, London,

Hakluyt Society, 1881

C.C.A. Gosch (ed.) : Danish Arctic Expeditions, 1605 to 1620 , Book I, London,

Hakluyt Society, 1897

Thomas Rundall: Narratives of Voyages [?] towards the North-West , London,

Hakluyt Society, 1849

Miller Christy (ed.): The Voyages of Captain Luke Foxe of Hull, and Captain

Thomas James of Bristol, in Search of a North-West Passage, in

1631-32 , London, Hakluyt Society, 1894

Dictionary of National Biography : article, William [?] Baffin

Unpaginated      |      Vol_XV-0065                                                                                                                  

        (Insert for page 19 of William Baffin manuscript)

        Baffin's case is one of the two or three most notable

in the history of exploration where a man highly respected

in his day fell into gradual disrepute, to be vindicated

by later generations. The outstanding case is, of course,

that of Pytheas, who had a topmost reputation while he lived

and a good reputation for a century or two thereafter, but

who then declined in the esteem of scholars until his name

became a synonym for Ananias, and so remained for nearly

two thousand years. A pioneer in his Pytheas the rehabilitation of Pytheas was

Sir Clement s Markham, president of the Royal Geographical

Society of London. Markham was also a pioneer in the vindi–

cation of Baffin, who had sunk so low that many were begin–

ning to feel that his work was of little consequence. Now

Pytheas ranks with the half-dozen greatest explorers of

all time, and Baffin with the dozen greatest in the field

of Arctic exploration.