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    The Indians

    Encyclopedia Arctica 8: Anthropology and Archeology


    The Indians

    Regional Description

    The Tlingit, Haida, and Eyak Indians of Southeastern Alaska


    001      |      Vol_VIII-0116                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop.

    (Viola E. Garfield)


    THE TLINGIT, HAIDA, AND EYAK INDIANS OF SOUTHEASTERN ALASKA

           

    Tlingit and Haida

            The Tlingit Indians occupy the mountainous and deeply indented coast of

    southeastern Alaska and the equally rugged islands of Alexander archipelago,

    except for a small southern area occupied by the Kaigani tribe of Haida. Though

    the Tlingit crossed the coast range to hunt, fish, and trade in the interior,

    their permanent residences and resource areas were located on the Pacific water–

    shed. With a few exceptions villages were on salt water or near the mouths of

    streams within easy reach of tidewater.

            Katalla was the westernmost village, though the Tlingit ranged farther west

    to hunt and trade, and may have had villages or camps at the mouth of the Copper

    River in pre-white times. The Eyak were their western neighbors on the mainland.

    Tlingit and Eskimo disputed possession of Kayak Island during the nineteenth

    century and the Tlingit attached Baranov's party on Hinchinbrook Island at the

    entrance to Prince William Sound in 1792. At the time of the Russian occupation

    they were evidently expanding westward. Dixon's Entrance and Portland Canal mark–

    ed the southern and southeastern boundaries, respectively.

            Haida from the northern end of Queen Charlotte Islands crossed Dixon's

    Entrance in the early eighteenth century as a consequence of local feuds. They

    drove the Tlingit from their homes and fishing areas and, by the end of the cen–

    tury, had taken over the southern third of Prince of Wales Island and adjacent

    smaller islands.During the fur trade era they congregated in Kaigani

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    EA-Anthrop. Garfield: Indians of Southeastern Alaska

    Strait between Dall and Long islands where there was good anchorage for ships.

            In the fourteen or fifteen named geographic divisions of the Tlingit the

    people are referred to by the name of the island, river basin, or local area

    in which they lived. There was at least one large town in each tribal area.

    Klukwan, Hoonah, Angoon, and Kake are the only existing towns which have been

    occupied since pre-white times. There were dialectic and cultural differences

    between the people of the localities, especially marked between the westerly

    Yakutat and tribes of the southern archipelago. The Alaska Haida belong to a

    single tribal division, the Kaigani. They occupied four main villages, Sukkwan,

    Klinkwan, Howkan, and Kasaan, but are now concentrated in the towns of Hydaburg

    and New Kassan, neither of which are on sites of pre-white villages. The geo–

    graphic divisions or tribes had no political or economic unity. Political or

    governmental functions were limited to the localized segments of clans.

            Tlingit and Haida are classified as Nadene languages. Eyak and the wide–

    spread Athapascan languages are also members of the Nadene stock. Dialects of

    Athapascan are spoken by most of the natives of the interior of Alaska and parts

    of adjacent Yukon Territory and British Columbia. There are dialectic differ–

    ences in Tlingit, the study and classification of which have not been completed.

    The Kaigani speak the Masset dialect of Haida.

            Traditions of the Tlingit point to the interior as the home of many of

    their ancestors who moved down the rivers and inlets and then to the islands.

    Other traditions trace origins of some of their lineages to the Haida of Queen

    Charlotte Islands and the Tsimshian of the British Columbia mainland. In addi–

    tion there is evidence of pre-Tlingit native inhabitants whose customs, language,

    and cultural affiliations are not at all clear. They may be considered the abor–

    iginal population of the Alaska archipelago, which has been settled for a long

    period of time. Haida traditions also point to a mixed origin.



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    EA-Anthrop. Garfield: Indians of Southeastern Alaska

            Certain distinctive features of kinship organization, economics, hereditary

    class prerogatives, and artistic elaboration, which the Tlingit and Haida share

    with other Northwest Coast tribes, were certainly developed within their own

    area with a minimum of direct external stimulus. Cultural exchange between the

    Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian and between the last two and the Kwakiutl spread

    many traits which give the region a unique cast in North America, and set the

    Tlingit off from their Athapascan and Eskimo neighbors. However, the Tlingit

    and Haida share generalized traits with other peoples of the circumpolar Old

    and New Worlds.

            Chirikov, who reached what is believed to be Sitka Sound in 1741, is

    credited with being the first explorer to have landed man in Tlingit territory.

    Earlier arrival of Asiatics in Tlingit and Haid a territory is a possibility, but

    the evidence is not conclusive. A Russian colony was started in Yakutat Bay in

    1795 and destroyed by the Tlingit in 1805. The colony at Sitka suffered the

    same fate but was re-established in 1804 to become the first permanent settle–

    ment of the invaders in the Tlingit homeland. Opening of the maritime fur trade

    in the 1770's brought Northwest Coast Indians into such intimate contact with

    Europeans as to have resulted in an almost complete breakdown of their cultures.

    The Kaigani met the fur traders a few years before the Tlingit but European

    settlers did not invade Haida territory in any numbers until the 1880s.

            Though much could be gleaned about Tlingit and Haida life and customs from

    Russian sources and journals of fur traders and explorers, no comprehensive

    study has been made of these materials. The earliest systematic descriptions

    of the natives of the Alaska archipelago are to be found in Aurel Krause's,

    Dic Tlinkit Indianer, published in 1885, and Albert P. Niblack's, The Coast

    Indians of Southern Alaska and Northern British Columbia , printed in 1888. Both

    004      |      Vol_VIII-0119                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Garfield: Indians of Southeastern Alaska

    men reported on personal observations and results of inquiries, though they

    also drew on published material and on ethnological collections from the area.

    The first field work by a trained ethnologist was by John R. Swanton in 1904,

    the results of which were published in two volumes: Tlingit Myths and Texts,

    and Social Conditions, Beliefs, and Linguistic Relationship of the Tlingit

    Indians . Despite its limitations, the latter remains the only comprehensive

    study of the social organization. Later studies have mainly dealt with the

    formal structure of Tlingit society, the prestige value of wealth, and the

    distribution of it in potlatches. Little has been done to explain the basic

    economic structure which could support potlatching in all its complex manifes–

    tations. A detailed economic study of Klukwan village on the Chilkat River,

    was made by Kalvero Oberg. The results were summarized in The Social Economy

    of the Tlingit Indians
    , University of Chicago (unpublished).

            Niblack included the Queen Charlotte and Kaigani Haida in his study and

    Swanton visited the Haida in 1900-01. He published Haida Texts, Masset Dialect ,

    and Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida . George P. Murdock has pub–

    lished two important papers on Particular aspects of Haida culture: The Kinship

    System of the Haida
    , and Rank and Potlatch Among the Haida .

            The effect of maritime fur trade in the period of sea otter hunting from

    about 1780 to 1825, has been studied by Joyce Wike Holder for the whole North

    west Coast area, providing a good basis for a more detailed examination of the

    effect on various Tlingit and Haida groups involved. Sea otter hunting, which

    was more advantageous for those living on the outer islands, left the mainland

    people isolated and in the backwash of the new wealth. The effects of develop–

    ing competition for land furs in the middle nineteenth century and of transition

    from Russian to American control have not been investigated.



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    EA-Anthrop. Garfield: Indians of Southeastern Alaska

            Situated in an area rich in fish and other marine life and with an abund–

    ance of timber, the Tlingit and Haida were maritime people subsisting largely

    on sea food. This was supplemented by meat, berries, and vegetable foods.

    Melting snow and heavy rainfall combine to furnish southeastern Alaska with

    numerous streams, ranging in size from the large Copper, Chilkat, Taku, and

    Stikine rivers to small creeks. Each is a spawning ground for one or more of

    the five varieties of salmon, which, utilized fresh and dried, was the staple

    food of the Indians and is now the backbone of the fishing industry in the

    American Northwest. The Indians were able to take full advantage of this vast

    storehouse of perishable foods only because they knew how to dry and smoke

    fish, meat, and berries, render oil from fish and seals, and how to preserve

    meat and berries by sealing them in fat.

            Unlike most hunting and fishing tribes, the Tlingit and Haida lived in

    permanent villages, which were occupied during the winter months and to which

    the occupants returned periodically during the summer with food supplies. Most

    social activities took place in the villages and many possessions of the in–

    habitants were kept there. The large, well-built homes were constructed of

    split, dressed red cedar planks on a framework of logs. The four corner posts

    were sometimes ornamented with painted and carved crest figures, which also

    appeared on facades of some homes. Carved mortuary and totem poles stood in

    front of the houses or nearby. Furnished with richly carved and painted wooden

    chests and dishes, and with mats and baskets, homes were colorful. By contrast,

    camp structures were usually roughly built shelters or small, undecorated build–

    ings similar in construction to permanent homes. Furnishings were reduced to

    easily transported camp equipment. Smokehouses were built at the fish camps.

    These were also similar in design to dwellings and were built since they were

    used every summer. Some families lived in their smokehouses instead of building

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    EA-Anthrop. Garfield: Indians of Southeastern Alaska

    separate quarters. Since the seas was his highway, an Indian's home or camp

    faced the water, only a few steps from the beach and his canoe.

            The large dugout canoe made exploitation of an extensive area possible.

    Each lineage or house group owned fishing, trapping, and hunting territories,

    berry patches, beaches, and other resrouce areas, some of them long distances

    from their winter village, and trips of hundreds of miles in the course of a

    year were not infrequent. Long journeys were made not only to collect food

    necessities and delicacies from house group resources, but also to trade or

    visit with neighboring tribes, or to raid them.

            The seasonal nature of salmon, herring, and olachen runs determined the

    food-getting activities or Northwest Coast Indians throughout the year. The

    yearly exodus from winter villages to fish camps began with the runs of olachen,

    a variety of candlefish with high oil content, in late February or early March.

    Olachen were not as widely distributed as salmon and herring. All of the

    tribes who could, congregated on the Nass River where the largest runs of

    olachen were found. Some of the fish were dried but the greater quantity were

    converted into oil. The major salmon runs began the first of June and lasted

    until the latter part of October. Many permanent villages were virtually de–

    serted when families scattered to fish camps, following the main runs of the

    different varieties. Sockeyes, which run from July to September in small and

    large streams, were the favorite fish for drying. Cohoes, caught from July

    to November, were second in importance. The men also went deep-sea fishing

    for halibut and cod during the spring and summer. Women dressed and dried fish

    brought in by the men and cooperated with them in making oil. Shellfish, berries,

    and vegetable foods were collected and prepared exclusively by women. They also

    gathered grasses, roots, and cedar bark for mats and baskets. Seal meat, oil,

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    and skins were utilized by tribes living in Icy Strait and westward, but less

    important to the rest of the Tlingit. Sea lions were also hunted, but for

    sport rather than to provide necessary food. Before the fur trade stimulated

    fur seal and sea otter hunting, these were hunted for their pelts in the spring

    during migration along the outer coast to their northern breeding grounds.

            Bear, mountain goat, and deer were hunted during September and October.

    By the first of November the food supply had been gathered and stored in the

    winter villages or in conveniently located camp caches. By late November most

    of the villagers were back in their winter homes. Some trapping was carried

    on during the winter months even before the commercial demand for furs, but only

    a few men were concerned with it.

            The only individuals not actively involved in the seasonal economic shifts

    were the shamans, who did very little hunting and fishing, and some of the

    older men who specialized in canoe building or totem pole carving from which

    they gained their livelihood.

            Some fishing and hunting were done during the winter to supply fresh fish

    and meat. If a large potlatch or feast had been given the hosts and their fam–

    ilies were sometimes short of stored food by late winter and were forced to

    forage. Tales of whole villages faced with starvation are common to the North

    west Coast and could only be due to lack of judgment and foresight in storing

    of sufficient food during the summer or to too lavish feasting during early

    winter. Since guests were served more than they could possibly eat and were

    given food as presents, a round of feasting and entertaining could easily have

    left a village with severaly depleted supplies before the spring run of fish.

            Normally villagers were relatively free from food collecting activities

    from late November to early March. They turned their energies and attention to

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    potlatching, feasting, visiting, and artistic pursuits. Women wove blankets,

    made clothing, and converted raw materials into mats and baskets. Carvers and

    craftsmen made the many small articles such as masks, dishes, spoons, and rattles

    that were in demand, and made and repaired tools and weapons. Houses, totem

    poles and mortuary columns were made and dedicated, shamans held their demonstra–

    tions of powers, other men exhibited their hereditary spirits, and most of the

    dramatic productions were staged. Funeral services were sometimes deferred un–

    til winter and commemorative potlatches were always held then. Novices sought

    guardian spirits, dancers and singers practiced for potlatches, composers taught

    new songs for the coming festivities, and craftsmen designed and made stage prop–

    erties and directed the staging of dramas. A minimum of time was expended in

    day-to-day food getting and subsistence activities. Stormy days and long even–

    ings gave storytellers uninterrupted hours to practice their art, while listeners

    occupied themselves with hand work.

            Supplies of food and manufactured goods were also sufficient to provide a

    surplus for trade. Active barter was carried on between the Tlingit, Haida, and

    Tsimshian even before the fur trade greatly increased exchangeable wealth. The

    Tlingit traded with the Athapascans for ermine, marmot, elk, and moose skins and

    for copper, the most valuable commodity of all. Large canoes, manufactured by

    the Haida, and olachen grease from Nass River were also popular. Standards of

    barter values facilitated exchange. Marmot skins and bundles of dried fish were

    the smallest standards of value. Moose and elk skins, in bundles of twenty skins

    each, had recognized exchange value in terms of other commodities. Wooden boxes

    in which olachen grease was stored were measured and standardized in terms of

    skins, canoes, and other products. The custom of comparing different commodities

    against each other was very useful in dealing with the fur traders and resulted

    009      |      Vol_VIII-0124                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Garfield: Indians of Southeastern Alaska

    in even greater standardization of comparative values of intertribal barter

    goods. With the establishment of the Hudson's Bay Company on the coast in the

    1830s, blankets stocked by them became the units of value to which all other

    commodities were adjusted.

            Trading was a prerogative of house heads, who monopolized barter in slaves

    and copper shields, and supervised trading done by their followers. Women took'

    an active part, not only in barter of commodities made by them but also in the

    bargaining carried on by the men. The main stimulus for trade was to accumulate

    goods for a potlatch or feast, hence perishables were converted into durable,

    easily stored, nonbulky skins, copper shields, and Chilkat blankets in pre–

    white times. Later, commercial blankets were the chief items of stored wealth,

    though cloth was also popular.

            Trading expeditions were mainly organized during the fall when the store

    of food and goods was at its height. This applied to both pre-white and fur

    trade days. Fur traders commented on the rapidity with which items they barter–

    ed to one group spread through the area.

            The kinship grouping of the Tlingit was based on two exogamous, matrilineal

    divisions or moieties, which had no other function than the regulation of spouse

    selection. Legal marriage was possible only between members of opposite moieties.

    Ethnologists have designated these the Ravens and Wolves. The latter division

    is referred to as the Eagle moiety in the southern tribes. Those designations

    are derived from the principal crests of the two sides, though not all of the

    members of the Wolf moiety claim the wolf as their totemic animal. Some, as

    noted above, claim the eagle. Tlingit names for the moieties are so little used

    that the natives themselves do not agree on the correct terms, and usually cannot

    translate those they offer.



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    EA-Anthrop. Garfield: Indians of Southeastern Alaska

            Most individuals were much less concerned with their moiety affiliation

    than with the clan, or its smaller, more intimate division, the house group.

    House groups had names, in most cases derived from the name of an original

    dwelling. All descendants of the house, traced through women, are known by a

    single term derived from the name of the dwelling. Many of these house groups

    are now scattered throughout Tlingit territory and also have recognized rela–

    tives in Eyak, Athapascan, Haida, and Tsimshian tribes. Many of the clans like–

    wise trace their origin to a very small group who started a new line. At pres–

    ent most clans include members of a number of separate houses, and are, like the

    house groups, non-localized. Individuals are born into a house group and clan,

    and be derivation, into a moiety. Only captivity and slavery could deprive them

    of the benefits and responsibilities of membership.

            Like the Tlingit, Haida kinship was traced through the mother's line.

    There were also two moieties, designated by ethnologists the Ravens and Eagles

    after the principal crests. Clans and house groups of the Haida and Tlingit

    were so equated that marriages between them preserved the rules of matrilineal

    descent and property inheritance.

            The house group was the effective political, social and economic unit. A

    house head or chief presided over each house, was custodian of the community

    property of its members, directed their social and economic activties and ad–

    ministered legal affairs, disciplined younger members and demanded redress for

    crimes against persons or property under his jurisdiction. A chief of a parent

    house with several younger, branch houses under his control could wield a great

    deal of power.

            All economically vital natural resources were owned by house groups. The or–

    etically, all members of the group had equal right to exploit such resources.

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    Actually, the house head, as custodian and administrator, dictated the collec–

    tion and disposition of raw and manufactured materials, over and above those

    necessary for subsistence. Since the exploitation of resources was efficient

    enough to provide sizeable surpluses which the house head could manipulate

    largely for his own benefit, and since certain kinds of property like slaves

    and copper shields were so expensive that only wealthy men could own them, a

    chief actually had access to much more wealth than his followers. House heads

    also acquired personal property rights. Ermine, marten, and sea otter skins,

    copper shields, slaves, and certain salmon streams were some of the wealth appre–

    priated by chiefs for their exclusive use. Also, individuals under his juris–

    diction were obligated to contribute a portion of everything they acquired through

    their own efforts. The house head provided for his group in times of famine,

    and gave feasts for them.

            Chieftainship descended in the mother's line; the heir was a younger brother

    or sister's son. Since younger brothers were often designated heads of subsid–

    iary houses, it was more usual for a nephew to succeed. The position never passed

    to a woman. There were no clan chiefs, hence all political power was concentrated

    in the house group. These small groups with their property, separatist tradition,

    rivalry, and jealous guarding of their prerogatives prevented even a village

    from joining forces to protect their common interests. Russian and American

    invaders forced a grudging recognition of a few chiefs as spokesmen or representa–

    tives with whom the outsiders could deal, but did not bring about any real polit–

    ical unity.

            An hereditary class system developed among the Tlingit and Haida as it did

    among other Northwest Coast Indians. House heads and those directly descended

    from their sisters, the sons of whom were legitimate heirs for chieftainships

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    belonged to the class of nobility. Since chiefs were also expected to be, and

    usually were, the wealthiest members of the tribe, the highest social ranking

    was accorded those descended from a long line of chiefs who were at the same time

    the wealthiest members. Because of concentration of control of house group and

    personal property there was a tendency for the descendants of younger lines to

    lose status. It was natural for chiefs to select wives from the daughters or

    sisters of chiefs in order to maintain class standing for themselves, and espec–

    ially for their children, but there were obvious advantages in combining the

    wealth of two lines. In short, two influences helped to maintain the wealthy

    class; the hereditary advantages of birth, and monopoly of wealth within the class.

            The middle class or commoners were those descended from women whose sons

    were not eligible for chieftainship. Commoners owned only their tools, weapons,

    and personal effects. They did not wear the rare and costly sea otter, seal, and

    ermine furs, nor ornaments of copper and abalone shell. They did not undertake

    house building, totem pole raising, or potlatches, but assisted their chiefs in

    these enterprises.

            Outside the social pale were the slaves, who were war captives and those of

    slave parentage. Many of these were Kwakiutl, captured or bought from southern

    villages, though Haida, Tlingit, Tsimshian and Athapascan villages were also

    raided. As many as forty slaves have been reported as belonging to a single

    chief, though this numer is said to have been collected especially for a potlatch

    at which they were given away. Ten to fifteen have been reported for a number

    of households in the middle nineteenth century, and every house head is said to

    have owned at least one. Chiefs' wives owned their own men and women slaves,

    and slaves were assigned to attend the chief's children. Slaves were often given

    to a bride as a dowry from her father.



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    EA-Anthrop. Garfield: Indians of Southeastern Alaska

            The emphasis of Northwest Coast tribes has been on the prestige value of

    their slaves and the use of them to represent wealth in the potlatches, where

    they were presented as gifts or killed as a conspicuous display of riches. Men

    boasted about the number they owned, or gave away and killed but no chief boasted

    of the number of man-hours either his clansmen or his slaves had spent to get

    the wealth together for a potlatch. It was not a part of the culture pattern

    to dwell on the time or labor involved. The boasting was rather on the prowess,

    cunning, and cleverness of the man who had provided his guests with such spec–

    tacular entertainment and display of goods. Ethnologists have taken the Indians'

    emphasis on the prestige value of slaves as a true picture of their importance

    and have neglected the collection of factual data regarding the economic role of

    slavery. In households of from ten to twenty-five free people, two slaves must

    have been productively important, while fifteen would materially contribute to

    the accumulated wealth of their owners, even though there were no specific kinds

    of work reserved for slaves alone. Men slaves paddled canoes on sea hunting and

    fishing expeditions, saving their masters' strength for the productive part of

    the trip. They also helped with fishing and there is little reason to suppose

    that their catch was less than that of a free man. Slave men out and packed

    meat on a hunt, supplied the home and smokehouse with wood, and did many monoton–

    ous but necessary tasks. Women assisted their mistresses in daily tasks. Since

    all reports agree that slaves wore cast-off clothing, ate left-overs and slept

    on worn-out bedding in the coldest part of the house, they must certainly have

    consumed very little. They themselves were wealth and could be converted into

    negotiable commodities of lesser values or given away at potlatches, often to

    chiefs who would later return more than equal value to the donor. Unlike blankets

    or copper shields, slaves earned the owner a dividend until such time as he was

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    EA-Anthrop. Garfield: Indians of Southeastern Alaska

    ready to dispose of them profitably. He also got the same prestige value from

    owning them that he did from other valuable commodities.

            Class and kinship distinctions, fundamental in Tlingit and Haida social

    structure, stimulated intense interest in lineage history, both actual and

    legendary. Many of the folk tales and myths belonged exclusively to certain

    house groups and explained their origin and the experiences of their ancestors.

    Adventures and exploits of living members also became a part of the body of

    folk tale. Tales were retold at every public festivity, not just as simple

    narratives, but with many dramatic devices to make them interesting and remem–

    bered. The dramatic effect was often heightened by masked and costumed actors,

    stage settings and properties, and instrumental and choral music. Parts of a

    narrative were told, other parts were acted out mimetically or in dancing ac–

    companied by drum rhythms. Traditional songs were an integral part of many

    legends and were usually sung by a chorus of women. Unusual, amusing, or ex–

    citing experiences were also incorporated as dramatic productions. Successful

    raids, contacts with outsiders, escape from a storm or a bear, all provided

    material for the talents of composers, dancers, stage set designers, and story

    tellers.

            The main occasions for dramatic presentation were the commemorative pot–

    latches given by house heads in honor of their predecessors, the raising of

    totem or mortuary poles, and the dedication of new houses. Other opportunities

    included marriage ceremonies, coming-out parties for chiefs' daughters, ceremon–

    ies for piercing the ears of both boys and girls or of tattooing them with clan

    crests.

            Whatever the purpose of the affair, it was sponsored and planned by a house

    head, financed and supported by relatives in his house group, and sometimes by

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    EA-Anthrop. Garfield: Indians of Southeastern Alaska

    members of related houses as well. Commemorative potlatches wore usually

    supported by the larger group. Guests were members of the opposite moiety, the

    number depending on the resources of the host and the amount of food and goods

    he was able to accumulate. House heads of the host's moiety from other vil–

    lages were issued special invitations if they did not belong to the same clan

    as the host. Men often spent several years preparing for a potlatch.

            One important function of the potlatches was the recounting of hereditary

    property of the house group, together with the circumstances under which it

    had been acquired. At a commemorative potlatch during which the successor

    was formally installed in the position, he, in effect, made an inventory of

    all the hereditary property for which he was now custodian, explained his

    right to it, and took occasion to glorify his ancestors. It was a dramatic

    and living pageant of legend and history.

            Many myths and myth motifs of the Northwest Coast area are shared with

    their immediate neighbors and some of them are to be found over the greater

    part of western North America and in northeast Asia. Most of them explain

    the origin of the earth and the establishment of a livable environment, a

    culture hero playing an important role. Most of the characters are supernat–

    ural beings or animals and humans with supernatural attributes,

            In the complex socio-economic systems of the Northwest Coast Indians the

    mythology has been elaborated to explain secret societies, noble birth, prop–

    erty rights and prerogatives of the wealthy, and many other developments of

    Northwest ideology. One of the chief traits of Tlingit and Haida myths is

    identification of many of them with certain lineages or clans. These follow

    the general myth pattern of the area even though they are related as personal

    experiences of ancestors and are given definite locales. Several Tlingit clans

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    EA-Anthrop. Garfield: Indians of Southeastern Alaska

    claim the grizzly bear because their ancestor, Kats, married a grizzly. From

    this tale crests, songs, and personal and house names, and the dramatic per–

    formances connected with them have been derived. Even the widely told tales

    included in the Raven cycle are clan property. Incidents in the adventures

    of Raven belong to different house groups, though the cycle as a whole is

    identified with the Raven moiety. The story of the Flood is another example.

    According to the Tlingit tale, their whole area was flooded and survivors

    escaped to mountain tops. Each lineage or clan indentifies a certain peak as

    the refuge of its ancestors whose experiences were different from those of

    people stranded on other peaks. Therefore, each lineage or clan has its own

    Flood story.

            The core of Tlingit and Kaigani religious belief was that all things ani–

    mate, and many inanimate objects and natural phenomena, were endowed with super–

    natural attributes. Each "tribe" in the animal kingdom had a supernatural

    chief or leader whose favor must be sought by human beings who needed food,

    and skins for clothing. In the myth age these supernaturals had revealed the

    laws of the spiritual world to ancestors or they were transmitted to men by

    the culture hero. Men were aided by supernaturals and also punished by them.

    Sometimes aid was unsought, but it was much more usual for men to seek assist–

    ance and favor of guardian spirits.

            The belief in guardian spirit powers, and their acquisition as necessary

    for successful living, was widespread over North America and in northeast Asia.

    Common elements in the procedure for acquiring power or spirit aides included

    ceremonial cleansing through fasting, bathing, taking of an emetic or other

    body purifier, and withdrawal from other people who might contaminate the

    seeker. Solitary vigil in a spot remote from human habitations prepared the

    017      |      Vol_VIII-0132                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Garfield: Indians of Southeastern Alaska

    novice for an emotional experience in which he received tangible evidence of

    contact with the spirit. The seeker usually received a dance, songs, and

    powers according to the kind of spirit sought. Under its influence he was

    impelled to dance, sing, and perform magical acts, always in the presence of

    an audience and with the assistance of others who had received power. Accord–

    ing to the belief of most tribes, anyone who earnestly desired spirit aid would

    be successful. A widespread corollary belief was that spirits sometimes select–

    ed individuals for favor without effort on their part.

            On the Northwest Coast, especially among Kwakiutl, Haida, Tsimshian, and

    Tlingit tribes, the guardian spirit quest was not a voluntary seeking by every–

    one, but became a highly formalized procedure limited to those wealthy enough

    to sponsor a potlatch. Many spirit powers were totemistic — guardians who

    had revealed themselves to an ancestor or ancestress and therefore belonged

    to the descendants. Others were the exclusive prerogatives of chiefs and were

    inherited by their heirs. Inheritance, either by chiefs or lineage members,

    was not automatic, but involved ritual preparation, magical contact with the

    power or its manifestations, magical disappearance and reappearance under the

    influence of the power, dancing, and ritual removal of the influence. Initia–

    tion was carried out under supervision, with the novice carefully coached.

    The whole was planned as a dramatic performance. Since the expense of an in–

    itiation was heavy, a house head took the prerogative for himself or selected

    members of his lineage for the honor. Only a few were initiated and women

    never received the more important powers.

            The secret societies of their southern neighbors reached the Tlingit and

    Haida only as inheritable prerogatives of chiefs who initiated members of their

    lineages. There were no real societies; only dances performed by eligible in–

    dividuals. Traditions relate that these rights were originally acquired by

    018      |      Vol_VIII-0133                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Garfield: Indians of Southeastern Alaska

    purchase from owners in neighboring tribes, mainly from the Tsimshian, and

    the Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island. A man could come under the influence of a

    spirit only if he or one of his ancestors had acquired the right. Women were

    seldom initiated.

            The only individuals who could rise from the ranks of commoners by ac–

    quiring powerful spirits were the shamans. One who wished to follow the pro–

    fession apprenticed himself to a shaman to learn the technique of controlling

    spirits, or set about the arduous task of acquiring aides by himself. Occa–

    sionally the spirts selected a man without his desiring them or even against

    his wishes. He must accept the call on penalty of death. Training was long

    and trying, for the spirits sought by shammans were dangerous and not easily

    brought, or kept, under control. The rivalry between shamans was even more

    intense than between chiefs, the shamans sending their spirit aides to destroy

    each other. Shamans' aides sometimes fought among themselves, endangering the

    lives of shamans and others as well. Shamans were regarded with fear and re–

    spect — fear of the aides which, though invisible, were known to linger about

    a shaman's person, and respect for his ability to cure disease and prevent mis–

    fortune. Shamans usually lived apart from other people and took little part

    in the daily life of the community. Though they could and did become wealthy,

    rivaling the richest chiefs in influence, the calling did not attract many in–

    dividuals.

            There were minor hunting, fishing, and wealth powers which could be sought

    by any man, but these generally lacked the emotional experience of the quest

    and the prestige of the inherited prerogatives. Success was expected to follow

    a program of rigid training, which included daily salt-water bathing, a vigor–

    ous rubdown with hemlock twigs, fasting, and continence. The trainee continued

    019      |      Vol_VIII-0134                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Garfield: Indians of Southeastern Alaska

    until he felt capable of accomplishing the task he had set for himself. If

    he were not successful he repeated the training with more attention to the

    routine, or concluded that the spirits were against him and gave up. The

    theme of the poor orphan or abandoned boy who possessed magical powers with–

    out having to seek them or train for them, and who became a wealthy chief

    through their use is an understandably popular one in Northwest Coast folk

    tales. There are usually two women in such tales, whose roles highlight the

    fact that powerful spirits were usually acquired only by men. One of the women

    is an elderly grandmother or aunt who starts the boy on his training and helps

    him until he has demonstrated his power. She then disappears from the story.

    The other is the modest, well-bred daughter of a great chief whom the hero

    chooses as his bride.

           

    Eyak

            The Eyak was a small tribe of only one hundred and seventeen persons when

    the Russians took a census in 1818. One hundred and fifty-four were listed in

    the American census report of 1890 and only thirty-eight who counted themselves

    as Eyak were found in 1933. They speak a Nad e é n e é language.

            Eyak territory extended from Cordova Bay, inside the eastern edge of

    Prince William Sound, to Cape Martin, and included the Copper River Delta and

    the valley as far north as Childs and Miles glaciers. Atna Athapascans claimed

    the valley above the glaciers. To the west of the Eyak were Eskimo villages

    on the mainland and islands. The Tlingit were their eastern neighbors on the

    coast.

            The only systematic work that has been done on the Eyak is summarized by

    Drs. Kaj Birket-Smith and Frederica de Laguna in The Eyak Indians of the Copper

    River Delta, Alaska,
    published in 1938. In addition to field work they examined

    020      |      Vol_VIII-0135                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Garfield: Indians of Southeastern Alaska

    all available references to the group from the time of the Russian expansion.

    They conclude, "Eyak culture must be characterized principally as a Northwest

    Coast culture with a somewhat old-fashioned stamp, modified to a certain degree

    by recent Tlingit influence, contact with their Eskimo neighbors, and their

    proximity to the Asiatic continent. This rather strongly supports the supposi–

    tion that the Eyak have occupied their coastal habitat for a very long period —

    indeed there is no evidence of immigration from any other region at all." (p.530)

            The Eyak were mainly fishermen, with fresh and dried salmon the staple

    food. Most of the salmon fishing was done in the shallow waters of the Copper

    River Delta, from the first of May to the end of September. Herring were caught

    in the spring and dried or made into oil. Hair seals were hunted throughout

    the year when they congregated on rocks, sand bars, or on the ice. Seal oil

    was an important food and the skins were made into clothing. Women gathered

    berries in season and shellfish throughout the year. Mountain goats and bears

    were the main land animals hunted for their skins as well as meat. Halibut

    were caught in winter as well as during the summer, but the Eyak were not skilled

    seamen. Occasionally they hunted in skin boats purchased from the Eskimos, but

    most of their transportation was in dugout canoes of small size, confined to

    the wide, shallow river delta and to protected waters close to shore.

            The Eyak occupied two main permanent villages, Eyak and Alaganik, where

    they lived in gable-roofed homes with planked walls and roofs, the latter covered

    with bark. Their homes were smaller and less elaborately furnished than those

    of the Tlingit. In each village were the larger houses, one belonging to each

    moiety, which served as feast or potlatch houses and sheltered visitors. A

    simple carved post topped with a figure of a raven or eagle stood in front of

    each to identify the owners. In the summer many families moved to smokehouses

    or temporary shelters at the fish camps.



    021      |      Vol_VIII-0136                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Garfield: Indians of Southeastern Alaska

            The organization of the Eyak for supplying themselves with the all–

    important salmon was very simple. There was no family, moiety, or village

    ownership of rights to fishing or hunting grounds, and the people congregated

    wherever the fish were most plentiful. Two men usually fished together, one

    handling a spear or dip basket, the other caring for the salmon as caught. In

    a few hours they could catch enough to keep several women busy all day cutting

    and hanging fish to dry, hence the work parties were small. The fishing and

    hunting methods were suitable for a tiny population with a subsistence level

    of economy, but not for the accumulation and storying of quantities of surplus

    foods. It is significant that most potlatches, feasts, and entertainment were

    held during the summer when fresh foods were abundant.

            The Eyak had little trade for luxuries or goods that they could not produce.

    The Atna took sea foods in exchange for skins of land animals and copper. The

    latter was bartered to the Tlingit, who, however, preferred to trade directly

    with the Atna.

            Shamans were the only specialists supported by Eyak economy, though chiefs

    did little manual labor. Shamans' needs were supplied by food and goods re–

    ceived as fees. There were no professional artists since wood carving and

    painting were limited to simple grave markers, a carved figure in front of each

    potlatch house, and a few properties used in dramas. Women wove baskets and

    embroidered porcupine quill and bead designs on clothing. The crafts offered

    little opportunity for technical or artistic skills. Tlingit designs were used

    by both men and women to ornament wooden articles and baskets.

            In their social organization the Eyak resembled the Tlingit more than

    their Eskimo or Atna neighbors. They were divided into two exogamous, matri–

    lineal moieties: the Eagles and Ravens. Included in each moiety was a group

    022      |      Vol_VIII-0137                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Garfield: Indians of Southeastern Alaska

    of Tlingit from Katalla who joined the Eyak before the coming of the Russins.

    Both moieties were represented in each village, but there were no named house

    groups or clans.

            An hereditary chief headed each moiety and one of them was regarded as the

    chief of the tribe, though the latter position was not hereditary. Each house

    was presided over by a sub-chief or leader. These men were subordinate to their

    moiety chief, who was also head of a house. Chieftainship was hereditary with–

    in the moiety, with a brother normally succeeding. Women were never chosen

    even though the male line became extinct.

            Since house groups did not own resource areas or ceremonial property, and,

    since most of the personal effects of a deceased man were destroyed, a chief

    had little opportunity to accumulate wealth to administer or to manipulate for

    his own benefit.

            Effects not burned at the commemorative potlatch were given as gifts to

    the members of the opposite moiety, who then returned to the heir gifts of

    equal or greater value. Since a man who gave away too many of his predecessor's

    possessions was considered greedy there was a cultural brake which prevented

    him from accumulating too much. The heir was expected to distribute food,

    blankets, and other goods to guests invited to the commemorative potlatch. In

    addition he had to pay those who cared for the body and took charge of funeral

    services. Though he received assistance from members of his own moiety, he

    contributed the larger share. A new chief, therefore, usually started his

    career with his personal wealth depleted by funeral and feast expenses and was

    dependent on his followers to help him build up a small surplus. From them he

    received a part of everything they caught or acquired and he directed their

    economic activities. His younger brothers and nephews were especially obligated

    023      |      Vol_VIII-0138                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Garfield: Indians of Southeastern Alaska

    to work exclusively for him. The Eyak chiefs organized and directed raiding

    parties and divided the greater share of the plunder.

            Chiefs distributed food to the poor and provided for their followers

    during seasons of scarcity or famine. Chiefs were usually paternalistic and

    only occasionally despotic.

            Eyak class distinctions were not so sharply drawn as were those of the

    Tlingit. Chiefs, their families, sisters, and sisters' children constituted

    the upper class. Women derived status from the fact that they and their

    mothers were the daughters, wives, or sisters of chiefs. Hereditary right

    to chieftainship, to own slaves, contract polygamous marriages, and to receive

    contributions from their followers comprised the main advantages of the upper

    class over commoners.

            Captives taken in raids were sometimes kept and became the slaves of their

    captors, but the Eyak do not seem to have bought slaves, nor were they presented

    as potlatch gifts. Slaves were occasionally traded, but one was worth much

    less than a canoe. A chief who owned two was looked upon as wealthy. When

    an owner died his slaves were liberated, hence were not inheritable wealth.

    A slave was never killed when his owner died, though he might be if the son

    or daughter of the chief died. Compared to the Tlingit, Eyak slaves were of

    slight economic importance and could not have produced much more than their

    own subsistence.

            The feast or potlatch house of each moiety was the center of social life

    in an Eyak village. Here services in memory of those slain in battle, and com–

    memorative potlatches for deceased relatives were held. When a new house was

    built the moiety owning it joined forces and gave as large and elaborate a dedi–

    cation as they could afford, inviting thei r Tlingit neighbors as well as members

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    EA-Anthrop. Garfield: Indians of Southeastern Alaska

    of the opposite moiety from Eyak villages. The chief of the moiety acted

    as host and organized the festivities.

            Guests were entertained and instructed by dramas acted out by masked

    and costumed dancers, accompanied by drum and choral music. Narratives of

    tribal legendary and historical events were presented and the affair usually

    ended with games, sports, and entertainment which were not looked upon as a

    part of the potlatch. Shamans demonstrated their curing abilities and exhib–

    ited their spiritual powers, which they challenged their rivals to excell.

            On the whole the mythology of the Eyak is more closely connected to the

    Northwest Coast than to Eskimo, though a few tales, such as transformer–

    creator myths of the type of the Raven cycle, show affinity to northeast Asia.

    The mythology of the Eyak, however, contains no allusions to moieties, suggest–

    ing that the moiety organization is relatively late. Tales explaining origin

    and property rights of house groups are absent and the identification of myths

    with particular lineages does not occur. As a consequence, lineage crests and

    the elaborate art representation and dramatization of them, developed by the

    Tlingit, are also absent. Tales reflect some aspects of ordinary social life,

    though in exaggerated and imaginative form, and many of them describe exper–

    iences of men with animals or their supernatural, spiritual counterparts, men

    who are tribal ancestors or who lived long before there was an Eyak tribe.

            A fundamental concept in Eyak religion is the belief that all things,

    animate or inanimate, have spiritual "owners" or leaders, a concept which

    they share with many other tribes in northwest North America. For successful

    living man must establish rapport with these spiritual beings, and many of the

    rules for the treatment of food animals, the taboos connected with hunting,

    fishing, and food preparation are means of maintaining friendly relations. The

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    EA-Anthrop. Garfield: Indians of Southeastern Alaska

    vision quest or dream experience as a source of manifestation of power by

    means of which an individual can gain success seems only slightly developed

    by the Eyak. Shamans seem to be the only persons who sought spirit helpers

    or who received them through dreams. A man or woman might have a dream ex–

    perience that foretold shamanistic power. After fasting, bathing, and puri–

    fication the novice then went into the woods in solitude to meet the spirit

    or some manifestation of it. Successful shamans usually had number of spirit

    helpers whose aid was sought in curing disease, foretelling future events, and

    even in the killing of rival sharans and other enemies. The shaman worked

    through a seance in which he enlisted the aid of his spirit helpers, who

    sometimes went on missions for him and sometimes directed him in the procedure

    to be followed.

           

    Viola E. Garfield

    Alaska, Athapaskans


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0141                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Robert McKennan)


    ALASKA, ATHAPASKANS

           

    CONTENTS

    Page
    Culture 2
    Physical Type 7
    Tribes and Their Territories 7
    Population and Present Condit ion 14
    Bibliography 16



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0142                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Robert McKennan)


           

    ALASKA, ATHAPASKANS

            The Athapaskan tribes of Alaska together with those of the Mackenzie

    River rainage of Canada constitute the northern branch of the far-flung

    Athapaskan linguistic family, the two other important branches being:

    ( 1 ) the southwestern (Navaho and Apache); and ( 2 ) the Pacific Coast (Hupa,

    Kato, Umpqua, and several other small tribes in northern California and

    southern Oregon). Sapir, the cutstanding student of the Athapaskan language,

    has suggested that it should be combined with the Tlingit and Haida of the

    Alaskan Coast into a single linguistic family, the Na-Den e é , which he believes

    is in turn related to the Tibeto-Chinese-Siamese family of Asiatic languages.

            With the exception of the Tansina of Cooks Inlet and the Eyak of the

    Copper River Delta, all the Athapakan tribes of Alaska live in the interior;

    conversely, all the tribes of the Alaskan interior are Athapaskan speaking.

    All inhabit a subarctic forest environment and secure their livelihood by

    hunting, fishing, and, since the advent of the white man, by trapping. Of

    the food animals the caribou is easily the most important, supplemented in

    the lowlands by the moose and in the mountains by the mountain sheep. Salmon

    is far and away the most important fish and the presence of this important

    food resource sets off the culture of most of the Alaskan Athapaskans from

    that of the Mackenzie drainage. The salmon runs, however, do not reach the

    002      |      Vol_VIII-0143                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Alaska, Athapaskans

    upper waters of the Tanana and Chandalar rivers whose natives therefore

    depend for their subsistence almost entirely upon hunting.

           

    Culture

            Certain common elements feature the aboriginal culture of most of the

    Alaskan Athapaskans. Caribou were chased into long corrals and then snared

    or killed with bows and arrows; various snares and deadfalls were used for

    taking other game. Fish were taken in cylindrical traps and in nets of

    woven bark; the natives have only recently borrowed the fish wheel from the

    white man. Clothes were made of tanned skins or twined from strips of rabbit

    skin; and the moccasins and trousers were often of one piece. Also hoods were

    often attached to the shirts, which, in the case of the men, had pointed tails.

    Although house types varied among the different tribes, the skin-covered domed

    lodge, the bark-covered rectangular hut, and the double lean-to were the most

    prevalent types. Log houses, sometimes semisubterranean, were also used by

    the salmon-fishing tribes of the lower Yukon and the coast. Fire was produced

    by means of either flint and iron pyrites or by a cord drill using a piece

    of fungus as a hearth. Food was either roasted over the fire or boiled in

    birch bark vessels by means of hot stones. Among several of the Alaskan

    tribes the cooking was done by the men. Showshoes were vital for winter

    travel, and were of the bowed, two-piece type. Baggage was hauled on either

    toboggans or double-ended sleds, but not until the coming of the white man

    were dogs harnessed to such conveyances. Water travel was by means of light–

    weight birch bark canoes; large skin-covered boats were used for carrying

    heavy loads. Children were carried in a hod-shaped birch bark cradle peculiar

    to the Alaskan Athapaskans. Stone adzes were used rather than axes. Other

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0144                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Alaska Athapaskans

    important tools included: stone mauls; crooked knives of bone; copper knives

    of bone; copper daggers with flaring Y-shaped handles; thin, moon-shaped

    slate knives used by the women; and bone awls. Birch bark and babiche were

    favorite materials; the latter not only was used for all manner of bindings

    but also was twisted and braided into a wide variety of cords. Art work

    was not highly developed although some use was made of dyed porcupine quills.

    With the coming of the white trader these were replaced by beads. Dentalium

    shells, secured by trade from the coast tribes, were much prized for personal

    adorenment. Tattooing of the face, confined to the women among most of the

    tribes, was generally accomplished by the needle and thread method. War,

    which was little more than vendetta, was featured by stealth, trickery,

    hand-to-hand fighting, and some crude forms of armor. Drums of the tambourine

    type constituted the only musical instruments, but singing and dancing were

    common. Both songs and dances were quite individualistic and varied greatly

    from group to group. In general they were associated with ceremonial occasions.

            All of the Alaskan Athapaskans appear to have possessed some kind of clan

    organization, the exact details of which are no longer clear to the natives

    themselves. Clan membership was reckoned in the maternal line and marriages

    could be made only with someone outside the clan. The Yukon tribes were

    divided into three clans. Other Alaskan Athapaskans appear to have possessed

    only two, but often these were divided in turn into a number of sub-clans.

    Unlike the Tlingit clans of the coast, the Athapaskan clans were not totemic

    although some of the Yukon ones were identified with animals, particularly

    with the caribou and bear. The clans were regarded as large, consanguineous

    families and in times of need a native would look to his fellow clansmen for

    aid. In addition to his fellow clansmen every man could turn for aid to a

    004      |      Vol_VIII-0145                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Alaskan Athapaskans

    "partner." This formalized partnership or bond fellowship system system

    was widespread among all the Alaskan Athapaskans. Rights and duties between

    partners were reciprocal. They included, among other things, a careful

    division of all game killed, with the choice parts going to one's partner.

            A man was permitted several wives, who quite often were sisters. Although

    there was no formal bride purchase, the prospective husband customarily secured

    her as a result of gifts and services to her parents. For the first few years

    after marriage the young couple lived with the girl's parents. Divorce was

    easy, although it does not appear to have been particularly common.

            Childbirth took place in a hut especially constructed for the purpose,

    and a neighboring woman served as midwife. The mother and father were subject

    to a host of tabus and restrictions, particularly as to their food and drink,

    both before and for a considerable period after the child's birth. While the

    birth rate appears to have been high among the Alaskan Athapaskans, a high

    infant mortality rate together with the hardships of a subarctic existence

    resulted in relatively small families. Children were seldom punished but in

    spite of this lack of formal discipline they were obedient and well-behaved.

    Menstruation was regarded as a critical period for a woman, particularly the

    first menses, and at this time she was compelled to live in a special menstrual

    hut, avoid gazing upon men or upon the sun, refrain from eating fresh meat,

    take her drinking water only through a bone tube, and observe many other tabus

    of a similar nature. In the old days the Alaskan Athapaskans cremated their

    dead together with the deceased's personal property. Since the coming of the

    white man burial has replaced cremation and a small house is generally built

    over the grave.

            All of the Alaskan Athapaskans set great store by the potpatch, ? a

    005      |      Vol_VIII-0146                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Alaskan Athapaskans

    giving-away feast, often in honor of a dead relative. While the Athapaskan

    potpatch was not governed by the same elaborate rules that prevailed among

    the Northwest Coast tribes, nevertheless it was an extremely important part

    of the native social and ceremonial life. With the growth of the fur trade,

    potpatched became more extravagant; woven blankets and other trade goods

    replaced the former gifts of skins; and on occasion as much as $20,000 worth

    of goods might change hands at a single potpatch. The potlatch also pro–

    vided a means by which the successful hunter or trapper could call attention

    to his success. The tribal head-man or village leader was usually the Indian

    who had given the most frequent and elaborate potlatches. Such head-men had

    little real power, and their position was not hereditary. However, with the

    development of the fur trade came the first faint beginnings of a class system

    based on wealth, and this was most evident among those Alaskan Athapaskans

    such as the Tanaina, Ahtena, and Eyak who were in close contact with the

    class-conscious Tlingit tribes.

            The native religious beliefs and practices centered around shamanism.

    The shaman or medicine man was believed to possess special spiritual power

    which he secured by means of dreams. This power was most commonly used to

    cure sickness. Since sickness was believed to be the result of some evil

    spirit which had gotten into one's body, treatment consisted of getting this

    spirit out again and was accomplished by such means as sucking on the afflicted

    part, blowing, exorcising — the exact method varying with the individual

    medicine man. Shamans were also believed to possess the power to bring mis–

    fortune, illness, or even death and hence were much feared. They likewise

    were credited with powers of divination although the latter were also attri–

    buted to many ordinary individuals as well. In addition to shamanism the

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0147                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Alaskan Athapaskans

    native religious life featured a host of tabus, many of which clustered

    around such critical occasions as childbirth, puberty, menstruation, giving

    a potpatch, hunting, and fishing. Certain beliefs appear to have been

    general among the Alaskan Athapaskans: the fear of a bogey-man or "Brush

    Indian" who hovered about camps; the belief in a rade of manlike monsters

    with tails who formerly inhabited the area; a reverence for both the dog and

    the otter with the result that the Indians were reluctant to k e i ll these

    animals. In addition to a number of miscellaneous folk tales, the native

    mythology contained at least two distinct cycles of myths. One cycle dealt

    with the adventure of typical Indian culture here and the other centered

    around the exploits of an anthropomorphised Raven. As might be expected, the

    latter cycle shows many similarities to the Raven myths of the Northwest

    Coast tribes.

            Much of the culture that has been described for the Alaskan Athapaskans

    would hold equally well for the Athapakans of the Mackenzie drainage. However,

    the Alaskan culture shows many items which are not found on the eastern side

    of the mountains. Some of these are probably the result of diffusion from the

    Northwest Coast tribes, e.g., armor, emphasis on wealth, the Raven myths.

    Other traits peculiar to the Alaskan Athapaskans, such as exogenous matrilineal

    clans and the potpatch system, may possibly have had their origin with the

    Northwest coast tribes, although this is not necessarily the case. In any

    event, most of the traits which set off the culture of the Alaskan Athapaskans

    from that of the Mackenzie River tribes do not appear to have been borrowed

    from any of the former's neighbors. Such traits include, among others, the

    following: domed lodge; sitting cradle; bowed two-piece snowshoe; two-piece

    cap; double-ended sled; cremation; cooking by the men. All in all the culture

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0148                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Alaskan Athapaskans

    of the Alaskan Athapaskans is definitely both richer and more complex than

    that of the Mackenzie River tribes.

           

    Physical Type

            Although the data are scanty, this dichotomy between Mackenzie River

    and Yukon River Athapaskans appears to characterize the physical types as

    well. The few available anthropometric series indicate that the Alaskan

    Athapaskans are somewhat above average height, are slightly brachycephalic,

    barely mesorrhine, relatively light in skin color, and somewhat more hirsute

    than most Indians. Unpublished material for the Upper Tanana and the Nedse–

    kutchin of the Chandalar River, reveal the blood type to be consistently

    Type O. The Mackenzie River tribes, if measurements for the Chipewyan can be

    considered as typical, are shorter in stature, narrower headed, broader nosed,

    and in general closer to the Eskimo physical type.

           

    Tribes And Their Territories

            With the exception of the Kutchin tribes who not only had a distinctive

    dialect, but also appear to have had a fairly well developed sense of ethnic

    unity, the other Alaskan groups possessed so little sense of group unity that

    the term tribe is a misnomer. This lack of tribal consciousness finds reflec–

    tion in the absence of any political organization. The frequent shifting of

    hunting territories, moving of village sites, and both mergings and splittings

    of bands are all factors that make the assignment of a given territory to a

    so-called tribe only approximate at best. The problem is further complicated

    by the various and sometimes conflicting tribal names used by the early explorers.

    The designations most generally used by anthropologists are as follows: Kutchin,

    with the various subdivisions; Hans; Tanana; Upper Tanana or Nabesna; Koyukon;

    008      |      Vol_VIII-0149                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Alaskan Athapaskans

    Ingalik; Tanaina; Ahtena; Eyak. While their culture is basically the same,

    each of these groups possesses its own distinctive dialect. These cialects

    in turn fall into at least three main groups: ( 1 ) the Kutchin language

    which is definitely set off from the others; ( 2 ) the Ingalik and the Tanaina

    which together form a second linguistic division; ( 3 ) the remaining dialects

    which constitute one or perhaps more separate groups.

            Kutchin. Probably the least confusion surrounds the Kutchin tribes.

    Originally these Indians inhabited the Yukon Flats together with the main

    tributaries of this middle section of the Yukon, including Birch Creek and

    the Dall, Chandalar, Poroupine, and Black rivers. In addition they overlapped

    into Canada, inhabiting both the Mackenzie Flats and the Peel River drainage.

    The Kutchin tribes and their approximate locations are as follows:

    Dihaikutchin - North fork of the Chandalar and middle and wouth forks of the

    upper Koyukuk; now extinct, this group may have been the Teahinkutchin men–

    tioned by Gibbs and Ross. Nedsekutchin - East fork of Chandalar River;

    Tennuthkutchin - Birch Creek. Now extinct, Kutchakutchin - Yukon Flats.

    Virtually extinct, Tranjikkutchin - Black River; Vuntakutochin - Middle

    Porcupine and Crow rivers; Takkuthkutchin - Upper Porcupine River; Tatlitkutchin

    Peel River; Nakotchokutchin - Mackenzie Flats.

            Representatives from most of these groups now make their homes in the

    large native village of Fort Yukon, to which trading center most of the

    Alaskan Kutchin bring their furs.

            Han. The valley of the Yukon immediately above that of the Vuntakutchin

    was inhabited by a group called the Han. These people have sometimes been

    classed as another Kutchin tribs; but this is definitely not the case, nor

    do they speak a Kutchin dialect. Culturally and linguistically the Han

    009      |      Vol_VIII-0150                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Alaskan Athapaskans

    probably are most similar to their neighbors to the west, the Upper Tanana,

    and to the various Tutchone bands which inhabit the basin of the upper Yukon.

    The remnants of the Han are to be found today in the native settlements

    at Eagle, Alaska, and Moosehide, Y.T.

            Upper Tanana and Tanana . With the exception of the Upper Tanana who

    inhabit the upper basin of the Tanana River, including its two main tribu–

    taries, the Chisana and the Nabesna rivers, not too much is known concerning

    the Tanana Indians. While there has been a tendency to lump all of them

    together in a single group, This is erroneous. The Indians of the upper

    Tanana, most of whom are now to be found in the native villages of Tetlin

    and Northway, regard themselves as a separate group from the natives who

    live farther down the river at Tanana Crossing, Mansfield Lake, and Healy

    Lake. This second or middle division of the Tanana River Indians appears

    to have been quite similar to the Ahtena of the Copper River in language and

    culture.

            The exact territories of the native groups inhabiting the Tanana valley

    below the mouth of Healy River are uncertain. The influx of miners following

    the discovery of gold near Fairbanks in 1903 seriously dislocated the Indians

    inhabiting the lower half of the Tanana River. It would appear, however, that

    originally these constituted one or more separate divisions of the Tanana

    group and inhabited the territory form the Salchaket River to the mouth of

    the Tanana, including, perhaps, the region about Lake Minchumina. Today the

    remnant e ts of this third division are largely concentrated at Fairbanks,

    Nanana, Tanana, and Steven's Village, the latter a native settlement on the

    Yukon above its con f luence with the Tanana. Although detailed information is

    lacking, there is reason to believe that in language and culture these Indians

    010      |      Vol_VIII-0151                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Alaskan Athapaskans

    of the lower Tanana River are closer to the Koyukon of the Yukon River than

    to the upper Tanana group.

            Koyukon. From the mouth of the Tanana River to Anvik the Yukon valley

    is inhabited by an Athapaskan group variously called the Koyukon, Ten's and

    Khotana, the first two terms being the more used. According to the early

    explorers on the Yukon the Koyukon family consisted of three major divisions:

    ( 1 ) the Yukonikhotana, who occupied the Yukon drainage from the mouth of the

    Tanana to the mouth of the Koyukuk River; ( 2 ) the Koyukukhotana, who occupied

    the drainage of the Koyukuk River; and ( 3 ) the Kaiyuhkhotana, who occupied the

    Yukon drainage from the mouth of the Koyukuk nearly to Anvik, including the

    Innoko River above Shageluk Slough and the Kaiyuh Hills. Within the last

    fifty years these groups have tended to coalesce so that the original divisions

    are exceedingly blurred. Most of the Koyukuk valley has been vacated to the

    Eskimos. Many formerly populous villages along the Yukon such as Louden and

    Kokrines have been abandoned and the bulk of the natives today are to be

    found in the Yukon River villages of Galena, Koyukuk, Nulato, and Kaltag.

    Here the Indians spend the summer, supporting themselves largely by fishing;

    during the winter months many families repair to their hunting and trapping

    camps in the country back from the river.

            Ingalik . From Anvik to Holy Cross the Yukon valley and the adjacent

    territory of the Kuskokwim valley is inhabited by the northern Athapaskan

    group called the Ingalik. Below Holy Cross the population changes from Indian

    to Eskimo, and the Holy Cross population of something over 200 natives consists

    of members of both groups. The Ingalik have been divided into four major

    subdivisions as follows: ( 1 ) the Anvik-Shageluk group centering about the

    two villages of the same name; ( 2 ) the Bonasila village group; ( 3 ) the Holy

    011      |      Vol_VIII-0152                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Alaskan Athapaskans

    Cross-Georgetown group centering about the aforenamed villages; and ( 4 ) the

    McGrath group occupying the drainage of the upper Kuskokwim River. Although

    the Ingalik environment and general manner of living is quite similar to that

    of the Koyukon, their language is closer to that of the Tanaina, their Atha–

    paskan neighbors to the southeast. As might be expected, Ingalik culture

    contains many Eskimo traits, including: semisubterranean winter houses; the

    kashim or men's house; harpoon; spear thrower; clothing made of fishskin,

    birdskin, or intestines; use of urine for both tanning and washing; urine

    bowls and baskets; labrets; bladder ceremony. In physical type also the Ingalik

    show clearly the effects of Eskimo admixture, particularly in the high incidence

    of longer heads, heavier jaws, and more prominent cheekbones than those of other

    Alaskan Athapaskans.

            Tanaina. The Tanaina, sometimes called the Knaiakhotana, Kenai-tena, or

    simply the Kenai, inhabit the region immediately to the southeast of the Ingalik;

    namely, all the drainage of Cook Inlet north of the town of Seldovia, together

    with the upper half of Iliamna Lake including the Clark Lake area. Osgood,

    who has made an intensive study of these people, subdivides them into seven

    fairly distinct groups as follows: ( 1 ) Kachemak Bay or Lower Inlet; ( 2 )Kenai

    Area or Middle Inlet; ( 3 ) Knik or Upper Inlet; ( 4 ) Susitna River; ( 5 ) Tyonek

    Area or West Coast of Cook Inlet; ( 6 ) Iliamna Lake; ( 7 ) Clark Lake.

            Linguistically the Tanaina are closely related to their neighbors to the

    north, the Ingalik, and like the latter their culture contains some Eskimo

    traits. The fact that most of the Tanaina live adjacent to the sea likewise

    sets off their culture from the Athapaskans of the interior. This maritime

    influence is particularly marked on their food habits and related technology

    which includes such unAthapaskan items as seal hunting with kayaks and harpoons,

    012      |      Vol_VIII-0153                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Alaskan Athapaskans

    use of shellfish, candlefish, and other salt water fauna. Because of this

    dependence on the sea the difference between the coastal Tanaina and those

    of the interior, such as the Susitna and Upper Inlet groups, is quite marked.

    The culture of the latter more nearly resembles that of their neighbors in

    the interior, the Tanana and the Ahtena. As is the case among the latter

    tribes, the potpatch ceremony constitutes an important part of the Tanaina

    socio-religious life. Beginning with the visit of Captain James Cook in 1778

    followed by the Russian occupation of the region, the Tanaina have been subjected

    to almost continuous European influences with resultant demoralization and loss

    of much of their old culture. The building of the Alaska Railroad and the

    great growth of Anchorage has no doubt hastened this process. Earliest es–

    timates placed the number of Tanaina at 3,000. Today there are perhaps 600.

    Some [ ?] of these hang about the outskirts of the modern centers of Anchorage,

    Seward, and Seldovia; the remainder are largely concentrated in the native

    settlements of Kenai, Tyonek, Iliamna, and Susitna.

            Ahtena . The Ahtena or Atna inhabit the drainage of the Copper River above

    the barrier of the Miles and Childs glaciers. Culturally they very much

    resemble ( 1 ) the inland Tanaina groups; ( 2 ) the Tanana groups of the middle

    river, specifically those now found at Tanana Crossing and Healy Lake; and

    ( 3 ) to a slightly less degree, the Indians of the upper Tanena. All three

    groups were adjacent to the Ahtena, and the latter seem to have maintained

    fairly constant trade and social relations with them.

            The Russians made several attempts to penetrate the Ahtena territory,

    but all of these were repulsed by the hostile natives. The final expedition,

    that of Serebrannikov in 1848, resulted in the death of its leader and three

    of his party. It was not until the exploring expedition of Lieut. Henry T.

    013      |      Vol_VIII-0154                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Alaskan Athapaskans

    Allen, U.S.A., who journeyed to the Yukon in 1885 by way of the Copper

    and Tanana rivers, that the upper valley of the Copper River was visited

    by a white man. In spite of the failure of the Russians to establish them–

    selves on the Copper River, it is quite possible that the Ahtena physical

    type, as well as that of the Tanaina and Ingalik, who were long dominated by

    the Russians, has been affected by some admixture with the whites. It is

    possible also that the Ahtena practice, which they share with the Tanaina

    and Kyak, of attaching a small sweat-room to the end of the log houses is

    the result of Russian influence.

            The a A htena have been divided into at least two sub-groups: ( 1 ) those

    inhabiting the territory from the Miles and Childs glaciers to the mouth of

    the Tazlina River, including the valley of the Chitina River which formerly

    held a number of Indians; and ( 2 ) those inhabiting the upper Copper River.

    While undoubtedly there has been considerable mingling of these two divisions,

    today remnants of the first are largely concentrated in the villages of

    Chitina and Copper Center, while remnants of the second are to be found in

    the native settlements of Gulkana, Gakona, Chistochina, Batzuluetas, and

    Mentasta.

            Eyak. It is only recently that the Eyak of the Copper River Delta have

    been recognized as belonging to the Athapaskan family. The early explorers,

    both English and Russian, considered them as constituting either a southeastern

    group of the Prince William Sound Eskimo or a westerly group of the Yakutat

    Tlingit. Such confusion is quite understandable, since the Eyak culture con–

    tains many Eskimo and Tlingit features. However, recent studies by Drs. Birket–

    Smith and de Laguna of the remnants of the Eyak now dwelling on the outskirts

    of Cordova have demonstrated that the Eyak are Athapaskan both in language and

    014      |      Vol_VIII-0155                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Alaskan Athapaskans

    in basic culture. The Eyak culture to be sure lacks a number of elements

    typical of the Athapaskans of the interior, particularly toboggans, bark canoes,

    bark baskets, and well-developed snowshoes. In addition to the effect of the

    coastal habitat upon their manner of living, the Eyak culture clearly shows

    the influence of their non-Athapaskan neighbors, the Eskimos along the coast

    to the northwest and the Tlingit to the east. The Eyak were never a large

    tribe and their territory was quite restricted, taking in the coast from Cordova

    Bay on the west to Martin River on the eastern side of the delta of the Copper

    River, and extending up that river to the Miles and Child glaciers. However,

    it is possible that in prehistoric times they may have inhabited some of the

    coast to the east later occupied by the Tlingit.

           

    POPULATION AND PRESENT CONDITION

            At the present time the Alaskan Athapaskans number approximately 5,000.

    Although all tribes have suffered some diminution in numbers since white contact,

    it is doubtful that their total numbers reached as much as 10,000 under abor–

    iginal conditions. Since the coming of the white man infectious diseases have

    taken a continuous toll and tuberculosis has become practically endemic among

    all natives. At the present time this one disease is responsible for approxi–

    mately 35 per cent of all deaths among Alaskan Athapaskans.

            The reservation system has not been applied to hunting and fishing terri–

    tories of the Alaskan Athapaskans, although in a few cases the actual territory

    of the native village has been set off as an Indian Reservation to protect

    the village site. The Department of the Interior through its office of Indian

    Affairs maintains schools in most of the native settlements; but in many cases

    the seminomadic nature of the natives makes regular sessions difficult. The

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    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Alaskan Athapaskans

    Office of Indian Affairs also maintains several native hospitals in Alaska,

    including one at Tanana, together with a system of visiting doctors, dentists,

    and nurses who periodically visit each village. The educational and medical

    services of the Department of the Interior are supplemented also by mission

    work of the various churches. The Roman Catholic Church has been particularly

    active among the Ingalik and Koyukon and maintains permanent missions at Holy

    Cross and Nulato. The Protestant Episcopal Church is identified with the

    Tanana and Kutchin groups; it maintains a native hospital at Fort Yukon, in

    addition to permanent missions at Tanana Crossing, Nenana, and Tanana. The

    Indian Reorganization Act is applicable to Alaskan natives and gradually some

    of the larger Athapaskan settlements are incorporating themselves under its

    provisions.



    016      |      Vol_VIII-0157                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Alaskan Athapaskans


    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    1. Allen, Henry T. Report of an Expedition to the Copper, Tanana, and Koyukuk

    Rivers.
    49th Congress, 2nd Session, Senate Executive Document,

    No. 125. Washington, 1887.

    2. Birket-Smith, Kaj, and de Laguna, Frederica. The Eyak Indians of the

    Copper River Delta, Alaska.
    Copenhagen, 1938.

    3. Cadzow, Donald. "Habitat of Loucheux Bands", Indian Notes, Museum of the

    American Indian, Heye Foundation, Vol.2, No.3, New York, 1925.

    4. Dall, William H. "Tribes of the Extreme Northwest." Contributions to

    North American Ethnology
    , Vol.I, Part 1. Washington, 1877.

    5 . Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico. Bureau of American Ethnology,

    Bulletin 30, Parts 1 and 2. Washington, 1907, 1910.

    6. Jette, Jules S.J., Various articles on the Ten's (Koyukon and Tanana), 1907–

    1913.

    7. McKennan, Robert. The Indians of the Upper Tanana, Alaska. (Ms.) and

    field notes on other tribes.

    8. Murray, Alexander H. Journal of the Yukon, 1847-48. Publications of

    the Canadian Archives, No.4, Ottawa, 1910.

    9. Osgood, Cornelius. The Ethnography of the Tanaina , and other monographs.

    Yale University Publications in Anthropology, New Haven, 1931-1940.

    10. Sapir, Edward. "The Na-Den e é Languages, A Preliminary Report". American

    Anthropologist, Vol.17, n.s. Menasha, Wisc., 1915.

    11. Scmitter, Ferdinand. "Upper Yukon Native Customs and Folklore", Smithsonian

    [ ?] Institution Miscellaneous Contributions, Vol.56, No.4,

    Washington, 1910.

           

    Robert McKennan

    Canada, Athapaskans


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0158                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Robert A. McKennan)


    CANADA, ATHAPASKANS

           

    CONTENTS

    Page
    Physical Type 4
    Tribes and Their Territories 5
    Population and Present Condition 14
    Bibliography 16



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0159                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Robert A. McKennan)


           

    CANADA, ATHAPASKANS

            The Athapaskan-speaking tribes of Canada lack the cultural homogeneity

    which characterizes their Alaskan neighbors. Basically the tribal cultures

    fall into two main division: ( 1 ) a western or Pacific type, and ( 2 ) an

    eastern or Arctic one. The major characteristics of this western type of

    northern Athapaskan culture have already been described for the Alaskan

    Athapaskans. (cf. "ALASKA, ATHAPASKANS.") It is richer and more complex

    than the culture of the Mackenzie River tribes, particularly as regards

    social organization, ceremonial life, mythology, amusements, and house types.

    Economically it is geared to the salmon as well as to the caribou. Environ–

    mentally it is influenced by the mountain mass of the Rockies, so much so

    that Jenness has classified the Athapaskan cultures of western Canada to–

    gether with those of the interior Salish into a single cordilleran culture

    area. In addition to the basic culture which these Athapaskan tribes of

    western Canada share with their Alaskan congeners, they seem to have absorbed

    in comparatively recent times a number of culture traits from the Tlingit,

    Tsimshian, Kwakiutl, and Bella Coola tribes of the Pacific Coast. This

    infusion further enriches their culture and sets it off from that of the

    Mackenzie River tribes. This western, or Pacific, division includes such

    Canadian Athapaskans as the Kutchin, Han, Tutchone, Tahltan, Tsetsaut,

    Carrier, and Chilcotin.



    002      |      Vol_VIII-0160                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Canada, Athapaskans

            The eastern or arctic version of northern Athapaskan culture is much

    simpler in content. Gone are such western elements as matrilineal clans

    and moieties; potlatch ceremonies; emphasis on wealth; Raven myth cycle;

    hod-shaped sitting cradle; etc. Among the eastern Groups burial of the

    dead replaces cremation; the pointed teepee replaces the domed skin lodge

    and the rectangular house; pointed two-piece snowshoes replace the bowed

    type; flint and pyrites replace the drill with fungus hearth as a means of

    producing fire. Salmon, both as an important food item and a basis for

    ceremony, disappears from the culture since this fish is absent from the

    Mackenzie River drainage, the home of all these tribes. Caribou hunting,

    winter fishing through the ice of the large lakes, and trapping constitute

    the basis for the economic life. With some local exceptions the terrain

    changes from mountains to broad, forest-covered valleys and low, rolling

    hills. In the extreme east the subarctic forest gives way to tundra, but

    only infrequently did the Athapaskan tribes venture into the latte e r terrain,

    preferring to stick close to the forests. The tribes constituting this

    eastern or arctic division include the Beaver, Slave, Chipewyan, Yellowknife,

    Dogrib, Bear Lake, Mountain, and Hare. The Sekani and Kaska are generally

    included also since, like the others, they dwell in the Mackenzie River

    drainage. These latter two tribes, however, show a number of western

    features in both their technology and their social organization; conse–

    quently they are perhaps better classed with the western division, or at

    least, regarded as intermediate between the two main division. Physically

    also the Sekani resemble the western Athapaskans rather than the Indians of

    the Mackenzie River.

            Two aberrant groups complete the list of Athapaskan-speaking tribes in

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0161                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Canada, Athapaskans

    Canada. One, the now extinct Nicola, formerly constituted a small Atha–

    paskan enclave surrounded by Salishan tribes in the interior of southern

    British Columbia. The other, the Sarsi of northern Alberta, are Blackfoot

    in every respect save their language.

            Although all the groups mentioned speak languages that clearly belong

    to the great Athapaskan linguistic family, the dialectical divergences

    among some of them are great. As has been previously noted (cf. "Alaska,

    Athapaskans"), the Kutchin speak dialects so specialized as to constitute

    a separate division of the Athapaskan language. The Tsetsaut language like–

    wise appears to have been distinct from all the others. Other divisions

    include: ( 1 ) Tahltan and Kaska; ( 2 ) Carrier and Chilcotin; ( 3 ) Sakani,

    Beaver, and Sarsi; ( 4 ) Chipewyan, Slave, and Yellowknife; ( 5 ) Dogrib, Bear

    Lake, and Hare. Not enough is known concerning the language of the other

    tribes to permit their classification, but probably most of them can be

    consolidated with the divisions already mentioned. There is reason to think

    that the Han dialect is similar to that spoken by the Upper Tanana of Alaska.

    Quite possibly the Tutchone dialect or dialects also would fall into this

    same division.

            In spite of their isolated locations all of the Canadian Athapaskans

    have had some contact with white men, dating back a century or more. During

    the first half of the nineteenth century fur traders representing both the

    Hudson's Bay Company and the old North West Company had established posts

    throughout the area. Indeed until relatively recently much of our knowledge

    of the Athapaskan natives was drawn from the journals of these early traders,

    notably the writings of Alexander Mackenzie, Samuel Hearne, and Daniel Harmon.

    While these European contacts had some effect upon the native culture,

    004      |      Vol_VIII-0162                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Canada, Athapaskans

    particularly in regard to such material traits as tools, weapons, and

    utensils, the fur trade probably served to entrench the Athapaskan people

    more firmly in their occupation as hunters.

            Later in the nineteenth century the Canadian Athapaskans were missionized.

    The zeal displayed by these early missionaries was such that today virtually

    all the natives profess some form of Christian belief. The Roman Catholic

    Church has been the most assiduous in missionizing these Indians, but some

    work has been done by the Anglicans also. The latter's missions can be

    found at many of the larger settlements, often side by side with the Catholic

    ones. Like the fur traders, the early missionaries left valuable accounts

    [ ?] of the natives. Father A. G. Morice, O.M.I., has written extensively

    concerning the western tribes, and Father Emile Petitot, O.M.I., has left

    descriptions of several of the Mackenzie River groups.

           

    Physical Type

            What anthropometric data there are indicate that the Canadian Athapas–

    kans fall into a least two physical types, a western one and an eastern one.

    The first type, based on measurements among the Tahltan, Carrier, and Sekani,

    is characterized by somewhat above-average stature and is slightly broad–

    headed. The legs are longer in proportion to the bodies than is the case

    for most Indians. In all these characteristics they resemble the Upper Tanana

    of Alaska. The second physical type is represented by the Chipewyan. It is

    shorter in stature, narrower headed, and the legs are shorter in relation to

    the bodies. The Kutchin tribes appear to be intermediate between these two

    types.

            Blood typing done among the Mackenzie River groups gives a distribution

    of from 80 to 87% Type O, with the remaining individuals showing Type A.

    005      |      Vol_VIII-0163                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Canada, Athapaskans

    A similar series for the Beaver gives 52.5% Type O, and 47.5% Type A.

    The consistent presence of Type A sets the Canadian Athapaskans off from

    the two series for Alaskan Athapaskans, both of which run 100% Type O.

    Were the presence of Type A blood among Canadian Athapaskans due to an

    admixture of white blood it would be expected that Type B would appear

    also. Nevertheless, a certain amount of white blood has undoubtedly found

    its way into the genetic inheritance of many of the natives. The early fur

    traders customarily took Indian wives or mistresses and a distinct group of

    metis or mixed bloods soon grew up around the various trading posts.

           

    Tribes and Their Territories

            The use of the term tribe in connection with any northern Athapaskan

    group is something of a misnomer since none of them possesses either the

    tribal consciousness or the political organization to give the term its

    true meaning. Actually what we have is a group of Indians wandering over

    a given territory and possessing a common dialect and common customs. Most

    of the tribal designations are gratuitous, bestowed either by neighboring

    Indians, by fur traders and missionaries, or by students in need of some

    handy designation. Many of the so-called tribes consist of several different

    bands, each one of which, after study, may become a tribe in its own right.

    Thus the Hare or Hareskins of the early fur traders became the Hare, Mountain,

    and Bear Lake tribes. It is quite likely that future field study will result

    [ ?] similarly in further divisions of the Tutchone and Kaska groups.

            Likewise the ascription of a given territory to a certain tribe is only

    approximate at best. While each Athapaskan group considers that it possesses

    the territory over which its members hunt, fish, and trap, such ranges are

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    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Canada, Athapaskans

    quite indefinite and often subject to change. The location and re-location

    of a fur trading post, for instance, affects the movements of the adjacent

    Indians. The early acquisition of the white man's weapons enabled the Cree

    to check the southern drift of the Chipewyan and then push them northward.

    The latter's movements in turn pushed back the Slave, and so on; consequently

    any statis picture of Athapaskan tribes and their territories is somewhat

    deceptive.

            Kutchin . Because they are set off from their neighbors by a specialized

    dialect, the Kutchin constitute a distinct ethnic group. These Indians, who

    are sometimes also called the Loucheux, originally consisted of nine subdivi–

    sions or tribes. Four of these are entirely in Alaska: viz., the Dihaikutchin;

    Nedsekutchin; Tennuthkutchin; and Kutchakutchin. Two groups overlap into

    Canada, but come to Fort Yukon, Alaska, to trade: ( 1 ) the Vuntakutchin, who

    inhabit the middle Porcupine and the Crow rivers, and ( 2 ) the Tranjikkutchin

    of Black River. The territory of the three remaining Kutchin tribes is

    entirely in Canada: ( 1 ) the Takkuthkutchin, who inhabit the upper valley

    of the Porcupine River; ( 2 ) the Tatlitkutchin who inhabit the Peel River valley;

    and ( 3 ) the Nakotchokutchin of the flats above the Mackenzie River Delta.

    The Canadian Kutchin number approximately 600. They do their trading at

    Fort McPherson on the lower Peel River and at Fort Good Hope, Arctic Red

    River, and Aklavik on the Mackenzie River.

            Han. Like the Kutchin, the Han live on both sides of the international

    boundary along the valley of the upper Yukon. They have sometimes been

    classified as a Kutchin tribe, but this is erroneous since they do not

    speak the Kutchin dialect. Culturally and linguistically they are probably

    most similar to their Alaskan neighbors to the west, the Upper Tanana, and

    006a      |      Vol_VIII-0165                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Canada, Athapaskans

    to the various Tutchone bands of Canada. The remnants of the Han now live

    in the native settlements at Eagle, Alaska, and Moosehide, Y.T.

            Tutchone. The classification Tutchone is used to include the little–

    known tribes inhabitating the major rivers of the upper Yukon basin, specifically

    the Stewart, Pelly, Lewes, and White rivers with their tributaries. The early

    explorers and writers also referred to these tribes as Caribou Indians, Wood

    Indians, Crow People, and Nehaunee. Several different groups fall under the

    heading of Tutchone, including: ( 1 ) The Kluane, whose range includes Kluane

    Lake and the Donjek, Nisling, and Lower White rivers; and ( 2 ) the Takutine,

    an Athapaskan tribe that formerly inhabited the valley of the Teslin River,

    but has since been replaced by a Tlingit-speaking group. Perhaps the Tagish

    of the Tagish Lake area should also be mentioned in connection with the Tut–

    chone. The Tagish, although a Tlingit-speaking group, are so similar to the

    Athapaskans in the rest of their culture that it has been suggested that they

    may represent an Athapaskan tibe that has given up its language. Virtually

    nothing is known concerning the natives of the Stewart and Pelly rivers

    save that very few Indians now inhabit that region. Although no good des–

    cription of any Tutchone tribe exists, there is reason to think that the

    Kluane, at least, are quite similar to culture to the Upper Tanana Indians

    of Alaska.

            Tahltan. The Tahltan once controlled the basin of the upper Stikine

    River together with some of the upper tributaries of the Taku, Nass, Skeena,

    and Dease rivers. Because of their location they served as trade intermedi–

    aries between the Tlingit at the mouth of the Stikine, and the Kaska bands

    across the mountains. Originally the Tahlton were divided into six local

    bands, but due to the influence of the Tlingit these bands came to be

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0166                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Canada, Athapaskans

    considered as clan units and in time were grouped into two matrilineal

    moieties, the Wolf and the Raven. Marriage was exogamous between these

    moieties. From the Tlingit the Tahltan also borrowed their threefold

    social division into nobles, commoners, and slaves. A slave remained a

    slave for life and could marry only a slave, but a commoner could raise

    himself to noble status by means of potlatches or giving-away feasts.

    Unlike the other Athapaskan tribes, the Tahltan maintained men's houses

    where the young men lived together until they were married. The Tahltan

    population has decreased greatly since white contact and today they number

    little more than 200. Most of these now make their headquarters at Tele–

    graph Creek in the Cassiar region of British Columbia.

            Tsetsaut . Immediately to the south of the Tahltan in the region

    about the head of Portland Canal were the Tsetsaut. These Indians, whose

    name simply means "inland people" in the language of the neighboring

    Tsimshian, were basically an interior fishing and hunting people who came

    to the sea only for the spring run of eulachon or candlefish. As might

    be expected from their localities, their culture was a blend of Athapaskan

    and Pacific Coast traits. When first known the Tsetsaut numbered about 500.

    Today they are extinct as a tribe, the few surviving individuals having been

    absorbed by the Nass River Tsimshiam.

            Carrier. The Carrier inhabited the territory south of the Tsetsaut,

    but were separated from the latter by the Tsimshian tribes. The territory

    of the Carrier included the valley of the Bulkley River t ogether with the

    neighboring Babine Lake; the Blackwater, Nechako, and upper Fraser river

    drainages; and Stuart and Fraser lakes. The Carrier are subdivided by

    some students into two main groups: ( 1 ) the Babines or Upper Carrier;

    008      |      Vol_VIII-0167                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Canada, Athapaskans

    and ( 2 ) the Takulli or Lower Carrier. The name Carrier itself results from

    the peculiar native custom of compelling a widow to carry the ashes of her

    dead husband about with her in a bag on her back. Culturally the Carrier have

    been subjected to both Bella Coola and Tsimshian influences. From these

    coast tribes they have taken over such traits as crests and rank, and a

    three-class social order. The former population of the Carrier has been

    estimated at 8,500; today they number less than 2,000. They live in scattered

    settlements on native reserves set aside for them in their old area. Some

    of them have taken up petty farming, tie cutting, and other economic pursuits

    of the white man.

            Chilcotin. The Chilcotin live immediately to the south of the Carrier

    in the basin of the Chilcotin River, a tributary of the Fraser. With the

    exception of the now extinct Nicols, they are the most southerly of the

    Canadian Athapaskans. Since the salmon ascended into their territory only

    at irregular intervals, the Chilcotin subsisted largely by hunting caribou,

    goats, sheep, and marmots and by gathering roots and berries. They traded

    extensively with the Bella Coola of the coast and the Shuswap of the Fraser

    River, and their culture shows the effect of these Bella Coola and interior

    Salish influences. They resembled the Shuswap also in their physical type,

    being shorter in stature and having broader heads and noses than other

    Athapaskans. The Chilcotin now number about 400, who live in several small

    communities in the area. In addition one Chilcotin band lives in Riskie

    Creek among the Shuswap and another lives at Alexandria in Carrier territory.

            Sekana . The Sekani occupied the upper drainage of the Peace River

    above Hudson Hope including the basins of the Finlay and Parsnip rivers.

    Although their geographic location places them with the Mackenzie River

    009      |      Vol_VIII-0168                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Canada, Athapaska

    tribes, e.g., bowed two-piece snowshoes, cremation, moieties. Physically

    also they resemble the Tahltan and Carrier. Originally they seem to have

    been part of the Beaver group, to whom they are related linguistically;

    but since all their trade contacts were to the west rather than to the

    east their cultural orientation has also been more and more with the

    western tribes, particularly with the neighboring Carrier. The Sekani

    are primarily a hunting and trapping tribe and fishing plays little part

    in their economy. During the nineteenth century the Sekani consisted of

    four distinct bands. Today they number less than 200 people. These are

    divided into at least two bands, one of which trades at Fort Grahame on

    the Finlay River, and the other trades at Fort McLeod on the Parsnip River.

    Some Sekani also trade at the Hudson's Bay Company post recently established

    on the Sikanni Chief River.

            Beaver. According to Alexander Mackenzie, who first explored this area,

    the Beaver Indians once occupied the drainage of the Peace River from its

    junction with the Smoky River to its mouth at Lake Athabaska, and inhabited

    the lower valley of the Athabaska River as well. Incursions of the Cree,

    who first secured firearms from the fur traders on Hudson Bay soon dispos–

    sessed the Beaver from most of this area and confined them to that section

    of the Peace River above Vermilion Rapids. In more recent years much of

    this remaining territory has been taken over by the white man. Most of

    the approximately 500 Beaver Indians remaining now live on several small

    Indian Reserves along the Peace River.

            Kaska. The Kaska inhabit the upper Liard River drainage above its

    junction with the Fort Nelson River. They have sometimes been called the

    Nahani; but since this latter term is also used to designate several other

    010      |      Vol_VIII-0169                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Canada, Athapaska

    tribes about whom little is known, it has no real meaning for the ethnographer.

    Culturally the Kaska have been grouped with the other Mackenzie River tribes.

    However, like their neighbors to the south, the Sekani, they also display some

    western features, such as matrilineal moieties and potlatches, so that in

    many ways their culture is more western than eastern. From earliest times

    the Kaska trade contacts have been oriented to the west. They traded with

    the Tahltan via the Dease River, and through the latter Indians they obtained

    items such as [ ?] dentalia shells from the Tlingit on the Pacific Coast. The

    present Kaska are divided into four distinct bands whose approximate habitat

    is indicated by their designation: ( 1 ) France Lake; ( 2 ) Upper Liard River;

    ( 3 ) Dease River; ( 4 ) Nelson (who range over the Liard drainage between Lower

    Post and Nelson Forks). These four groups total about 200. Most of them

    now trade out of Lower Post at Mile 620 on the Alaska Highway. A fifth

    group, the Espatodena, also known as the Goat (or Sheep) Indians, inhabits

    the area of the Beaver and South Nahanni rivers and trades at Forts Liard

    and Simpson. Little is known concerning these Indians, and although they

    are generally grouped with the Kaska such classification may be in error.

            Slave. The territory of the Slave Indians includes the drainage of the

    lower Liard River from Fort Nelson to Great Slave Lake, the drainage of the

    Hay River, and the upper portion of the Mackenzie River valley. Originally

    they lived farther south between Great Slave and Athabaska lakes, where the

    Slave River still bears their name, but incursions of the Cree and the

    Chipewyan drove them to their present home. The name Slave indeed seems

    to have originated with the Gree as a term of contempt. Fish play a large

    part in the Slave economy. Moose and woodland caribou, both of which were

    formerly caught in snares or run down on snowshoes, are also important.

    011      |      Vol_VIII-0170                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Canada, Athapaska

    Like other Athapaskan tribes, the Slave are divided into a number of

    independent, semi-leaderless bands named after the territory over which

    they hunt and trap. The least known and most aboriginal of these groups

    is the Trout Lake band whose territory lies between the Hay and Liard

    rivers. The present population of the Slave is about 600. They trade

    chiefly at Hay River, and at Forts Providence, Simpson, Liard, and Nelson.

            Chipewyan. The Chipewyan are the most easterly of the Athapaskan groups.

    At one time they claimed the vast triangularly shaped territory which would

    be enclosed by a line drawn from Churchill to the height of land separating

    the Thelon and Back rivers, another line running past the eastern ends of

    Great Slave and Athabaska lakes, and a third east along the Churchill River

    to its mouth on Hudson Bay. With their diminution in numbers as a result of

    the smallpox epidemic of 1781 their trading locus shifted to the newly estab–

    lished Fort Chipewyan on Athabaska Lake. The Chipewyan are essentially an

    edge-of-the woods people, who occasionally venture out on the barren grounds

    in pursuit of the caribou and musk ox. Although they are the largest of the

    Athapaskan tribes as to both numbers and territory, their culture is the

    weakest and least well developed. The Chipewyan are divided into a number

    of local groups or bands. The most easterly of these, the so-called Caribou

    Eaters, is sometimes considered to constitute a separate tribe but there

    appears to be no real basis for this distinction. The present population

    of the Chipewyan is about 1,000. Most of them trade at Forts McMurray,

    Chipewyan, Smith, and Resolution, and at Fond du Lac.

            Yellowknife . The Yellowknife (also called Copper Indians by the early

    explorers) range over the barrens to the northeast of Great Slave and Great

    Bear lakes including the upper reaches of the Thelon and Coppermine rivers

    012      |      Vol_VIII-0171                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Canada, Athapaska

    where their territory impinges upon that of the Eskimo. They formerly

    hammered out knives and other implements of a native copper which they

    found along the Coppermine River; hence their name. The Yellowknife now

    speak a dialect similar to the Chipewyan, but according to their tradition

    they formerly had a distinctive dialect of their own. They were never a

    large tribe and now number something over 100 people, most of whom trade

    at Fort Resolution.

            Dogrib . The Dogrib inhabit the territory between Great Slave and Great

    Bear lakes, with the Slave in the Mackenzie valley to the west and the Yellow–

    knife on the barren grounds to the east. They appear originally to have

    ranged farther south but withdrew northward under pressure from the Chipewyan.

    The Dogrib are a large group, numbering about 700, and have retained their

    tribal solidarity better than their neighbors. They are divided into four

    distinct bands, all of whom trade out of Fort Rae on the northern arm of Great

    Slave Lake. A fifth band has intermixed with the Bear Lake Indians and trades

    at Fort Norman.

            Bear Lake . The Bear Lake Indians inhabit the area about Great Bear Lake.

    Although they now consider themselves as constituting a distinct ethnic group,

    they appear to have developed within historic times as an offshoot from the

    Hare to the north. Today, however, their contacts are more with the Dogrib

    than with the Hare. They are divided into a number of small, fluid bands all

    of which trade out of Fort Norman.

            Mountain. The Mountain Indians range along both sides of the Mackenzie

    valley above and below the mouth of the Keele (or Gravel) River. They hunt

    up that stream to its head and occasionally cross the mountains into the

    headwaters of the Pelly and Stewart rivers. Like the Bear Lake Indians they

    013      |      Vol_VIII-0172                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Canada, Athapaska

    are sometimes classed as a subdivision of the Hare. However, they differ

    from the latter in their much greater dependence on hunting. The Mountain

    Indians number about 100. Each summer they come down the Keele River in

    their skin boats to trade at Fort Norman.

            Hare. The Hare are also referred to as the Hareskins or Rabbitskins.

    They live along the Mackenzie below the Mountain Indians, although in the

    old days they seldom descended the river much below the Ramparts because of

    their fear of the Eskimos. To the east they ranged as far as the headwaters

    of the Anderson River, and to the west as far as the first line of the

    mountains. They were a timid people and were held in some contempt by the

    more warlike Kutchin, Eskimo, and Yellowknife. Like the other Mackenzie

    River tribes they subsisted largely by hunting and fishing. However, since

    big game animals such as caribou, moose, and muskox were relatively scarce

    in their territory the natives were forced to rely more largely on fish and

    small game such as rabbits. In the absence of caribou hides they often made

    their clothes from rabbitskins; hence their appellation. They are broken up

    into a number of bands, totalling in all several hundred persons. They trade

    out of Fort Good Hope.

            Nicola. The Nicola were a small Athapaskan-speaking tribe who formerly

    dwelt in the valley of the Nicola River in southern British Columbia. They

    were surrounded on all sides by interior Salishan tribes such as the Thompson

    and Okanagan Indians whom they very much resembled culturally. The Nicola

    became extinct early in the nineteenth century.

            Sarsi. The Sarsi of the northern Alberta plains are clearly Athapaskan

    in speech but culturally and politically they are part of the Algonkian–

    speaking Blackfoot tribe. According to their legends the Sarsi were once

    014      |      Vol_VIII-0173                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Canada, Athapaska

    a part of the Beaver of Peace River, but they broke loose from the latter

    and drifted south to the plains country. Here they formed an alliance with

    the buffalo-hunting Blackfoot and eventually they became a constituent band

    of this powerful plains tribe. The remnants of the Sarsi, a little over

    100 in number, are now confined to a reserve a few miles south of Calgary.

           

    Population and Present Condition

            Estimates based on Mooney place the number of Athapaskans in Canada at

    the time of their first contact with Europeans at approximately 30,000,

    although this figure seems a bit high. Today the Athapaskans number about

    7,500, and many of these are mixed bloods. Beginning with the terrible

    smallpox epidemic which ravaged the Mackenzie River tribes in 1781, various

    European diseases have taken their toll. Of these tuberculosis has become

    the most serious, and today this one disease is responsible for 50% of all

    the deaths among the Indians along the Mackenzie River.

            The Indian Affairs Branch maintains a few hospitals for natives, notably

    the ones at Forts St. John and Norman; but for the most part medical and

    hospital services for the natives are provided by the missions who in turn

    receive some financial assistance from the government. The Roman Catholic

    Church maintains hospitals at their missions at Forts Smith, Resolution, Rae,

    and Simpson, and at Aklavik. The latter settlement also possesses an

    Anglican hospital. Medical and educational facilities are virtually nonexist–

    ent, however, in much of northern British Columbia and Yukon Territory. Until

    recently these regions were virtually inaccessible. Throughout most of the

    Athapaskan area the mission also provide what few educational facilities

    there are for the natives.



    015      |      Vol_VIII-0174                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Canada, Athapaska

            With the exception of some of the southernmost tribes such as the

    Carrier and Beaver, most of the Athapaskans do not live on Indian Reserves.

    Instead they continue to range over large areas of wilderness in pursuit

    of their nomadic hunting and fishing existence. To protect the Indians

    against the encroachments of white trappers the government has set aside

    several large areas in the Northwest Territories as Native Game Preserves,

    viz., the Peel River, Yellowknife, Slave, and Mackenzie Mountains preserves.

            The building of the Alaska Military Highway in 1942 brought some of

    the least known and most aboriginal groups into contact with large numbers

    of white men. The native settlements at Fort Nelson, Lower Post, Teslin,

    and Kluane Lake, which for years had enjoyed almost complete isolation,

    suddenly found themselves on a modern highway. Just how disruptive this

    will be for the natives and their culture remains to be seen.



    016      |      Vol_VIII-0175                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McKennan: Canada, Athapaska


    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    1. Birket-Smith, Kaj. "Contributions to Chipewyan Ethnology." Report of

    the Fifth Thule Expedition
    , Vol.6, No.3. Copehnagen, 1930.

    2. Emmons, G.T. The Tahltan Indians . University of Pennsylvania, The

    Museum, Anthropological Publications, Vol.IV, No.1, Philadelphia, 1911.

    3. Grant, J.C. Boileau. Anthropometry of the Beaver, Sekani, and Carrier

    Indians, National Museum of Canada, Bulletin 81. Ottawa, 1936.

    4. Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico . Bureau of American

    Ethnology, Bulletin 30, Parts 1 and 2. Washington, 1907, 1910.

    5. Harmon, Daniel W. A Journal of Voyages and Travels in the Interior of

    North America (1800-1819)
    , New York, 1903.

    6. Hearne, Samuel. A Journey from Prince of Wale's Fort in Hudson's Bay

    to the Northern Ocean in the Years 1769, 1770, 1771, and 1772
    .

    Toronto, 1911.

    7. Honigmann, John J. Ethnography and Acculturation of the Fort Nelson Slave ,

    and other monographs. Yale University Publications in Anthropology,

    New Haven, 1946, 1949.

    8. Innis, Harold A. The Fur Trade in Canada . New Haven, 1930.

    9. Jenness, Diamond. The Indians of Canada , and other monographs. National

    Museum of Canada. Ottawa, 1932, 1929, 1937.

    10.McKennan, Robert. The Indians of the Upper Tanana, Alaska . (ms.), and field

    notes on other tribes.

    11. Mackenzie, Alexander. Voyages from Montreal . London, 1801.

    12. Mason, J. Alden. Notes on the Indians of the Great Slave Lake Area.

    Yale University Publications in Anthropology, No.34, New Haven, 1946.

    13. Masson, L.R. Les Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord-Ouest , 2 vols.

    Quebec, 1889, 1890.

    14. Morice, A.G. The Western D e é n e é s, Their Manners and Customs , and other

    monographs. Proceedings, Canadian Institute, 3rd series, Vol.7,

    Toronto, 1890.

    15. Osgood, Cornelius. The Distribution of the Norther n Athapaskan Indians ,

    and other monographs. Yale University Publications in Anthropology.

    New Haven, 1936.

    16. Petitot, Emile. Monographie des D e é n e é -Dindjie , and other monographs. Paris, 1876.

           

    Robert McKennan

    Northern Cree (Canada)


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0176                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    [John M. Cooper]


    NORTHERN CREE (CANADA )
    Page
    Territory, Divisions, and Name 1
    Natural Environment 2
    Somatology and Population 4
    Language 5
    Sources 6
    Subsistence Activities 7
    Social and Political Life 12
    Economic Life 14
    Life Cycle 15
    Esthetic and Recreational Activities 16
    Religion 18
    Folklore 21
    Bibliography 22



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0177                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    [John M. Cooper]


           

    NORTHERN CREE (CANADA )

           

    Territory, Divisions, and Name

            The present article deals with the northern or canoe-using Cree of the

    Canadian taiga, to the exclusion of the western or horse-using Cree of the park–

    lands and plains west of Lake Winnipeg and south of the taiga. The northern

    Cree fall into three geographical groups: the Maskegon or Swampy Cree, the Tetes

    de Boule, and the western Woodland Cree. The Swampy Cree, in earlier colonial

    times the main body of the northern Cree, occupy a belt of territory about 500

    miles in length from northwest to southeast, abutting to the northeast on the

    southern coast of Hudson Bay and the western coast of James Bay from the Churchill

    River to the Harricanaw, and extending back into the hinterland about one to

    three hundred miles over most of the area. To the east of the Swampy Cree, com–

    pletely separated from them by about 200 miles as the crow flies, are the Cree–

    speaking Tetes de Boule of the upper St. Maurice River, Quebec. Immediately to

    the west of the Swampy Cree are the [ ?] western Woodland Cree. These include:

    the Cree of the Rocks, who occupy the roughly rectangular, wooded area west and

    northwest of northern Lake Winnipeg, from about 99° to 106° W. longitude and from

    about 53° 30′ to 56° N. latitude; and scattered outlying groups as far north as

    Lake Athabaska and as far west as the Peace River country. The over-all east–

    west extent of the Cree habitat is about 1,500 miles.



    002      |      Vol_VIII-0178                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology. Cooper: Northern Cree

            The Swampy Cree and the Tetes de Boule appear from our documentary sources

    to have occupied habitats approximately the same as their present ones since they first

    came in contact with the whites in the second and third quarters of the 17th century.

    We have no evidence of Cree-speaking people living before the beginning of the 18th

    century in what is now western Woodland Cree territory, except perhaps in the eastern–

    most fringe thereof. Much of the present territory of the western Woodland Cree

    was acquired after the middle of the 18th century at the expense of Athapascan–

    speaking peoples. (Mandelbaum, 1940, 169-87; Rossignol, 1939, 62)

            "Cree" is apparently an abbreviation of an Ojibwa name, kiristnon (or kili–

    stinon
    , or kinistinon , see below); it is thus that the Swampy Cree are referred

    to in the 17th century Jesuit chronicles ( Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents ,

    R. G. Thwaites. 73 vols., Cleveland, 189601901). The northern Cree more commonly

    call themselves iriniwuk ( iliniwuk , etc.: irin -, first, real, genuine; - uk , anim.

    pl. ending), prefixing the name of the locality or of some feature of the environ–

    ment to denote the specific band or regional name. Thus: Obidjuan iriniwuk ,

    Obidjuan Lake band of the Tetes de Boule; maskego ininiwuk (or simply

    maskegowuk : maskeg, swamp, marsh), Swampy Cree; assiniskawidiniwok ( assini - rock,

    - skaw — abundance of, many); Cree of the Rocks. The name nehiyaw (and phonetic

    variants), for Cree Indians, is also used, but more among the [ ?] Plains Cree.

           

    Natural Environment

            The territory of the northern Cree, all within the Laurentian Shield, is mostly

    low rolling plateau, broken by innumerable streams, rapids, falls, and lakes.

    However, along the west coast of James Bay and the south coast of Hudson [ ?] Bay

    almost level swampy lowlands — whence the name Swampy Cree — extend well inland

    from about 100 to 300 miles.



    003      |      Vol_VIII-0179                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology. Cooper: Northern Cree

            The climate [ ?] is of the Dfc type in the Köppen classification, with a

    temperature range between extremes well in the nineties Fahrenheit on occa–

    sional midsummer days down to the fifties below zero at times in midwinter.

    For Moose Factory in the east and Fort Chipewyan (Lake Athabaska) in the west,

    respective records (Fahr.) are: mean temperature, January, –4.4° and–12.7°,

    July, 61.2° and [ ?] 59.4° extremes, maximum, 97° and 93°, minimum,

    –54° and –58°. Precipitation falls off from the extreme east of the Cree habitat

    to the extreme northwest: average yearly in inches, Montreal (just south of the

    Tete de Boule country), [ ?] 40.65°, to Moose Factory, 20.95°, to Fort Chipewyan,

    12.59°. In summer the woods often become excessively dry and forest fires are

    frequent. In winter snow commonly accumulates to a depth of three to four feet.

            Except for a narrow treeless strip along the southern coast of Hudson Bay

    and a small triangular area of tundra at Cape Henrietta at the northern tip of

    the western coast of James Bay, the territory occupied by the northern Cree is

    typical taiga or coniferous forest, heavily wooded in most parts, somewhat more

    open or sparsely wooded in the sphagnum swamps that cover much of the lowland

    coastal belt. The more common trees of the territory are: black spruce ( Picea

    mariana
    ), white spruce ( P. canadensis ), tamarack ( Larix americana ), balsam fir

    ( Abies balsamica ), balsam poplar ( P. balsamifera ), and canoe birch ( Betula

    papyrifera
    ).

            The mammals, birds and fishes of most importance in the northern Cree economy

    are:

            Mammals: Moose ( Alces americana ), woodland caribou ( Rangifer caribou ), black

    bear ( Euarctos americanus ), polar bear ( Thalarctos maritimus ), gray wolf ( Canis

    lycaon
    ), red fox ( Vulpes fulva ), marten ( Martes americana ), fisher ( M. pennanti ),

    short-tailed weasel ( Mustela cicognanii ), least weasel ( M. rixosa ), mink ( M. vison ),

    004      |      Vol_VIII-0180                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Cooper: Northern Cree

    wolverine ( Gulo luscus )R, skunk ( Mephitis mephitis ), American otter ( Lutra cana–

    densis
    ), muskrat ( Ondatra zibethica ), woodchuck ( Marmota monax ), beaver ( Castor

    canadensis
    ), Canada porcupine ( Erethizon dorsatus) , snowshoe rabbit ( Lepus ameri–

    canus
    ). Frommuch of the eastern section of northern Cree territory, caribou have

    largely or entirely given place to moose, within the [ ?] memory of older men now

    living.

            Birds: Spruce grouse ( Canachites canadensis ), Canada ruffed grouse ( Bonasa

    umbellus
    ), ptarmigan ( Lagopus spp.), Canada goose ( Branta candensis ), lesser snow

    goose ( Chen hyperboreus) .

            Fishes: Whitefish [ ?] ( Coregonus spp.), dore ("pickerel," Stizostedion sp.),

    "pike" ( Esox sp.), lake trout ( Cristivomer sp.), brook trout ( Salvelinus fontinalis ),

    sturgeon ( Acipenser sp.), "suckers" ("carp": Catostomus spp.); marai or loche:

    ( Lota maculosa ).

           

    Somatology and Population

            We have only fragmentary anthropometric data on the northern Cree, quite in–

    sufficient for generalizations, so we shall not attempt such. Miscegenation with

    whites and other Indian tribes has taken place on a large scale since early times.

    The Mongolian fold and Mongolian spot (ominicim , "his own little berry") occur,

    the latter very commonly, in children. Respiratory and gastrointestinal diseases,

    impetigo, and caries are widespread. Pronounced malnutrition, especially vitamin

    deficiencies, and excessively high 1942 mortality rates (crude mortality, 39.04

    per 1,000; death rate from tuberculosis, 1,400 per 100,000; infant mortality,

    slightly under 400 per 1,000 live births) are reported for the Swampy Cree of

    the region northwest of northern Lake Winnipeg (Moore et al, 1946). Diabetes is

    reported as rare. Mild psychic disorders — [ ?] "hysteria," dreads, and so forth --

    005      |      Vol_VIII-0181                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Cooper: Northern Cree

    are common among the James Bay Cree; a specific neurosis marked by a [ ?]

    brief period of catatonic stupor, among Obidjuan Tete de Boule women; more

    rarely, but throughout most or all of the northern Cree area, the wihtiko

    psychosis, with its accompanying craving for human flesh (Saindon, 1933; Cooper,

    1933).

            Exact population figures are not available for all divisions of the northern

    Cree. For one reason, census statistics are not broken down along linguistic

    and cultural lines. The following data, from the official census reports of

    1944, with comparative figures from that of 1924, are, except for the Tetes de

    Boule and James Bay and Hudson Bay Cree, rough approximations only.

            Tetes de Boule, in 1944, 639 souls (598 in 1924); James Bay Cree, 2,013

    (1,571 in 1924); Hudson Bay Cree, 1,644 (1,022 in 1924); other Woodland Cree,

    somewhere around 11,000-12,000 (8,000-9,000 [ ?] in 1924); total, probably around

    15,000-16,000 (11,000-12,000 in 1924). According to the census data, the popu–

    lation of the northern Cree increased about 40% between 1924 and 1944. (Census,

    1924, 1944.)

           

    Language

            Cree, a language of the far-flung Algonquian family, has its closest affi–

    liations [ ?] within the family with Montagnais-Naskapi and Ojibwa-Algonquin. The

    three languages differ from one another about as much as do Italian, Spanish, and

    Portuguese. As spoken throughout the whole area of occupation by the Cree their

    language is markedly uniform, although broken up into a number of local dialects,

    referred to as the d, l, n, r, θ (Gr., theta ), and y dialects because of phoneti–

    cal variants for the "l" of the Primitive Central Algonkin. The "l" is retained

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0182                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Cooper: Northern Cree

    or has been re-adopted in the Moose Factory dialect and by some of the members

    of the Tetes de Boule and Albany bands, but is replaced, for instance, by [ ?]

    "r" among most of the Tetes de Boule, the Kesagami band (formerly just east of

    and now fused with the Moose Factory [ ?] band), and some of the far western Wood–

    land Cree. The Swampy Cree from Albany on James Bay as far as Oxford House, Norway

    House, and the country around Le Pas on the lower Saskatchewan, have adopted the

    "n"; the lower Churchill Cree and the Cree of the Rocks use θ ( theta ) and "d";

    and "y" is substituted among some bands of western Woodland Cree as well as among

    the Plains Cree. (Michelson, 1939, 70-73, map; Rossignol, 1939, 62; Lacombe, 1874,

    xv; Faries-Watkins, 1938, v; Cooper, 1945.)

           

    Sources

            The first references to the Tetes de Boule and the Swampy Cree are in the

    Jesuit Relations of 1636 and 1640, respectively. On the Swampy and Western Wood–

    land Cree our fullest early sources are Umfreville (1790), Alexander Mackenzie

    (1902), David Thompson (1916), Richardson in Franklin (1823); more recent Skinner

    (1911, his "Cree" [ ?] data are largely Montagnais), Saindon (1933, 1934), Ro s signol

    (1938a, 1938b, 1939), Flannery (1935, 136 1936, 1938, 1946, and unpublished field

    notes of 1933, 1935, 1937), and Cooper (1928, 1933, 1934, 1938, 1945, 1946, and

    unpublished field notes of 1927, 1932-34). On the Tetes de Boule, our fuller

    sources are Davidson (1928a, 1928b, 1928c), Guinard (1930), Cooper (1939 and [ ?]

    unpublished field notes of 1925-27, 1931, 1937). The following account of Cree

    culture is based chiefly upon the above unpublished field notes, in part upon the

    extensive scattered published sources on the northern Cree, including the above–

    mentioned ones. Our available information upon the Tetes de Boule and the James Bay

    Swampy Cree is very much more detailed, although still incomplete, than that upon the

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0183                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Cooper: Northern Cree

    the other Swampy Cree and upon the western Woodland Cree.

           

    Subsistence Activities

            Yearly cycle . From fall until spring each year, during the months when furs

    are at their best and trapping is good, the northern Cree live widely scattered

    in the forest, each biological family or group of close kin hunting and trapping

    in comparative isolation on its own hunting ground. As the trapping season ends

    in the spring the scattered families and groups of each band foregather, usually

    near the trading posts, with the triple objective of exchanging their furs for

    white man's goods, of associating with relatives, friends, and fellow tribesmen,

    and of holding religious (now mostly Christian) services and exercises. Most of

    the Swampy Cree who winter up in the hinterland spend part of the summer on the

    coasts of Hudson and James bays, but this coast-inland alternation has only

    superficial resemblances to the inland-coast alternation, conditioned by the food

    quest, of many of the Eskimos.

            Food . The northern Cree practice no plant cultivation, apart from small gar–

    dens here and there, mostly of potatoes, under white influence. They have no native

    domestic animals except the dog. The small aboriginal dog used in hunting is well

    treated; the larger dogs, of ultimate white or Eskimo derivation, used for draw–

    ing toboggans are pretty badly treated.

            The chief protein foods are: caribou, moose, beaver, mu k skrat, black and

    polar bear, porcupine, woodchuck, snowshoe rabbit, grouse, geese, ducks, and fish,

    especially whitefish. Ordinarily fox, wolf, wolverine, weasel, seal, and beluga

    are not eaten. Marten, fisher, mink, skunk, lynx, and otter are eaten by some

    bands and individuals but not by others. The native flora is drawn upon mainly for

    008      |      Vol_VIII-0184                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Cooper: Northern Cree

    many kinds of berries, especially blueberries ( Vaccinium sp.), wild cherries

    ( Prunus sp.), and "wild carrots," Salt was not used. Flour, lard, sugar, and

    canned goods are purchased from traders. The [ ?] aboriginal diet, a predominantly

    protein one of meat and fish, is shifting to one in which carbohydrates bulk large.

            Hunting and trapping food and game animals is now done mostly with guns and

    steel traps. The bow and arrow is still used a little, by boys or else for grouse

    and ptarmigan by grownups. A great variety of snares, deadfalls, spear downfalls,

    door and funnel traps, pitfalls, and other trapping devices were used until quite

    recent years, and many of them are still used (Cooper, 1938). Beaver chiseling is

    or was common. Caribou are or were taken by spearing in the water and by driving

    in fences, but only at points favorable to such methods. Blinds and decoys are

    used in hunting geese.

            Fishing is done chiefly with gill nets (set under the ice in winter), [ ?]

    pole-and-line, and night lines. Fish nets, formerly made of wikubi (a willow:

    Salix sp.), are now made of twine, and mostly by the women. Steel fishhooks

    have now almost entirely replaced the earlier hooks made of a bit of wood with a

    point of bone or lynx claw attached at an acute angle to the distal end.

            Boiling with hot stones in wooden or bark containe r s occurred. Meat and fish

    are commonly ponasked, that is, broiled on a spit tilted toward the fire, or are

    suspended over the fire.

            Meat was cut in strips, dried over a fire, and often pounded and mixed with

    grease and so preserved. Grease is made from bear and beaver fat and from moose

    bones and fat, and is preserved. Blueberries are boiled to a thick paste which

    hardens and can be kept through the winter or even longer.

            There was no native pre-contact intoxicant, but the white man's alcoholic

    beverages are taken to very kindly everywhere and home brew is not unknown. An

    009      |      Vol_VIII-0185                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Cooper: Northern Cree

    infusion of Labrador tea ( Ledum groenlandicum ) is commonly drunk. Birch syrup is

    made by some bands; maple syrup by the southernmost division of the Tetes de Boule.

    The lichen, rock tripe ( Umbilicaria sp.) is resorted to as a famine food. Trader's

    tea is everywhere in use.

            Fire-making . Fire, before the [ ?] introduction of matches, was made with flint

    and steel, and still earlier by use of the bow drill among the James Bay Cree,

    and, among them and the Tetes de Boule, by percussion with two stones. Among

    the Tetes de Boule, birch and tamarack are preferred for firewood, with poplar,

    spruce, Banksian pine, and balsam as second choices.

            Shelter . Log cabins and canvas-covered walled or unwalled A-tents introduced

    from the whites are the common shelter for summer. Many families prefer the tent

    for winter. The typical native tent is or was conical, covered with birch-bark

    rolls or, in certain areas, with caribou or moose skin, and provided with a mov–

    able skin flap at the smoke hole. The ground inside was often dug out a few

    inches, in a rare case a couple of feet. A hole through the tent wall and the

    snow banked outside provided ventilation, to regulate interior temperature and to

    carry the smoke out through the open top. The hearth was in the center of the tent.

    A conical tent, of split poles, covered with earth or moss, was sometimes used by

    the James Bay Cree and Tetes de Boule; a large A-shaped tent, with a door at each

    end and housing two or more families, by some of the latter. For overnight camp–

    ing simple windbreaks or three-walled structures were erected, with a big fire

    built at the front to leeward. For [ ?] ground covering inside tents, balsam or

    other brush, strips of spruce bark, and caribou, moose, or bear hides are customary.

            Clothing . Some of the northern Cree still use the native moccasins, fur

    headgear, skin mittens (fingerless, except thumb), and robes and tailored garments

    of woven rabbit skin; the remainder wear store-bought European clothing. Formerly,

    clothing consisting mainly of breechclout, leggings, coats with attached or de-

    010      |      Vol_VIII-0186                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Cooper: Northern Cree

    tachable sleeves, moccasins, mittens, and headgear was of skin and fur. Mocca–

    sins, consistently soleless, are of several types, such as the rabbit nose, the

    deer tooth, and what appears to be the older type in the area from Moose to the

    St. Maurice, a moccasin like the rabbit nose one but lacking the seam forward

    of the vamp (cf. ill. Skinner, 1911, 20). Snow goggles are common among the

    Swampy Cree and Tetes de Boule.

            Skin dressing is an elaborate process calling for great skill and including

    dehairing, fleshing, splashing with brains or grease, wringing and working, water–

    soaking, sun-drying, and smoking.

            There was relatively little body decoration, apart from face painting (with

    native earths and charcoal and later with trader's vermilion), depilation, ear–

    piercing, and simple tattooing. Thread tattooing occurred among the Swampy Cree

    and Tetes de Boule. Septum piercing was early reported in the York Factory

    region. Body anointing with grease was resorted to more for protection against

    cold in winter and mosquitoes in summer.

            Travel and transportation . Summer travel and transportation are and, from the

    nature of the country, have to be mainly by water. Canvas-covered canoes, often

    propelled by outboard motors, have since the beginning of the century largely dis–

    placed the early birch-bark canoe. The Cree of the northern coast of James Bay,

    where suitable birch bark is not available, use a crudely constructed canoe of

    pine or spruce bark. Small "plank canoes," of thin pine or cedar boards, have

    occasionally been used in the Albany River region. Rafts are sometimes made to

    cross lakes or to descend rivers.

            Winter travel and transportation are mostly by snowshoe and toboggan.

            The common snowshoe is the netted type, pointed at both ends, sometimes with

    the front end turned up. The bear-foot type is widespread, in use more by children.

    A beaver-tail snowshoe is known among the central Tetes de Boule. Wooden (non-

    011      |      Vol_VIII-0187                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Cooper: Northern Cree

    netted) snowshoes are sometimes used among the northern James Bay Cree. Formerly

    snowshoe netting was sometimes of loche or sturgeon skin in the Albany-Moose–

    Kesagami region.

            The birch toboggan occurs throughout the northern Cree area. As early at

    least as the late 18th century, it was drawn by dogs among the Hudson Bay and Lake

    Winnipeg Swampy Cree. Farthe east, however, among the James Bay Cree the toboggan

    was drawn by men, women, and children until quite recent times, and among the Tetes

    de Boule till well after the beginning of the present century, and in some places

    is still sometimes so drawn.

            Manufactures . Babiche, of caribou and moose rawhide, is used for snowshoe

    netting and other purposes; peeled and split rootlets of spruce, as lashing for

    canoes and bark containers; caribou and moose sinew, as thread in making moccasins.

    Needles were made of bone and fish spine. Long strips of rabbit skin, with the

    hair on, are woven by a looped coiled technique into blankets and garments. Loom

    [ ?] weaving is absent.

            Various types of baskets and dishes are made of canoe-birch bark or where

    this is lacking of other bark — of pine in the northern James Bay region. In some

    areas bark baskets are or were decorated with porcupine quills or else dyed red

    with a willow bark dye and etched in either geometric or realistic figures.

            Of wood were or are made dishes, drinking cups, and many types of spoons and

    ladles, the last sometimes with burnt designs.

            The northern Cree did little stone work. Bone was used more than stone for

    weapons and implements.

            Pottery is lacking. A little was made long ago by the southern Tetes de Boule,

    and pottery water drums were earlier reported among the Cree (or mixed Cree and

    Ojibwa?) north of Lake Superior.



    012      |      Vol_VIII-0188                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Cooper: Northern Cree

            Bags and containers of many kinds are made from the skins of mammals, birds,

    and fishes.

            The white man's axe is of course universally used, as is also the steel

    crooked knife. In earlier times knives were made from caribou ribs and leg bones

    and from beaver teeth.

            From black spruce cones and white spruce underbark the Tetes de Boule make

    a brown-to-black dye; from the bark of a willow, a red one.

            At present all the northern Cree use guns in hunting. The chief native hunting

    weapon was the bow and arrow. Among the James Bay Cree and the Tetes de Boule,

    the bow was more commonly a self-bow, with bowstring of hide or sinew; the arrow,

    with bone head, flat nock, and bridge feathering (usually three half-feathers).

    Blunt headed bird arrows are still used. Boys may learn archery by use of the

    primary release; adults commonly use the Mediterranean. The [ ?] crossbow occurs,

    mostly as a toy, among the James Bay Cree and the Tetes de Boule; the throwing

    arrow among the latter. A spear was used in some areas for caribou, sturgeon,

    and pike.

           

    Social and Political Life

            The young of marriageable age are strictly segregated; there is no courting.

    Preferential cross-cousin marriage is or was prevalent among the James Bay and

    Saskatchewan Woodland Cree, not among the Tetes de Boule. (Flannery, 1938; Rossig–

    nol, 1938a). Marriages are largely arranged by the parents, especially the mothers,

    of the couple. Skill, industriousness, and mild disposition are the outstanding

    qualifications looked for in prospective mates. The presents given by the groom to

    the bride's father can hardly be called a bride price proper. The wedding involves

    no rites, and practically no observances except lectures to the couple by the girl's

    parents.



    013      |      Vol_VIII-0189                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Cooper: Northern Cree

            The northern Cree, now nearly all Christian and monogamous, formerly prac–

    ticed polygyny, frequently sororal. A man rarely had more than three or four

    wives simultaneously. Levirate marriages were reported earlier among the Hudson

    Bay Swampy Cree. Marr a iage tends or tended to be patrilocal among the Tetes de

    Boule; matrilocal, temporarily at least, among the Hudson Bay Cree. A daughter–

    in-law, among the Swampy Cree (but not the Tetes de Boule), does not speak to her

    father-in-law directly unless necessary, nor a son-in-law to his mother-in-law.

            In general, the status of woman among the northern Cree is in most respects

    fairly good (Flannery, 1935). Children are consistently well treated; the aged,

    often not so well.

            Divorce was common in the old days, as were extramarital sexual relations.

    Incest occurs, although disapproved.

            The characteristic political unit is the loose band made up of several or

    many unrelated biological or extended families and numbering from less than a hundred

    up to four or even six or eight hundred souls. These bands formerly lacked chiefs

    and some still do. The "chiefs" of the early trading days were in reality leaders

    accepted or chosen freely by their followers for ability in bargaining, hunting,

    and warfare; they had no coercive power, no recognized authority [ ?] to command, legis–

    late, or adjudicate. The same holds in the main for the modern band chiefs, where

    they exist; their function is mostly to serve as go-betweens with the Canadian

    authorities. Decisions on matters concerning the public interest of the band are

    ordinarily arrived at by common consent in informal gatherings participated in by

    the married or older men. Shifting by individuals, families, or larger groups

    from one band to another is freely done, often in consequence of shifts in the loca–

    tion of trading posts. Actually the ultimate autonomous political unit is more the

    biological or extended family than the band.



    014      |      Vol_VIII-0190                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Cooper: Northern Cree

            There are and, so far as our earlier sources go, were no social classes, no

    secret or other societies, no [ ?] totemic or non-totemic sibs or moieties.

            The western swampy Cree of Hudson Bay used to carry on sporadic warfare with

    their old enemies the Eskimos, and warfare was of course an integral feature of

    the previously mentioned westward and northwestward expansion of the western Swampy

    Cree. The James Bay Cree, however, and the Tetes de Boule have been, since first

    known historically in the 17th century, notably peaceful and nonmilitaristic.

           

    Economic Life

            Land is held throughout nearly all the northern Cree area under the family

    hunting ground system. Each biological or extended family or other small kinship

    group claims exclusive hunting and trapping rights over a well limited area which

    may vary from about 50 to 300 or more square miles. Trespass by members of the

    same or other bands for hunting or trapping is strictly prohibited and bitterly

    resented. Beaver are carefully conserved. In the nonforested tundra region off

    Cape Henrietta in James Bay, whither the adjacent forest-dwelling Indians go

    chiefly for caribou, the family hunting ground system does not obtain: each man

    hunts and traps where he pleases.

            A man who kills a large game animal, say a moose, has a recognized exclusive

    right to it. But ordinarily if other families are in camp he will share the meat

    generously and would be criticized as stingy if he did not. Women and children enjoy

    full ownership of property which they have acquiared by manufacture, gift, or other–

    wise. Stealing among members of a band is almost unknown. Caches, d c ommonly

    made, of food or other property are rarely or never brok e n into or plundered.

            The division of labor between men and women appears on the whole equitable.

    Tasks involving greater muscular power, graver danger or [ ?] hardship, and farther

    015      |      Vol_VIII-0191                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Cooper: Northern Cree

    travel from camp fall more to the man; others, more to the woman. In manufac–

    tures, all kinds of work in wood is ordinarily done by the man; skin-dressing,

    sewing, garment-making, netting, and basketry, by the woman. But the lines are

    not strictly drawn; men will often engage in what are considered more as women's

    tasks, and vice versa.

           

    Life Cycle

            Conception is generally believed to result only from reiterated coitus. Be–

    lief in prenatal impressions, marital continence from advanced pregnancy until

    well after delivery, various food prescriptions and taboos for the mother before

    and after childbirth, and delivery in kneeling position are common; contra–

    ceptive measures, abortion, and infanticide are not.

            The infant at birth is first placed in a simple bark cradle, later in a

    baby-sack or moss-bag and wooden hopped cradle. Powdered rotten wood is used as

    talcum powder, moss as diaper. The navel cord, caribou teeth, a small netted

    hoop (to prevent colds), and other objects are hung on the cradle. Among the

    James Bay Cree the child's name is bestowed, not by the parents, but by a friend,

    who gets it by dreaming or conjuring. In older times individuals had only one

    name, with often an additional nickname.

            Children are rarely subjected to corporal punishment. Training in social

    behavior is largely through encouragement and admonition, rewards more than punish–

    ment, a "taking-for-granted" pedagogy; sometimes by threat of bugaboos such as the

    crow, wolf, owl, or cannibal wihtiko. The first game killed by a boy is given

    by him to his parents or others, and not partaken of by himself.

            There are no boys' adolescent rites proper, although many or most boys around

    adolescence would go out into the woods, make a scaffold in a tree, and fast and

    fream to obtain a powagan or guardian spirit. The girl at her first menses was

    016      |      Vol_VIII-0192                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Cooper: Northern Cree

    segregated in a little tent near her father's lodge and was given counsel by an

    older woman relative, and in some areas had to use a head-and-face covering, a

    reed or bone tube for drinking, and/or a stick for scratching her head or back.

    (Play, marriage, and sickness are dealt with elsewhere in the present article.)

            Earlier, among some of the western Swampy Cree, mourning observances in–

    cluded cutting off the hair, piercing the [ ?] thighs and arms with arrows, and –

    blackening the face. Among the northern Cree, until recently some belongings were

    commonly deposited with the dead on or in the grave. Burial was ordinarily in

    a grave lined with sticks, branches, or bar; in supine posture among the Tetes

    de Boule and the James Bay Cree, in sitting posture among some of the western

    Swampy Cree. Among the James Bay Cree the survivors move their tent after a death.

            Survival [ ?] after death was believed in, but in most areas for [ ?] which we

    have information ideas about the conditions prevailing in the after life were

    markedly vague. The Northern Lights were spoken of as the dancing of the dead.

           

    Esthetic and Recreational Activities

            Decoration of artifacts with split spruce roots is common; with porcupine quills

    and by etching and burning, sporadic. Making bitten patterns, often very artistic,

    in birch bark is popular among the women. Sculpture proper in stone or wood was

    almost entirely absent.

            The chief musical instruments are the rattle and drum: the former of rawhide

    shaped like the figure 6, the latter more commonly double-headed an often with one

    or two snares across the head.

            The white man's decorative arts, music and musical instruments, and dances

    have almost entirely supplanted the native ones. In general, artistic achievement

    was of an extremely simple order.



    017      |      Vol_VIII-0193                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Cooper: Northern Cree

            From northern Cree recreative culture was entirely or almost entirely

    absent, apart from later intrusions, such features as gambling, team games

    proper, strenuous competition, and appeal to magico-religious forces. There

    were mild competitive sports such as foot and canoe races, football, wrestling,

    and pole tug-of-war, but rivalry was not very keen. Common toys used by

    children are bows and arrows, crossbows, throwing arrows, slings, tops, buzzers,

    bull-roarers, dart stickers, owl feet, flippers, popguns, toy cradles, dolls.

    String figures were observed among the Tetes de Boule. Recreative swimming is

    uncommon. Hide-and-seek and a number of such games with rules are played by

    children, and sometimes by adults ( [ ?] Flannery, 1936). Moccasin, lacrosse, and

    hoop-and-pole are absent, although the last two were earlier reported among

    some of the western Swampy Cree. Snowsnake, platter, and the woman's double-ball

    game occurred among some of the Jame a Bay Cree, probably intrusive from the

    adjacent Ojibwa. Cup-and-pin with brush, birch-bark disks, or perforated hide

    for the "cup," is very common. Young wild mammals and birds are kept as pets in

    many areas, perhaps all.

            There were no native alcoholic intoxicants. Tobacco was smoked in stone

    pipes, sometimes in makeshift tubular birch-bark ones. Tobacco was gotten by

    trade; none was planted. Red willow bark served as substitute. A large stone

    calumet was earlier used among the western Swampy Cree.

            Most of the modern northern Cree can read and write syllabic or Roman script,

    the young in some areas being home-taught by their parents or other elders. A

    considerable number of travelers' signs and symbols, mostly made with sticks an [ ?]

    serving as a crude means of objective communication, are put up on trails or in

    other conspicuous places to convey messages to later-coming relatives and friends.

    [ ?]

    018      |      Vol_VIII-0194                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Cooper: Northern Cree

    A stick, for example, cut all around, blackened at the cut with charcoal, and stuck

    up on a trail, means that there has been a death.

            The northern Cree are markedly matter-of-fact and "nonmystical" in their

    explanation of natural phenomena, most of which are ascribed to natural [ ?] causes

    or, with customary reserve, to causes unknown rather than to supernatural ones.

    These forest hunters have considerable, often surprisingly keen, climatological,

    zoological, and botanical knowledge.

           

    Religion

            Most of the magico-religious beliefs, activities, and attitudes of the nor–

    thern Cree fall into one or other of three categories: theistic concepts and cult,

    shamanistic practices, and hunting observances.

            A pre-Christian belief in and cult of a Supreme Being was found everywhere

    among the Swampy Cree and western Woodland Cree (Cooper, 1934). The Supreme Being

    was believed to be one only, to be over all things, and to live above but he was

    in no sense s identified with the sun or the sky. He was addressed as manitu ("spirit,"

    "supernatural being"), kitci manitu ("great spirit"), "Our Father," "Thou who art

    master (or owner) of life," "Thou who art master of food," and other names. He was

    the benevolent master or owner of all things, including human beings, but not

    among all bands the maker. As owner and master of food and of the game animals

    He was the provider of food, and He sent dreams to tell the Indians where they would

    hunt well. He was offended if they wasted the meat He gave them or mistreated the

    animals or other creatures He had provided for man, but seemingly did not rewards

    conformity with or punish offences against the moral or social code. The chief act

    of cult toward Him was a first-fruits sacrifice which consisted in throwing a bit

    of meat or grease in the fire before partaking of food and in saying, mentally or

    019      |      Vol_VIII-0195                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Cooper: Northern Cree

    aloud, some such simple unformalized prayer as, "We thank Thee for this food Thou

    hast given us," "We are depending on Thee to give us meat again," and so forth.

    In some areas a spring feast was held at which many people would gather, but

    no elaborate or formal ritual was connected with it. In fact, elaborate ritualism

    such as one finds among the Plains Cree is quite foreign to the northern Cree

    culture.

            The most characteristic attitude toward the Supreme Being and for that matter

    toward most other supernatural beings was that of reverence, expectation, and

    gratitude. Fear was little to the fore, even fear of the dead. Fear was mostly

    felt toward the cannibalistic wihtiko, often described in the earlier literature

    as a sort of supreme evil being, but in reality a pure folklore being to whom no

    form of cult was given, except perhaps earlier among the western Swampy Cree.

            Whether the Tetes de Boule had a belief in a Supreme Being is at best doubt–

    ful. Their most prominent being, North Being or North Wind Being, often addressed

    as "Our Grandfather," shared some of the characteristics of the Swampy Cree Supreme

    Being. He was, for instance, the giver of food, and was offended at wasting meat,

    but on the other hand he figures in folklore as far from supreme.

            The shamanistic or "conjuring" practices center large l y around the shaking-tent

    rite and are carried out by professional or specially qualified shamans or con–

    jurers through the mediation of their guardian spirit ( powagan ) or spirits acquired

    by the same type of quest that [ ?] was used by the adolescent boy to acquire one.

    There is no sharp division between lay and professional power so acquired: the one

    blends imperceptibly into the other. The shaking-tent rite is based on the animistic

    guardian-spirit concept rather than on the concept of impersonal magical force.

    A special tent, solidly built, and usually more or less cylindrical in form, is

    erected. The shaman enters it. After a while, voices of various animals or beings

    020      |      Vol_VIII-0196                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Cooper: Northern Cree

    are heard — mikenak ( miskenak ), the turtle, serving as spokesman in most regions

    — and the tent shakes or bends at the top. Through the rite, the shaman learns

    such things as future events, the location of game, the fortunes of distant

    relatives or friends, the remedy for disease, and may take occasion to harm

    enemies or rival shamans. He may also achieve these same ends through means

    other than the shaking-tent rite, such as dreaming, drumming, singing, and so

    forth. Induced ecstacy or loss of consciousness plays a very negligible role in

    the practices of the northern Cree shaman.

            Many types of sickness are looked upon as purely "natural" and are treated by

    lay men and women with herbal and other remedies on a purely empirical basis.

    Other types are attributed to the supernatural intrusion of some sickness–

    causing object into the body of the ill person, and call for the services of

    the professional shaman who, for a fee, extracts the object. Concepts of soul

    loss and possession as causes of illness are absent. In general, the northern Cree

    shaman is more a clairvoyant, seer, and prophet than a shaman proper. His acti–

    vities are predominantly beneficent, although sometimes maleficent.

            Concepts and observances connected with hunting and trapping are varied and

    manifold. Prominent among them, especially in the Tete de Boule and western

    Swampy Cree areas, are beliefs in chiefs of various species of animals and birds,

    and the practice of bear ceremonialism with apologetic speeches to the bear,

    tobacco offerings to the dead animal, decoration and suspension of its skull, and

    so forth. Throughout the northern Cree area the bones of most game and fur animals

    as well as of geese and ducks are given special care, lest poor hunting luck

    follow, automatically or on account of offense taken by the animals, their chiefs,

    or the Supreme Being. In particular, these bones must not be given to dogs.

            Dreaming, sweating in a small domed sweat lodge, singing, and drumming are

    021      |      Vol_VIII-0197                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Cooper: Northern Cree

    common before going out to hunt, as on certain other occasions such as curing

    rites.

            Divination by holding shoulder blades of mammals or breastbones of birds

    against the fire (scapulimancy), by looking in water or fish eyes or other shiny

    surface (scrying), by tossing otter paws, and by many other methods is resorted

    to in order to foresee hunting luck and to learn where hunting will be best, as

    well as to predict in matters not connected with hunting.

            Several procedures — whether magical or just natural from the native point

    of view, it is hard to say — were used to bring the north wind and with it a

    crust on the snow. These procedures were, variously, twirling a buzzer, whirling

    a bull-roarer, tying a lighted birch-bark strip to a dog's tail, making a snow

    man, plucking a live Canada jay, exposing a naked child for a moment to the cold

    outside the tent.

            Simple sacrifices, made before eating, of bits of food thrown in the fire

    for the Supreme Being, for this or that "spirit," or sometimes for the dead, are

    common in everyday life, as are also offerings thrown into a rapids before

    running it. The dog sacrifice was found earlier among the western Swampy Cree,

    but is denied by informants for the James Bay Cree and the Tetes de Boule. Human

    sacrifice was totally absent. Ritual cannibalism was in earlier times indulged in

    occasionally and to a slight extent by some of the Hudson Bay Cree in their wars

    with the Eskimos, but gastronomic and other cannibalism was and is looked upon

    with horror, even when resorted to in gravest peril of death from starvation.

           

    Folklore

            Among the more widely believed-in mythical beings are: wihtiko , the dreaded

    cannibalistic giant who wanders around the woods literally seeking whom he may

    022      |      Vol_VIII-0198                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Cooper: Northern Cree

    devour; pagaskogan , the skeleton being who can be heard rattling through the air;

    the memegweciwuk , dwarfs who live in rocks, paddle around in [ ?] stone canoes

    and steal fish from the nets; human or human-like beings, known under different

    names, who skulk in the woods bent on no good to man; "little people," a bit mis–

    chievous but not at all feared.

            There is an interminable cycle of humorous and other stories relating the

    adventures and escapades of Wisekedjak, the trickster. A flood story with the

    diving-for-earth theme is found among all divisions of the northern Cree. Other

    cycles are concerned with the exploits of Tcikapis and other well known folklore

    characters of the north. A great many tales are told of the ravages by and the

    killing of wihtikos. Numerous accounts — historical, semihistorical, or mythical

    — are current regarding [ ?] escape from or death through famine. War stories are

    almost completely lacking among the James Bay Cree and the Tetes de Boule.


    Bibliography

    Census of Indians and Eskimos in Canada, 1924. Department of Indian Affairs,

    Ottawa, 1924.

    Census of Indians in Canada, 1944. Indian Affairs Branch, Ottawa, 1945.

    Cooper, J. M., 1928. Northern Algonkian Scrying and Scapulimancy. In Festschrift

    P. W. Schmidt, Wien, 205-17.

    ----, 1933. The Cree Witiko Psychosis. Primitive Man, 6:20-24.

    ----, 1934. The Northern Algonquian Supreme Being. Catholic University of America,

    Anthropological Series 2.

    ----, 1938. Snares, Deadfalls and Other Traps of the Northern Algonquians and Nor–

    thern Algonquians and Northern Athapaskans. Ibid., 5.

    ----, 1939. Is the Northern Algonquian Family Hunting Ground System Pre-Columbian?

    American Anthropologist, 41:66-90.

    ----, 1945. Tete-de-Boule Cree. International Journal American Linguistics,

    11:36-44.

    ----, 1946. The Culture of the Northeastern Indian Hunters: A Reconstructive In–

    terpretation. In R.S.Peabody Foundation for Archaeology, Papers 3:272-305.



    023      |      Vol_VIII-0199                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Cooper: Northern Cree

    Davidson, D. S., 1928a. Notes on Tete de Boule Ethnology. American Anthropologist,

    30:18-46.

    ----, 1928b. Decorative Art of the Tetes de Boule of Quebec. Indian Notes and

    Monographs, 10:115-53.

    ----, 1928c. Some Tete de Boule Tales. Journal American Folk-Lore, 41:262-74.

    Flannery, R., 1935. The Position of Woman among the Eastern Cree. Primitive Man,

    8:81-86.

    ----, 1936. Some Aspects of James Bay Recreative Culture. Ibid., 9:49-56.

    ----, 1938. Cross-cousin Marriage among the Cree and Montagnais of James Bay.

    Ibid., 11:29-33.

    ----, 1946. The Culture of the Northeastern Indian Hunters: A Descriptive Survey.

    In R.S.Peabody Foundation for Archaeology, [ ?] Papers 3:263-71.

    Franklin, J., 1823. Narrative of a Journey to the Shores of the Polar Sea (1819–

    1822), London.

    Guinard, J.E., 1930. Witiko among the Tete-de-Boule. Primitive Man, 3:69-71.

    Lacombe, A., 1874. Dictionnaire de la langue des cris. Montreal.

    Mackenzie, A., 1902. Voyages (1789-1793), 2 v., repr., New York.

    Mandelbaum, D. G., 1940. The Plains Cree. American Museum Natural History,

    Anthropological Papers, v.37, pt. 2.

    Michelson, T., 1939. Linguistic Classification of Cree and Montagnais-Naskapi

    Dialects. Bureau of American Ethnology, Bull. 123: 69-95.

    Moore, P.E., and others, 1946. Medical Survey of Nutrition among the Northern

    Manitoba Indians. Repr. from Canadian Medical Association Journal, v. 54.

    Rossignol, M., 1938a. Cross-cousin Marriage among the Saskatchewn Cree. Primitive

    Man, 11:26-28.

    ----, 1938b. The Religion of the Saskatchewan and Western Manitoba Cree. Ibid.,

    11:67-71.

    ----,1939. Property concepts among the Cree of the Rocks. Ibid., 12:61-70.

    Saindon, J.E., 1933. Mental Disorders among the James Bay Cree. Ibid., 6:1-12.

    ----,1934. Two Cree Songs from James Bay. Ibid., 7:6-7.

    Skinner, A.B., 1911. Notes on the Eastern Cree and Northern Sault a eaux. American

    Museum Natural History, Anthropological Papers, v. 9, pt. 1.



    024      |      Vol_VIII-0200                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Cooper: Northern Cree

    Thompson, D., 1916. Narrative of his Explorations in Western America, [ ?]

    1784-1812, ed. J.B. Tyrrell, Publ. Champlain Soc. xii, Toronto.

    Umfreville, E., 1790. The Present State of Hudson's Bay, London.

    Watkins, E. A., 1938. A Dictionary of the Cree Language, ed. [ ?] R. Faries,

    Toronto.

           

    John M. Cooper

    The Montagnais-Naskapi


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0201                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Frank G. Speck)


    THE MONTAGNAIS-NASKAPI

           

    Contents

    Page
    Introduction 1
    Designations for the Montagnais-Naskapi 4
    Band Distribution and Population 6
    Physical Characteristics 9
    Language 10
    Material Culture 11
    Art 18
    Archaeological Background 20
    Social Organization 23
    The Family 23
    The Band Grouping 26
    Other Social Traits 28
    Absence of Motivations of Violence and Warring 30
    Religious Beliefs and Practices 32
    Bibliography 44



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0202                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Frank G. Speck)


           

    THE MONTAGNAIS - NASKAPI

           

    Introduction

            The Montagnais-Naskapi Indians, the furthermost northeastern outposts

    of the Algonkian linguistic stock, inhabit the extensive region known geo–

    graphically as the Labrador Peninsula. Their total population is estimated

    to be about 4,500 in a land area of over half a million square miles. The

    inhabited terrain of the Montagnais-Naskapi covers most of the land mass

    lying between latitudes 47° and 57°N., and longitudes 57° and 77°W., in

    extent approximately 800 miles north and south and 1,000 east and west.

            The culture as well as speech of the Montagnais-Naskapi Indian groups

    is basically uniform and differentiated from that of the Labrador Eskimos

    who exist in dwindling groups bordering them on the Atlantic coast, Ungava

    Bay, Hudson Strait to Cape Wolstenholme, and southward to about Richmond Gulf

    on Hudson Bay. In both culture and speech, however, they show relationship

    with the Algonquin proper, Ojibwa and Cree inhabiting the regions north of

    the Great Lakes to James and Hudson Bay.

            The range of the groups whose culture is here outlined embraces the three

    life zones of Merriam with their biota of characteristic plant and animal forms.

    The arctic life zone, the treeless tundra biome, extends somewhat irregularly

    from 52° to 58° N. to the end of land at Hudson Strait. Its northern portion

    is reported uninhabited by either Indians or Eskimos. South of this the Hudsonian

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    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    zone with its transcontinental coniferous forest biome (Shelford), or

    boreal forest (Weaver and Clements), is the habitat of caribou-hunting

    bands known as northern Naskapi. Below them in the Canadian life zone,

    from 48° to 52° N., and more distinctly in the same biome with the eastern

    association of fir, spruce, and moose [?] moose , and more varied plant growths, dwell

    the populations known as Montagnais covering the whole St. Lawrence watershed

    to the river and gulf of that name.

            The interior plateau of Labrador has been long exposed to denudation by

    glaciers and unsqual weathering of component rocks which with severity of

    climatic extremes renders the land unfit for a dense animal and plant popula–

    tion. A nature-governed equilibrium of the human and lower animal population

    inevitably results, making existence precarious and difficult for both.

    Natural environment in the case of the Montagnais-Naskapi has imposed serious

    handicaps upon certain aspects of their cultural development which go beyond

    the securing of food. The irregularity of subsistence drawn solely from wold

    animal resources in the northern forest zone leaves its inhabitants facing

    the seasonal menace of annihilation of whole families through starvation –

    the "silent enemy" of boreal mankind.

            The origin of the Montagnais-Naskapi remains a matter of conjecture.

    No migration legend exists. Some acceptable evidences of linguistic affinity

    with the Cree and Ojibwa, and of physical resemblances with the Athabaskan

    groups of the Northwest lead to a supposition that ancestors of the Labradorean

    Indians may have drifted northeast in the last half millenium from some area

    north of the Great Lakes around the southern shores of James and Hudson bays.

    In this locale they may have had contact associations with Eskimo groups. The

    Indian penetration of the Labrador peninsula seems to have followed a re s treat

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    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    of northern inland-dwelling Eskimos to the Atlantic coast at no very remote

    period, and the expulsion of the latter from the southeastern coasts by

    about 1650. These are, however, questions which cannot be settled on exist–

    ing grounds of knowledge. Future archaeological exploration may provide

    their solution.

            The historical perspective is a relatively long one, reaching back to

    contacts in the early 17th century between the Montagnais of the St. Lawrence

    coast and the French R e é collet missionaries, 1615 to shortly after 1625, the

    Jesuits, 1625 through most of the 18th century, and the Oblates through the

    19th century. The bands in James Bay region were touched by Albanel (Jesuit)

    in 1671-72, while D'Olbeau (R e é collect) penetrated to the Labrador Eskimos in

    1636. Following this were Moravian attempts in 1752 which did not succeed

    until 1771 when the first Eskimo mission was established on the coast at Nain.

    The Jesuit Relations describe early conditions of life among the Montagnais in

    considerable detail, and the oblates of the 19th century produced important

    linguistic contributions. By this time the aegis of authorship passed from

    the hands of French ecclesiasts to those of explorers, adventurers, naturalists,

    sportsmen, and some traders who wrote in English. Among them the contributions

    of Cartwright (1793), Hind (1863), and Turner (1894), constitute first-hand

    sources of reference to the peninsula and its inhabitants. Only in the 20th

    century did a few ethnologists turn attention to the field, and it is largely

    from their published studies that any scientific details of the picture of

    native life can be drawn. The statements and abstracts given in the following

    sketch are from the writer's source material on the Montagnais-Naskapi unless

    otherwise indicated.



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    EA-Anthrop. Spe c k: The Montagnais-Naskapi

           

    Designations for the Montagnais-Naskapi

            It has long been the habit of writers to designate two major tribal

    groupings of the Indians of the Labrador peninsula, calling them either

    Montagnais or Naskapi. This usage calls for some corrective treatment, by

    repeating the circumstances emphasized in previous articles by the writer,

    and rejecting the less critical terminology which erroneously implies the

    existence of two distinct kinds of people in the actually homogeneous but

    locally variable native population. Three larger geographical groupings may

    indeed by made. One of these areas lies in the districts on the east side

    of James Bay and embraces the bands from East Main and Rupert's House to Lake

    Mistassini where dialect and life-supporting activity are somewhat at variance

    with the rest of the peninsula. Some of the ethnological characteristics of

    these people show enough affinity with the Cree across the bay to have induced

    ethnologists to list them as Eastern Cree. Closer testing of these character–

    istics indicates that their affinities mentioned lie as much toward the east

    with the Labradorean peoples proper as with the Cree. Another grouping is

    made on the basis that the height of land forms a boundary which separates

    the northern bands, denoted by the term Naskapi, from the so-called Montagnais who

    inhabit the drainage division southward to the Gulf of St. Lawrence and east–

    ward to the Strait of Belle Isle. It is now decided that the inhabitants of

    the northern interior and the southern coasts are both in speech and culture

    basically identical, even making allowances for our meager knowledge of their

    dialects and eco-ethnic variations. The three subdivisions referred to may,

    however, be kept as such for convenience in general reference.

            The term Naskapi is not a tribal proper name. It is derived from the

    epithet nask a á pi ( nask e é pi ) meaning a person who is crude in manner of life,

    005      |      Vol_VIII-0206                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    "uncivilized" and un-Christianized, equivalent to "barbarian". The people

    known popularly as Naskapi do not respond to the name. Their own self-name

    is Nenenot or I Í not, meaning "men." The so-called Montagnais are their sophis–

    ticated congeners, who likewise denote themselves as "men," i í lnuts , in their

    dialect. Dating from Cartwright's time (circa 1775) and continued by Hind

    (1863) and Turner (1894) the term Naskapi has appeared as Nasquapee, Naskopi,

    Skoffie, and variant spellings of the general epithet, mostly from the pens

    of English writers. The term Montagnais ("people of the mountains") was

    initiated by early French missionary explorers, and when used by English

    authors, was translated into "Mountaineers". The term is not to be confused

    with the Athabaskan Montagnais or Montagnards in the Northwest Territories.

            The hyphenated proper name Montgnais-Naskapi is now the accepted

    designation for the Algonkian-speaking Indian popu o l ations of the Labrador

    peninsula at large. Referring to the common tendency among writers, both

    scientific and popular (upon whom Turner and Hind exerted some influence),

    to enumerate two "tribal" divisions in the area, namely the Montagnais and

    the Naskapi, Hallowell (1929) says:

            "The more we get to know about these Indians the clearer it becomes that

    this differentiation is arbitrary, if not actually misleading. They are

    indeed slight differences in language and culture to be encountered as we go

    from north to south as well as from west to east. But in neither of these

    directions is it possible to draw a hard and fast line between bands on any

    linguistic or ethnological basis and say, these Indians are Naskapi and those

    Montagnais. The lack of tribal organization is anoth e r factor which also makes

    it meaningless to speak exclusively in terms of any separate grouping... at

    present it seems more rational [ ?] either to refer to the different bands by name,

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0207                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    thus localizing them according to extent of their hunting territories, or,

    in speaking inclusively, to use the hyphenated term Montagnais-Naskapi".

           

    Band Distribution and Population

            When alluding to themselves, the Montagnais-Naskapi make a general distinction between those

    bands which hold hunting territories in the interior plateau of the penin–

    sula and those which frequent the coastal regions of the Gulf of St. Lawrence.

    Those of the interior designate themselves as "Interior Forest People" while

    the coastal groups are known as "Seacoast People." The distinction comes

    nearest to distinguishing those termed Montagnais and those known as Naskapi

    in the terminology of writers. The designations carry no social differentia–

    tion, being purely geographical with, however, in recent times some differences

    in the degree of sophistication brought about by contact with Christianity and

    the extent of acculturation resulting from dependence upon the trading posts.

            According to a survey of the habitat areas of the geographical band units

    made by the writer between 1910 and 1936, there are twenty-six groupings –

    including one which Dr. W. D. Strong has added. From the southwestern portion

    of the peninsula to the northern and northeastern terminus of Indian occupancy

    the following list enumerates the divisions, with translations of their proper

    names, given by band members, in quotes.

            Lake St. John band, "flat lake people"; Chicoutimi band, "head of the

    tide people"; Tadousac band, "gulf, or steep river mouth people"; Escoumains

    band, "river of clam brooks, or clam river people"; Bereimis band, "coming out

    of the interior to coast people"; Godbout band, "whirlpool people"; Shelter

    Bay band, "mossy portage people"; Ste. Marguerite band, "river parallel with

    hills people"; Moisie band, "big river people"; Mingan band, "where something

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0208                                                                                                                  
    EA- [ ?] Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    (whales?) is washed ashore people"; Natashkwan band, "hunt bear people";

    Musquarro, or Romaine River, band, "red paint river people"; St. Augustin

    band, "bastard, or fatherless boy, river people"; Northwest River band,

    "outlet, or foot of lake people"; Davis Inlet band, (proposed by Dr. Strong

    with same proper name as preceding); Michikamau band, "great lake people";

    Petisikapau band, "lake narrow in middle people"; Kaniapiskau band, "lake

    with rocky point people"; Nichikun band, "otter hunting people"; Mistassini

    band, "great rock people"; Rupert House band, "on the other side of sea,

    salt water, or salt water house people"; East Main band, "east main people";

    Big River band, "big river people"; White Whale River band, "white whale

    river people"; Ungava band, "far-away forest people"; Barren Ground band,

    "barren ground river people."

            It would be difficult to assign a date to the origin of these bands.

    Some of them check etymologically and geographically with those given by the

    early missionaries and explorers, while some others in the western or James

    Bay districts seem to trace derivation from the names of Hudson's Bay Company

    posts established in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Historical

    perspectives are exceedingly difficult to draw where native s mobility has

    been so great through long continued influences of the fur trade and through

    changes in abundance and migration of animal food resources.

            That band constituency is undergoing change without let-up was evident

    throughout the period of the writer's field investigation. Through marriage

    out of the band, epidemics, and family migration due to decline of fur

    trapping and hunting, especially in districts where white encroachment has

    affected natural conditions, some of the bands on the Gulf coast have

    dwindled to insignificance as others have become augmented.



    008      |      Vol_VIII-0209                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

            Writers, traders and post officials almost without exception have

    commented upon the rapid decline in numbers of the natives throughout the

    peninsula. The Indians themselves share this opinion and attributed their

    fate to the change of culture brought about by the attempt to live in the

    white man's way. The Jesuit documents of the earliest missionaries express

    the same lament concerning the rapid decline of the natives through disease,

    alcoholism, and starvation. Disappearance of game — in this case chiefly

    the caribou — is always cited as an important factor. With all this in

    mind, it is of interest to compare the two lists below giving the numbers

    of the Indians at the various posts in 1857 and in 1924. (Spellings are

    given as in the sources referred to.)

            Indian Population of Labrador Peninsula in 1857 (from estimate given

    in Report of Committee on Hudson's Bay Company, Appendix 11, 1857);

    Tadousac, 100; Chicoutimi, 100; Lake St. John, 250; Isle Jeremie, 250;

    Godbout, 100; Seven Islands, 300; Mingan, 500; Musquarro, 100; Matashquan, 100;

    Northwest River, 100; Fort Nascopie, 200; Rigolet, 100; Kibokok, 100; Great

    Whale River, 250; Little Whale River, 250; Fort George, 200; Rupert's House,

    250; Mistassinni, 200; Temiskaming, 75; Woswonaby, 150; Pike Lake, 80;

    Nitchequon, 80; Caniapiscow, 75. Total 3,910.

            Population of Montagnais-Naskapi in 1924 ( from Census of Indians and

    Eskimos in Canada
    , Dept. of Indian Affairs, Ottawa, 1924): East Main, 251;

    Fort George, 479; Great Whale River, 100; Namiska (James Bay), 152; Neoskwaso

    (James Bay), 140; Rupert's House, 262; Fort Ch 8 i mo, 213; Georges River, 36;

    Port Burwell, 152; Whale River, 57; Northwest River, 308; Mistassini Lake, 159;

    Waswanipi, 177; Natashkwan, 74; Romaine, 156; Ste. Augustine, 34; Seven Islands

    agency, 380; Montagnais of Pte. Bleue (Lake St. John), 773; Mingan, 152;

    Bersimis, 565; Escoumains, 27. Total, 4,648.



    009      |      Vol_VIII-0210                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais_Naskapi

           

    Physical Characteristics

            The only published sources on the physical anthropology of the Labrador

    Indians are those of Hallowell (1929) presenting data obtained in the field

    in 1923 and 1924, and Strong (published by Stewart, 1939). Strong in 1927

    and 1928 obtained measurements on 11 males and 7 females of the Barren Ground

    and Davis Inlet bands of Montaignais-Naskapi. Hallowell's measurements were

    made on 41 males and 29 females at the Seven Islands and Natasquan posts of

    the Hudson's Bay Company. They represented the following local bands of

    Montagnais-Naskapi: Ste. Marguerite, Moisie, Ungava, Michikamau, Nichicun,

    Shelter Bay, Natasquan, Northwest River, Mistassini and Lake St. John.

    Hallowell also made use of measurements of Montagnais taken by Boas in 1895

    and a few additional cranial measurements of Montagnais from Lake St. John

    taken by Michelson and Speck. His material, scanty as it is, afforded a

    basis for comparison with Eskimo and Indian measurements.

            Abstracting from Hallowell's study the essential conclusions may be

    briefly summed up as follows. The available data under analysis do not

    indicate that the Montagnais-Naskapi show features unequivocally traceable

    to Eskimo admixture. They represent a fairly homogeneous type clearly dis–

    tinguishable from their neighbors the Labrador Eskimos. Compared with the

    latter they are taller, their heads are broader, both absolutely and in

    proportion to their length, their faces are broader and shorter, their noses

    are broader, their mandibular breadth is less although it is greater than

    that of other Eskimos. The hypsicephalic character of the Eskimo skull is

    a feature not shared by the Labrador Indians. Hallowell's investigation

    confirms the idea expressed by previous students of physical types in the

    East that marked differences distinguish the Indians north of the St. Lawrence

    010      |      Vol_VIII-0211                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    from those south of it. The former have shorter stature, are more brachy–

    cephalic, and probably have broader faces than the latter. In respect to

    admixture with whites, Hallowell defines the Labrador Indians as representing

    an aboriginal type of physique, "not pure in the sense that no mixture has

    ever taken place, but nevertheless conserving in a large percentage of

    individuals what are essentially Indian characteristics."

            The closest racial affiliations are traced on the whole with the

    brachycephalic peoples to the westward, perhaps those speaking Athapaskan

    tongues.

           

    Language

            In the over-all classification of Algonkian languages the dialects

    constituting the group known as Montagnais-Naskapi have been historically

    linked with the Cree by Michelson (1913) in a comparative study of the stock.

    He observes that Montagnais is practically the same language as Cree, inferring

    that the idioms spoken by those bands we know as Naskapi come under the same

    caption. Michelson places Cree-Montagnais in the subdivision as Algonkian

    languages which he calls the Central subtype which comprises also Menominee,

    Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo, and Shawnee. Regarded historically it would seem that

    the distinctions between Montagnais-Naskapi and Cree dialectic groups are

    not far-reaching enough to point to a very long period of separation of the

    two groups east and west of James Bay. Ethnic similarities also point in

    the same direction.

            There are minor variations in idiom, vocabulary meanings, and especially

    phonetic usages in the dialects spoken by the Labrador brands ranging from

    Rupert's House on James Bay (classified by Skinner as Cree but corrected by

    011      |      Vol_VIII-0212                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    Michelson to be included with Montagnais) to those spoken on the northern

    and southeastern coasts. The tongues of the whole area are mutually intelli–

    gible as the sound shifts are not radical, which is a convenience for inter–

    preters. Thus in the northern and eastern bands the lateral l is wanting,

    being replaced by n in the northern and eastern interior in what is generally

    terms Naskapi territory, by y in the dialects of the James Bay area. A few

    of the word forms for food animals and the endings denoting plurality in the

    Naskapi dialects of the northeast approach in form those of the Labrador

    Eskimos but these do not go far enough to indicate any genetic relationship

    between the two linguistic stocks.

            Since the establishment of missions and trading posts in the peninsula,

    graphic systems have crept into use among the Montagnais-Naskapi. The

    bands of the Gulf of St. Lawrence coast, Catholicized by the French, have

    acquired a modified European script which is almost universally known among

    young and old. In the northern interior and along the western coast of the

    peninsula in the drainage area of James Bay, which has long been under

    Anglican influence, the Cree syllabary is employed in religious tracts and

    even in message writing. The latter system has been extending its range

    eastward to the northern Naskapi bands as far as Ungava in recent times.

            The Montagnais-Naskapi dialects contain few terms denoting objects and

    ideas of European origin taken over directly from French or English.

            Cultural innovations are covered by descriptive terms using native radicals.

           

    Material Culture

            In the Labrador area Indian subsistence depends exclusively upon

    hunting, trapping and fishing. The equipment of the chase includes the

    5 to 7 foot simple flat bow of spruce or tamarack and arrows with bone

    012      |      Vol_VIII-0213                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    points doubly barbed. The crossbow is found as a target weapon among all

    the bands. Arrow points are frequently merely sharpened bone splinters

    inserted into the thickened outer end of the shaft. The arrow feathering,

    and the so-called Mediterranean form of arrow release, suggest Eskimo

    relationship in their derivation. A lance with bone point for spearing

    caribou and beaver, a fish spear (leister) for torching salmon, and the

    toggle-head harpoon (though lacking the foreshaft) for salmon and seals,

    also indicate a similar common source. The spear thrower ( atlatl ) is

    unknown to the Montagnais-Naskapi. The man's knife, the usual circumboreal

    crooked knife with an iron blade, is in universal use in making these things.

    Its archaeological background has been reconstructed by Collins (1943).

    Gill nets, supposedly of European origin, made of rawhids or of commercial

    twince with shuttles of European type, and gullet fishhooks of bone which

    have to be swallowed by the fish, are universally employed in the area.

    Snares and deadfalls to kill food animals and fur bearers are in constant

    service. (Cooper, 1938, Lips, 1936). Among the northern bands, when and

    where caribou are abundant, the drive method for mass killing is resorted

    to by the hunters — under the communal system — who drive the animals

    into a cul de sac or into the water; sometimes the caribou are driven within

    a fenced area formed by bending small trees top to base making partly

    cleared lanes leading to the water where they are speared from canoes. (Turner).

    Hunter scouts observe the massing of the animals from look-out trees.

    This archaic method of killing hoofed game is practised throughout the

    intercontinental taiga region. Hunting by stalking with a head-decoy of

    caribou or wolf head skin is well known.

            In transportation, the bark canoe and the man-drawn toboggan are part

    of every hunter's furnishings; in later times the wooden-runner sled drawn

    013      |      Vol_VIII-0214                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais_Naskapi

    by dogs has been used by the Montagnais who are in contact with the French.

    The bands in the southern part of the peninsula have adopted the French

    manner of dog driving to built-up sleds; the dogs are harnessed with shafts

    and collars and arranged in tandem; the bands of the north and east have

    adopted the Eskimo fashion with the dogs harnessed fanwise, each with its separate

    trace leading to the sled. Dog moccasins of leather protect their feet from

    being cut by crusted snow. Historically considered, dog traction is evidently

    of both French and Eskimo derivation. Above all in importance in winter

    hunting is the very broad, rounded snowshoe. A narrower "plank snowshoe"

    (spruce or birch) is made for use in thawing snow time in spring. The snowshoe

    stands forth so prominently in the whole area that Birket-Smith speaks of it

    as a snowshoe-culture area.

            Birch-bark canoes are in constant daily use for fishing and getting

    about when water is open. In construction (moderately elevated ends, gunwales,

    ribs, and lengthwise strips of filling between them and the bark shell, spruce–

    root sewing and seam pitching with resin) as well as form and habits of use, the

    canoes are virtually alike all over the peninsula. They correspond strikingly

    across the entire boreal forest area of the North. Canvas covering has exten–

    sively supplanted the use of bark. When used in rocky streams, where a shoving

    pole may be needed also, the canoe may temporarily have protective outside strips

    of wood lashed to its bottom. In favorable winds blanket sail is erected on

    paddles or uprights. Among Montagnais bands, a temporary canoe of several

    moose hides sewed end to end over a makeshift framework is used only for

    descending rivers on the spring trip to the rendezvous, to be dismantled when

    destination is reached. No notice of the dugout canoe is on record for the area.

    Practically no one learns to swim due to the coldness of the water, but hunters

    014      |      Vol_VIII-0215                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    sometimes cross deep streams, attempting to swim by means of thin plaques of

    wood used as hand paddles.

            Clothing of the Montagnais-Naskapi is of several materials. One type

    is of hare-skin strips, woven on a loom in the knotless loop technique and

    made into sweater-like jackets with hoods, and into leggings, wrist bands,

    neck bands, sraps, separate sleeves, socks, and sleeping robes. Until re–

    cently the isolated Naskapi also made winter clothing of whitened caribou–

    skin hooded and sleeved long-coats, and leggings with detached moccasins of

    the gathered-vamp type, all bearing painted designs; except for moccasins,

    these are almost obsolete in the Montagnais area. Montagnais-Naskapi tanning, as

    among other Indian groups, is done with animals' brains, the leather smoked

    brown to make it washable. Caribou skin unsmoked, hence unwashable, and

    exposed to intense cold to make it almost white is made by Naskapi bands of

    the extreme north into the outer clothing which is decorated with painted

    designs. Soft tanning with or without the hair is a perfected technique

    among all the band divisions.

            The men mostly have their hair bobbed at the neck, some wearing it long

    and confined except for a rag or band to keep it out of the eyes. Tattooing

    of lines on chin and arms is reported by Hind (1853). Combs are made of wood

    and comb cleaners of porcupine tails. Women wear their hair wrapped in little

    wooden blocks hanging over each ear. Women also wear red and black caps of

    fine cloth; men often wear a leather cap with a visor. Feathers are never

    worn by either sex.

            Household furnishings consist of the ubiquitous birch-bark containers,

    baskets and pails, food vessels and trays, most of them ornamented with con–

    ventional etched designs. Bags and pouches of many varied forms are made of

    015      |      Vol_VIII-0216                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    mammal and bird skin with the pelage and plumage left on. Caribou leg-skins

    sewed lengthwise form bags to hold dry food, traps, and other possessions.

    No cordage of vegetable fiber or roots, grass baskets (as among the

    Labrador Eskimos), or any form of textile weaving aside from rabbit skin

    garments and blankets, have so far been noted in the Labrador region. All

    lines and attachments are of leather or rawhide (babiche).

            Shelter is provided by the conical, many-poled birch-bark wigwam in

    the southern area, while among the northern bands in whose zone birch bark

    cannot be secured, it is of soft-tanned caribou skin. These lodges are

    practically identical with bark and skin houses ( tcum ) of the Paleo-Asiatic

    Siberian reindeer area — an unbroken sequence from Asia to America. In the

    area where birch bark is used, three rows of bark encircle the wigwam from

    bottom to top. The dome-shaped lodge of skin and later of canvas is also

    general among the northern and eastern bands. Heat and light in the camps

    come from wood fires. A noteworthy feature here is the hunter's temporary

    shelter, an open-topped, head-high windbreak of canvas or skin thrown about

    the wigwam poles. Protection from the cold and wind depends solely upon

    immense fires of deadwood built within a trench cleared of snow with a

    wooden snow shovel.

            While the conical skin wigwam is an all the year shelter among the

    northern bands, a diversity of house types occurs in the forested area of

    the southern watershed. For winter housing here the Montagnais families

    build a structure with log s l ides waist or shoulder high, banked up to pre–

    vent wind and ground drift of snow, rectangular in floor plan, with a gabled

    roof shingled with large slabs of birch or spruce bark. The source of this

    type of house may possibly be traced to whites, yet the log understructure is

    016      |      Vol_VIII-0217                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    reported elsewhere in the northeast, and house squares sometimes slightly

    excavated are visible on ancient camping sites. Other modifications in camp

    structure appear in conical wigwams of spruce bark and planks, logs or slabs crowded

    together around the sides then covered with a thick thatch of boughs of conifers

    so as to be weathertight and almost rainproof. Flooring is universally of

    meticulously laid spruce or balsam boughs upon which spare hides (now blankets

    or canvas) are spread for bedding and seating places. The bark or bough covered

    lean-to is widespread in the hunting grounds. Small frame houses are now built

    and owned at the mission and trading centers by families who sojourn there.

    Tent or wigwam shelters are occupied by them now only in the winter hunting

    excursions or as temporary trappers' camps.

            Food economy of the Montagnais-Naskapi is definitely limited to wild

    animal resources — large and small mammals, wild fowl and their eggs, and

    fish. Flash of fur bearers, all birds, and nutritious organisms in the animal,

    plant, and fungus realms are eaten during the oft-recurring, constantly imminent

    periods of famine. The diet is supplemented by wild berried in season, extra

    quantities being dried for later use. Salt-water animal life is disdained

    habitually by the inland bands, but those on the coast take seals, eat cast-up

    whales, and consume shellfish, as the shell deposits at estuaries and heads of

    coves on the Gulf of St. Lawrence coast mutely attest. Clams are there abundant

    but the belief is generally held that they are poisonous in summer.

            Food is prepared by roasting on spits and leaning-sticks driven into the

    ground or snow before open fires of deadwood, or boiled in metal vessels obtained

    now through trade, formerly and even yet when necessary in folded birch-bark

    containers suspended by pothooks of wood or withes over living embers. Those

    who eat flesh in the raw state are despised creatures below the status of real me

    017      |      Vol_VIII-0218                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    Intestinal contents of animals, both mammals and fish, are at times, however,

    taken raw by starving hunters, and the same has been reported in respect to

    blood of freshly killed caribou. Viscera of herbivorous animals (caribou,

    beaver, porcupine especially), cooked beaver and muskrat tails, caribou and

    moose noses and foetuses are delicacies. Milk and vegetables are neither

    known, desired, nor supplied by traders. Surplus animal flesh is sun-dried

    on racks, and fish are split and dried to be used during shortages.

            Tools and implements are largely of bone and antlers. Among these are

    harpoons, arrowheads, fish-barbs, skinning tools of bear tibia cut obliquely,

    scrapers of caribou leg-bone sharpened at one side for removing hair from

    hides, grease scrapers for work on hides of the same bone cut obliquely and

    notched at the end, snowshoe needles, awls, knives, meat picks, perforators,

    bell-shaped hand mauls for cracking bones to secure marrow, needle cases, bag

    fasteners, and pipe cleaners. It is indicative of an early phase of industry

    that the bone-edged tools are often not hafted but are used in the bare hand.

    In woodwork there are shallow oval bowls, spoons with flat wide bowls, drinking

    cups with toggle fastening for belt, needles for weaving hare-skin garments

    and robes, net needles, canoe mallets, knife and awl handles, and net floats,

    long for open water in summer, short for use beneath the ice. Among recent

    manufacturers iron has come into use for the crooked-knife blade, "semi-lunar"

    scraper (Eskimo ulu type) used on seal skins, awl point, and European file and ax.

            Stone implements are restricted to hand mauls for breaking caribou bones

    and pounding meat, net sinkers and whetstones, and the thin-walled, slate

    tobacco pipes with a keel base. On pre-European camp sites we find the curved

    edge stone gouge, a slightly grooved ax, slate points and large chipped blades

    of quartzite and quartz, evidently knives and scapers. The stone missiles are

    018      |      Vol_VIII-0219                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    usually stemmed, resembling those of the Eskimos.

            Animal fat is extensively consumed both raw and cooked, this and oils

    being kept in bags made of animal intestines, bladders, and among coastal

    bands, of seal stomachs.

            Water for drinking is melted from snow in winter. Tree sap is used to

    sweeten drinks in the bush life, commercial sugar and salt when obtainable

    through trade. Alcoholic drinks are avoided as beverages by many of the

    remote hunters, but indulgence to excess when "fire water" is accessible is

    habitual among Indians resident at the posts and mission stations on the

    coasts. All tobacco used is in the form of "twist." Its scarcity and cost

    prevents smoking to excess. The chewing of tobacco has not been taken over.

    The smoking of tobacco and imbibing of spirituous liquors have entered into

    the category of a sacrament reserved by devout hunters to serve the purpose

    of an inflatus to their soul-spirts, by acting upon the heart and circulation,

    which intensifies their spiritual power to overcome animals required for

    subsistence. (See Religious Beliefs.)

            Finally to be noted is the method followed everywhere of the preservation

    of extra supplies of food, clothing, and equipment on scaffolds of logs (caches)

    placed in full view near routes of travel or at hunting stations. Such stores

    of vitally important goods are never violated by others except under extreme

    necessity, in which case restitution is invariably made later as a volun t ary

    moral obligation.

           

    Art

            Art often goes far toward expressing the inner, finer qualities of a

    people. With Montagnais-Naskapi a rigorous life struggle seems to act as an

    incentive to aesthetic development, for their art life is profusely and

    insistently shown as it is among the Eskimos who surround them on three sides.

    019      |      Vol_VIII-0220                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais_Naskapi

    Between the two, however, there are few correspondences in art technique or

    designing unless possibly there has been some carrying over of Indian motifs

    into Eskimo regions, as Birket-Smith and Jenness have reported. Labrador

    Indian decoration includes painting with mineral pigments on caribou skin

    clothing, personal effects, and household utensils of wood and bone among the

    northern bands — the so-called Naskapi. Beadwork has lately been introduced

    through supplies brought in by traders. Among the southern bands, the Montagnais

    of the Subarctic where the canoe or paper birch tree abounds have well-developed

    techniques of etching designs, both by incising and sgraffito, on containers

    and domestic utensils of birch bark peeled in the spring. Beadwork and silk

    embroidery have also come in more extensively through proximity with trading

    centers. The use of symmetrical double curves, done either in narrow lines

    or in broad bands, in painting, bark etching, and in later beadwork, expresses

    the basic pattern of decorative art throughout the Algonkian-speaking North.

    It distinguishes this art province from others on the continent southward has

    and westwart except in certain areas where its influence in decoration has

    been felt. The ubiquity of technique, form, and stylism throughout the whole

    circumpolar belt from Asia f t o North America has challenged the attention of

    students of art history and strengthenes the theories of intercontinental common

    elements. Geometrical figures, zigzags, triangles, diamonds, crowded parallel

    lines, squares, and dot ornaments also enrich the design register of the

    Montagnais-Naskapi. These art forms are too universally distributed over

    the rest of the continent to be particularly distinctive of the groups in

    question.

            Symbolical interpretation of decorative patterns varies with individuals,

    as questioning has shown. In some of the southern bands there is an art

    020      |      Vol_VIII-0221                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    tradition that associates itself with floral forms, and occasional prophy–

    lactic functions are associated with their use. Other designs are placed

    on articles possessed by the hunter and his family to affort satisfaction

    to animals slain to supply food and resources. Whatever in Nature gives itself

    to the use of mankind, as it was ordained by the supreme Creator or Owner,

    derives compensating satisfaction upon the demise of an animal, through being

    thought of with gratitude, and through being depicted in art. The ap pa inted

    skin clothing of the Naskapi is thus propitiatory when worn by the hunter of

    animals. This is a ruling folk tradition in representative art of the Montagnais–

    Naskapi. Designs accordingly have spiritual control power, are of dream deriva–

    tion in many instances, and also serve as fetishes in the usual sense of the term.

    Porcupine-quill and moose-hair embroidery, as a mong the Algonkians to the south–

    ward, and sculptural carvings in the round as among the Eskimos on the north

    and east, are wanting, and pictography as among groups in the Great Lakes

    area is only moderately prominent.

            There is no valid evidence that any techniques of porcupine-quill decora–

    tion on either leather or birch bark are known to any bands of the Montagnais–

    Naskapi, although a Labrador race of the animal ( Erethizon dorsatus ) occurs

    in the forested portions of the peninsula as far north as the height of land

    and even beyond. The flesh of the porcupine is eaten and its bristly tail is

    converted into a hair brush and comb cleaner throughout this whole area and

    the regions westward.

           

    Archaeological Background

            Treatment of the prehistory of the Labradorean area must be brief the Because of the the

    paucity of published source material. Aside from reports describing archaeological

    sites along the Gulf of St. Lawrence coast eastwar t d to the Atlantic littoral and

    021      |      Vol_VIII-0222                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    along the east coast of the peninsula northward to Nain, no r thing exists in

    adequate form upon which to base conclusions in regard to sequence of occupa–

    tion, racial make-up of former populations, or changes in pattern of material

    life. No region of such size on the continent has been less explored. The

    field work of Wintemberg, Leechman, Strong, and Bird, some of it as yet

    unpublished, constitutes the source matter from which information can be

    drawn.

            Dr. W.A. Ritchie has recently concisely summarized the available data and

    formulated some conclusions from which abstractions may be made (Ritchie, 1946).

    Referring to a study by Spaulding, he points out that the basic cultural complex

    of the coniferous forest belt of the Northeast should be traceable to a simlar

    ecological milieu in Siberia extending across the boreal zone of the Old World

    into Scandinavia. He observes that, as part of the Laurentian Aspect, it may

    "conform to the postulated basis ice-fishing culture of Birket-Smith and to

    the paleo-Algonkian stratum, so consistently argued by Spe d c k, except that a

    marked brachycephalic factor evidently characterized the Laurentian population."

    (Ritchie, 1946, p. 103). He further accepts the idea of a still earlier,

    relatively simple non-agricultural level, also without pottery, metal and

    smoking pipes, carried by a dolichocephalic people (referring to the physical

    type south of the St. Lawrence prior to the incursion of [ ?] broader-headed

    types) in the north almost as far east as the Atlantic coast. Some Eskimo

    analogies appear, though not so strongly as in the Laurentian complex, and

    both may be derived from a common parentage of Asiatic origin. Furthermore,

    he thinks, "The physical e lement of the Algonkian north of the St. Laurence may

    be much older in the Wabanaki territory south of the river [ ?] than previously

    suspected; in fact may have been submerged and overlain by a second infiltration

    022      |      Vol_VIII-0223                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    of long-heads." His final recapitulation states that the Canadian forests

    apparently sent forth a different physical and cultural alliance on the heels

    of the early Lamoka dolichocephalic contingent. These were a brachycephalic

    people equipped with stone gouges, ground slate cutting tools, "plummets,"

    and bone harpoons of the Laurentian complex, who in the postulated Archaic

    time period worked their way southward into New England and in diminishing

    numbers still farther south. Not until examination of camp and dwelling

    sites in the interior of Labrador have been reported — and the task of

    exploration will be troublesome, difficult and expensive — will it become

    possible to resolve the puzzling prehistoric set-up to a plausible solution.

            As Spaulding recapitulates the situation, the vague Siberian Neolithic

    and the total lack of information from most of the Canadian forest zone are

    an effective barrier to final conclusions, yet the prehistoric Stone Age in

    Labrador and Newfoundland has been shown to be a relatively old and widespread

    Laurentian complex. An important aspect of the laurentian problem is the matter

    of Eskimo influence, as indicated by presence in the former of ground slate

    points, "semi-lunar" knives, and some other traits shared with the Dorset

    Culture. Whether this interchange took place in the eastern Arctic at a

    relativ e ly late date, or at an earlier period somewhere in central Canada as

    Speck and Jenness have surmised (Spaulding,1946, pp.165-67), where Laurentian

    has not been found, is a problem for the future. In any case "the Laurentian

    appears to be closely connected with an old, and probably basic level of boreal

    Algonkian culture because of its relatively early chronological position and its

    prominence in the archaic Algonkian area" (Spaulding, ibid. 166).



    023      |      Vol_VIII-0224                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

           

    Social Organization

            The Family . The basis of Montagnais-Naskapi social organization, so far

    as such may be said to exist in the almost formless societal communities of

    these mobile hunters, lies in the loosely united grouping of the extended family.

    As a unit of affiliation the family traces its biological descent from both

    paternal and maternal lineages. It includes also married-in and adopted

    members and such collaterals in its generations as may be induced by circum–

    stances to cast in their lot with a family head, thus constituting a group of

    near kin. No form of unilateral clan or gens lineage, of exogamy, ritual

    privilege or exclusive ceremonial observances, or any ideological "totemistic"

    attributes clusters about the family grouping. The families, however, in most

    cases carry proper names derived from male ancestors through a run of genera–

    tions and to this extent answer to a weak patrilineal classification. The

    newly married couple resides usually with the husband's family (patrilocality).

    Furthermore, the family acknowledges by customary procedure the leadership of a

    male patriarch, whose counsel is sought and followed in matters pertaining to

    social usage and in particular to hunting movements. Such an elder usually,

    formerly invariably, possesses power over spiritual forces in greater or less

    degree as shamans.

            The position of the family in the social-economic framework of the Montagnais

    bands occupying the coniferous forest area (taiga) south of the height of land is

    of paramount importance. For each family here holds inherited proprietary rights

    in a specified tract of land for the purposes of hunting, trapping, and other

    life-supporting activities, the tracts being known as family "hunting territories"

    by ethnologists and in the native dialects as well. Free land is nonexistent and

    there is no free-land hunting or trapping as among the Eskimos nor is there terra

    024      |      Vol_VIII-0225                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    incognita. A brief summarization of the characteristics of the family hunting

    territory system shows the following list of traits:

            (1) The allotment of the land tracts in severalty to the family groups

    is traced to a mythical origin, to the era of assignment of life characters

    to animals and man by the Supreme Being or "Owner." Mankind was subdivided

    into groups of kindred each receiving its terrain in severalty to reside in

    perpetually. (2) The supernaturally ordained source of land tenure rights

    means that the family hunting grounds are inalienable outside the family

    through sale, encroachment, or conquest, insuring them and their posterity

    of a place on earth to live in as long as the family exists. (3) The

    boundaries of the family districts are well known geographically by all the

    males of the kin group, and are sometimes marked by "blaze" signs and picto–

    graphic symbols on birch bark as well as fairly accurate cartographic chartings.

    (4) Trespass into another family's district, especially when accompanied by

    looting of "caches," is considered a social wrong and is resented as a serious

    violation of accepted "social law." Physical retaliation, however, is not

    sanctioned, yet by resort to conjuring bad luck or other misfortune may be

    brought upon offenders as a punitive measure. (5) When a family is unable

    to exploit their usufruct, then the tract ownership reverts to the nearest of

    genic kin (in some cases to kith). (6) Conservation of the animal resources

    [ ?] in the family hunting districts is intelligently practiced to insure con–

    tinuity of the food supply for present and future exploitation. The "quarter

    system" of rotation of subdivided areas of the whole tract allows a rest

    period for the animal stock to breed and recuperate. In short the policy of

    "cropping" not "mining" of life resources is rigidly maintained. (7) Family

    size varies from dwindling units of half a dozen persons to a dozen or more.

    025      |      Vol_VIII-0226                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    (8) The hunting grounds are inherited more commonly in the male line from

    father to sons; should there be none of the latter surviving, then to sons–

    in-law, or to widows as an inducement to remarriage. In each band there

    are some few individuals who have no hunting grounds, living like vagabonds,

    gypsy-like, on the bounty of others. (9) An annual family migration from

    the hunting grounds takes place at the break-up of winter, leading to a

    rendezvous on the shore of a convenient lake, or at the sea coast as has

    been the procedure since the founding of the fur-trading and mission centers

    on the Atlantic, James Bay, and Gulf of St. Lawrence coasts. Thus a two–

    jointed move brings the congregated families together for the short summer

    season to foster social intercourse and facilitates contact with the outside

    world. By the end of July or in early August the families embark on their

    n j ourney of return to the hunting and trapping grounds where the normal winter

    life is resumed. The life regime of these summer and winter periods is

    widely different in social and economic activities and in diet, corresponding

    briefly to the two-phase economic cycle of the Eskimos. (100) Kinship ter–

    minology determines the extent of extended family relationships. (The fore–

    going outline of the family and its hunting system is not an exhaustive one.

    It is drawn up from published accounts and surveys so far completed by Cooper,

    Flannery, Davidson, Hallowell, and Speck.)

            Dr. J. M. Cooper, after exhaustive analysis of his own and others' inves–

    tigations in the field and of historical documents, sums up his view of the

    economic-social situation as follows: "It seems reasonably probable, although

    not finally established by any means, that the family hunting ground system as

    found among the northern Algonquians is in its main lines aboriginal and

    pre-Columbian." (Cooper, 1939, p. 89.)



    026      |      Vol_VIII-0227                                                                                                                  
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            The Band Grouping . Thus far attention has been devoted only to the

    family and its social-economic manifestations as one of the two systems in

    vogue among the Montagnais-Naskapi and other holarctic hunting peoples.

    This brings us to consideration of the next social category, that of the

    local band groupings. In the latter category we find that aggregations of

    related families constitute groupings within specified territorial boundaries.

    These we designate local bands, known in the speech of the natives as '"Peoples."

    These are the band divisions referred to previously as comprising the total

    Indian population of the Labrador peninsula, twenty-six in number. The families

    comprising the bands recognize a degree of group solidarity which in more or–

    ganized levels of culture would constitute "tribes," as the term is ethnolo–

    gically defined. The social-economic framework of the band embraces all the

    elements of family structure, adding to them the cohesion of a wider classifica–

    tion in community of interest, sense of looser relationship, some weak political

    princip l as, occasionally recognition of a patriarchal headman or nominal chief,

    and a communal ownership of territory including the family holdings. In the

    inevitable course of relationship with representatives of the Dominion or

    Provincial administration, the office of "chief" has been formally created and

    filled by a selected influential family headman in each band, provided that he

    be in harmony (voluntarily or by diplomatic coercive policy) with the views and

    purposes of the Indian administrative bureau. The Montagnais-Naskapi ordinarily

    designate themselves when questioned as to identity by the band names, which

    are determined by the geographical locale as will be seen by referring to the

    list of bands. They are usually centered in the drainage areas of lakes or

    rivers. The number of families constituting a band will range from three or

    four to more than three score.



    027      |      Vol_VIII-0228                                                                                                                  
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            Two systems of land tenure and exploitation prevail among the Labrador

    Indian bands. In the northern (tundra) habitat the barren-ground caribou,

    gregarious by nature, is the abundant mainstay of native life and the com–

    munal hunting practice, employing the "drive" method, is practised; in the

    eastern (taiga) zone the moose, beaver, and woodland caribou are hunted for

    food and fur under the more segregated family system. While the bands show

    considerable consistency in their respective methods of animal pursuit in

    the two environments, there are instances in extreme eastern Labrador where

    the Montagnais-Naskapi operate the two systems, the choice depending upon

    what they seek and the conditions of season and animal abundance in their

    domain. A greater dependence upon the income from fur trapping induces bands

    in the southern districts to follow the family hunting ground policy. Here

    the game animals are more sedentary, and so are the families. West of James

    Bay a similar shift in policy has been reported, and the like is found among

    certain Athapaskan g r oups (Cooper). In the buffalo-hunting area of the Great

    Plains the communal system took precedence over the other, except on occasions

    of famine or stress. In attempting to trace the priority of one of these

    systems over the other a question arises which has induced anthropologists to

    express views which are still inconclusively settled. More detailed and wide–

    spread coverage of the known and still unknown peoples and regions throughout

    the sircumboreal belt may furnish a solution. Changes brought about by white

    invasion are being effected in the whole sweep of country which confuse the

    historical picture as it now stands only partially revealed.

            A comparative survey of the ethnic properties of the Montagnais-Naskapi

    bands over the whole range of occupancy shows that minor differences, aside

    from those of dialect, distinguish them from each other. The differences

    028      |      Vol_VIII-0229                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    represent only territorial variations, chiefly in respect to social typology,

    in land tenure practices, and in the food quest as just outlined, and in

    aspects of material culture controlled by ecological circumstances demarking

    the habitats of the interior plateau from that of the coasts. They have

    never reached down into the fundamentals of culture. A rather close check-up

    with the Cree ethnic content is shown and to a lesser degree with that of the

    Athapaskans.

    Other Social Traits. No ritual ceremonial or related observations are

    celebrated in the action of marriage unless it is solemnized by the mission

    clergy. There are no regulations pointing to restriction of marriage con–

    nections, except in the prohibition of union of the first and second degrees

    of kinship. Cross-cousin marriage, however, has been shown as prevalent in

    a number of instances (Hallowell). Intermarriage between members of different

    families and between the bands is encouraged and, in the case of the latter,

    frequent. The mother-in-law avoidance taboo is nowhere in evidence; on the

    contrary, the parents-in-law are held in affection. Woman's status while

    inferior to man's is by no means a debased one (Burgess 1944). The aged, sick,

    and infirm as well as children are treated with care and solicitude. Orphans

    are taken into families of near kinship, treated as children, and when able

    share in the hunting activities of the foster parents. Berdaches, or trans–

    vestites, are recorded among the northern bands and are objects of mild disre–

    gard. Boys from the age of about fourteen, if able-bodied, play a man's part

    in the economic program of the family. Strangers are neither feared nor

    shunned by adults, but are welcomed and expected to share the family resources

    temporarily as guests, and are cared for and doctored if sick. Among northern

    bands girls at first signs of puberty wear a veil of leather for four days to

    cover the eyes and face.



    029      |      Vol_VIII-0230                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

            The concept of social sin denounces lying, (though not "white" lying)

    insincerity, theft, miserliness, and in particular violation of rules

    against trespass on hunting grounds. Virtue ("good doing" in the native

    idioms) consists in avoidance of these acts, but neither sin ("evil doing")

    nor virtue involves post-mortem retribution. In respect to the two courses

    of life's action the choice is optional with the individual — the Augustinian

    idea. Personal qualities socially disliked and tacitly disapproved, less

    serious than the preceding, are displays of forwardness, loudness, and

    aggressiveness of manner, physical or otherwise. Social control, in brief,

    is exerted by the judgments of public opinion through its sanction or dis–

    approval — in the latter instance through social ostracism tacitly carried

    out. No formal judgments of ethical behavior are provided for unless it be

    through censure by the head of a family or band.

            With sex problems as such according to European standards the Montagnais–

    Naskapi have little concern except where white morals have been impressed upon

    them as examples through missionary teaching., Most writers note an increase

    in laxity among bands in close contact with Canadian settlers. While the

    preferred mating principle is monogamy even among the "unenlightened"

    Naskapi of the north, plurality of wives (the sororate) is occasional, pro–

    viding support for unmarried or widowed females. Stress conditions play a

    forceful part in determining social and ethical behavior. Rationalizing

    explanations are always ready at hand among the men to account for what is

    customarily done — reasonings often marked by wit and knowledge of life's

    demands.

            There is little evidence of patterning in events of the individual

    life cycle of the Montagnais-Naskapi. Ceremony is lacking in connection with

    030      |      Vol_VIII-0231                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    childbirth, naming, death and burial. Names are derived from personal

    characteristics, from fore-parents of the same sex, or, since missionary

    times, from Biblical patriarchs. Funeral rites are not observed except

    among Christian converts. Bodies were wrapped and placed in trees if death

    occurred in winter when ground is frozen in the northern districts and

    later buried in the ground on hunting territories. Among southern bands

    bodies were interred, according to early accounts. The converted Indians make

    every effort to make their interments in the church burying ground even if

    it requires a long journey with the corpse frozen or boxed. Demonstrations

    of grief and mourning are not noted; and people show little dread of approach–

    ing death, and the names of the deceased are not tabooed. The people them–

    selves regard insanity to have been more prevalent formerly than now, yet

    there are numerous instances of it as a source of violence and crime.

            Absence of Motivations of Violence and Warring . No evidence of a taste

    for warfare for glory or raiding for loot can be discerned in the Montagnais–

    Naskapi social set-up, a fast which stands a r t variance with the early French

    accounts of the lower Laurentian populations. This change in mie a n , if change

    be assumed, may be taken as an example of "moral evolution" often noted in

    both early and late periods of national character in changing from violence

    and brutality of strife to pacifiam and gentleness. The set-up here is

    distinctly antagonistic to struggle and strife, combat and contention,

    between individuals as well as collective groupings. Even wrestling, fisti–

    cuffs, and game team contests are avoided, one reason being that they may

    lead to anger, violence, then injury, which might cause retaliation through

    malevolen conjuring. Personal revenge and family feuding are precluded.

    In short, these are emphatically not warriors but hunters! With the family

    031      |      Vol_VIII-0232                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    and band hunting territory system so strongly supported by its religious

    ethos and social sanction, the war and raiding ideologies of the related

    Cree to the west and of the Athapaskans have found no place in the senti–

    ments of the Montagnais-Naskapi as we know them.

            As for the extent to which this has gone into personal relationship

    conduct, Dr. Julius Lips cites instances of individual resentment against

    affront or injury, real or imaginary, being expressed only by patient expec–

    tation that spiritual retaliation would sooner or later follow hostile acts

    and even thoughts. Another more pragmatic reason is that social opinion would

    obligate the man who causes death or disablement of another to assume support

    of the victim's family dependents — a sufficient cause for forethought in

    interpersonal behaviorism. Among several bands direct questioning reveals

    that no case of nonaccidental manslaughter was known in the memory of living

    generations.

            In no part of the continent can an example be found where beliggerency

    is less tolerated than among the Montagnais-Naskapi of the recent area. If,

    however, we turn to the period of first historical contact with them we find

    missionary and explorer accounts through the late 17th and into the early 18th

    century referring to Indian raids against the Labrador Eskimos on the south–

    eastern coasts. The attacking of Eskimo camps, killing of the men armed only

    with harpoons and bows, and capture of women and children is a tradition of

    the country. The feeling of avoidance and mutual distrust seems still to

    exist, but has been gradually dissolving during the last generation due to

    persuasion toward peaceful relations by the trading post managers.

            Hostility between the Montagnais and the Micmac of the Gaspe coast is

    also on record, again provoked by the Micmac invaders. Montagnais-Naskapi

    032      |      Vol_VIII-0233                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    tradition is replete with legends of conflict between themselves and parties

    of Iroquois raiders whose incursions into their hunting grounds have left

    poignant memories of cruelty.

           

    Religious Beliefs and Practices

            The philosophy underlying behavior of these natives in respect to

    nature forces and animals is by no means simple in conception. Religious

    practices are not complex, ceremonial and ritual performances of the people

    being largely restricted to individual acts of divination in respect to the

    disposition of animals to sacrifice their lives to men, propitiation for their

    slaying, giving satisfaction to them and their spiritual masters (Owners),

    and appealing for continuation of animal life-sacrifice for the welfare of

    mankind. In short, hunting falls into one of the categories of religious occupation.

            Thus, the Montagnais-Naskapi hunters have thought out their problems of

    maintenance of the sources of food supply by resorting to spiritual means of

    inducing animals killed for sustenance to return to life in the next breeding

    season. Of capturing and breeding animals for economic security they have not

    even worked out the initial steps. The Montagnais-Naskapi, like other groups

    in the American circumboreal belt, have remained in an archaic phase of economy,

    that of pursuit and immediate use. Not so, however, in respect to religious

    ideologies conceived to insure the supply of vital necessities. Only through

    disturbance of the balance of nature following the opening of contact with the

    whites and devastation of parts of the home territories due to the same cause

    has the traditional faith of the natives failed to save them from want. The

    effects of the introduction of Christianity as a substitute for the native

    traditional practices will be discussed later.



    033      |      Vol_VIII-0234                                                                                                                  
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            Our positive knowledge of this side of aboriginal Labradorean though

    can at best be imperfect. Yet what we encounter has much significance.

            The individual believes that he has a dual entity - the soul and the

    body. The soul is imperishable and transcends the generations of man. It

    is called by a term which also means "shadow," but when spoken of in its

    functional capacity is referred f t o as "great man," which can be rendered

    "companion-being," or "corresponding-being," The soul-spirit is master

    of the body, which owes its existence and support to the benevolence of the

    soul-spirit. It seems indeed to represent the ego. It may be deliberately

    strengthened by the individual, or weakened through neglect. Neglect con–

    sists of ignoring its promptings or not complying with its desires - in short,

    by not affording it the nourishment it is believed to require. Without it

    man is an inert mass, as he is when deceased. Its communications are conveyed

    chiefly through dream visitations, yet soul promptings may creep into one's

    consciousness through deliberate meditation or through sudden ideas which

    suggest themselves at any time. Revelations in dreams or day-thoughts often

    arrive in the guise of puzzles which have to be interpreted. They may indeed

    arrive as we imagine inspiration in art or music to occur. If the individual

    is in rapport with his soul, through his attention to its needs, he will

    possess the power to discern the meaning conveyed in the dream or inspiration.

    Concretely the revelations generally take the form of instructions as to when,

    how, and where to go in search of game. And yet the more lofty concepts of

    moral behavior, art, and natural philosophy are not lacking.

            Having secured his dream admonitions, the hunter has to rely upon the aid

    of his "great man" in subduing the corresponding souls of the game animals.

    He proceeds toward further communion with his own soul-spirit by smoking tobacco

    034      |      Vol_VIII-0235                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    in his stone pipe or by drinking bear's grease. Both of these acts are

    intended to feed the soul, which is thought to be found of such influences,

    to induce it to work for him. By singing songs that come to him in dreams

    and by drumming, the soul-spirit is also stimulated. Then the hunter,

    employing the mechanical agencies (weapons, traps, hunting, and traveling

    equipment in general) conquers the body of the beast. But the mechanical

    devices would, he believes, be futile without first having effected the

    spiritual conquest. Mind, he accordingly believes, dominates matter.

            Finally, having brought down his game, he is under an obligation to

    compensate the soul of the slain animal by certain prescribed treatments

    of its bodily remains. The bones have to be disposed of in accordance not

    only with such arbitrary suggestions as may come to him privately through

    his dreams, but according to some traditional forms of treatment. In some

    cases, the body of the animal is conveyed to camp by means of a leather

    pack strap for head or breast support, a carrying string or drag line,

    ornamented with pigment or riggons symbolizing the color of the animal taken,

    white for caribou, red for beaver, and so on. This ceremonial game-string

    is carried inside the shirt by the more traditional of the northern and

    eastern bands. The carcass is thus ritually handled before it is used.

    The broad pack strap employed among southern bands is often embroidered

    with figures of the animal hunted. The commonest rites noted among all the

    bands, however, are those in relation to the bear. It is addressed as

    grandfather, its skull hung on a tree after the feast in which all its flesh

    is eaten, tobacco put in its mouth, paint markings in red made on its cranium

    and other symbols of regard placed with the skull. Clusters of such skulls

    are occasionally seen on trimmed trees which mark the location of bear skull

    035      |      Vol_VIII-0236                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais'Naskapi

    yards. These observances induce the bear's spirit to return to life

    another season. Women are not permitted to look at the bear's carcass

    when its remains are brought into the tent. Its right paw and forearm

    should not be cut apart, and other observances are followed which constitute

    what are known throughout the region as bear-rites (Hallowell, 1926). The

    skulls of beavers and hares are also hung in trees, the jawbones of fish

    are tied in bundles and suspended, duck and goose scalps are preserved,

    and a number of similar acts performed to satisfy the feelings of the game

    killed. It is especially seen to that dogs be prevented from eating the

    bones of freshly killed animals, because, they say, the g dog helps man

    to pursue and kill his animal brethren and then does not pay equal respect

    to their helpless carcasses. Rites of this nature are numerous, and appear

    to vary somewhat according to individuals and tribal bands throughout the

    region. Moreoever the hunter's own soul derives satisfaction from the pro–

    pitiatory acts and then continues to reside in harmony with him and to act

    as his mediator with the spirits of animals. The human soul-spirit, it may

    be added, resides in the heart.

            Similar control can be exerted over other human beings. Those whose

    soul-spirits [ ?] are weaker cna con be controlled by the wish of others. Thus

    we hear of "causative thought." The control, it is believed, can be extended

    over space without contact. To operate along this line one may "wish."

    This is done by concentrating thought upon the thing or act desired. Its

    accomplishment depends upon the power of the operator's "great man" and

    upon the lack of spirit resistance encountered in the victim.

            Since lack of even a loose organization and formalism is an outstanding

    characteristic of the Montagnais-Naskapi social framework, we seek in vain

    036      |      Vol_VIII-0237                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    for signs of religious teachings and cults as they exist in cultural

    centers to the south and southwest (Ojibwa and Central Algonkian mid e é wiwin ,

    Iroquois curing societies, Plains sacred bundle rituals). There being no

    priesthood or mass propagated doctrines of sacred mysteries, the laymen

    hunter officiates in his own behalf as intermediator between his world and

    the realm of the supernatural. Revelations and experiences, plus the narra–

    tives of elders, become primary sources through which the individual gains

    his understanding of the universe. These enable him to accommodate himself

    to the forces of visible and invisible nature. The spiritual entity which

    dwells within the individual is in the heart during life and departs over

    the Milky Way ("ghost's path") to a sky abode at death.

            Transformation, not outright creation, accounts for the existence of

    the world as it is. Transformer-heroes in both human and animal guise

    effected changes in the universe from preexisting states through possession

    of power [ ?] of will, wish, and fancy, coming under the widespread Algonkian

    designation of manitu . The leading figure in the transformation cycle, how–

    ever, is Tsekabesh, and his counterpart in northern Algonkian is Wiskedjak,

    dialectically variable over the expande of the peninsula. His character,

    motivations, and world-transforming performances coincide with those of like

    nature all over the eastern circumboreal zone where Algonkian is spoken.

            He snared the sun and moon, transformed sundry animals, destroyed evil

    monsters. When his labors were finished he disappeared, but promised to

    return to earth at the end of time and command all the creatures, especially

    good men, and remove the sources of evil. When he departed the earth he took

    his abode with his family on the top of a mountain where a great tree was

    standing. The myths of Tsekabesh form a cycle which is common all over the

    Northeast.



    037      |      Vol_VIII-0238                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

            The four directional winds are personified as "man of the north,"

    and so on. They have control of the four seasons in rotation as sub-deities

    under the Supreme Being, are sensitive to remarks about them made by human

    beings, and respond to small offerings of tobacco and food as well as to

    veneration. Mythical narratives relate to them.

            Images and likenesses in the form of masks and pictures are not made by

    the Montagnais-Naskapi to represent supernatural beings as they are among

    Algonkian and other groups to the southward (Delaware, Iroquois).

            The legend of the boy adopted by a she bear and rescued when the foster–

    mother is killed is found among all the bands, as is also the myth of stealing

    of "summer fluid" from the south resulting in breaking up the reign of

    perennial winter (glacial time ?).

            European folk tales have not become integrated into Montagnais-Naskapi

    folk literature as closely as they have in other Algonkian areas.

            The Supreme Being concept is probably original since it represents the

    "owner" of mankind, the supreme creature among earthly forms of life in the

    same manner that the animal groups (caribou, bear, beaver, moose, fish, etc.)

    are ruled and sustained in life by their Owners. The soul elements of all

    creatures depar t the body and later are believed to appear in new-born young

    of their kind. The universe of life is thus conceptualized as a continuity

    of life and death.

            Besides the invisible forces abroad in the world, above it, below, and

    in the firmament, there [ ?] are those which inhabit the forests and tundra

    and occasionally reported as seen by hunters. There are capricious dwarfs

    ("little people"), nonmalevolent by nature; a terrifying cannibal gian in human

    form ( stcen ); another cannibal "He who has a hairy heart," as well as "great

    man" (Mishtabeo); narrow-faced race of manlike dwellers in precipices ( memegwejo );

    038      |      Vol_VIII-0239                                                                                                                  
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    and the genius of springs, "under-waterman," resembling the merman.

            But chief among the uncanny denizens of the bush is the man-eating rogue

    known as w i í tigo ( windigo of northern literature in general) whose origin is

    traced to the conjuror or shaman who has eaten human flesh and become a

    semi-spirit of cannibalistic habits who can be overcome only by one having

    superior power of manitu.

            Ritual performances among the Montagnais-Naskapi are relatively few when

    compared with other less marginal Algonkian-speaking groups. The mode of life

    with its uncertainty of sustenance does not provide occasion for regular

    gatherings of people for formal ceremonies; and, perhaps historically more

    significant, the extension of developments in ceremony so marked among popula–

    tions of the central regions is not found here. Feast gatherings, however,

    are celebrated when an abundance of meat has been secured by hunters blessed

    with good fortune through their righteous observance of rules in respect to

    the lives of animals. Besides the bear ceremony, already mentioned as a major

    rite among Algonkian peoples, and other circumboreal, the occasions for game

    feasts arise when caribou and other game provide flesh enough to regale the

    assembled companies. At such times the feast-maker gives away all the meat

    and speeches are made by the guests extolling his generosity and virtues as

    a hunter.

            This is the occasion also for singing and dancing. The only movement is

    circular in counterclockwise direction, men and women participating. Dancing,

    so far as known, is performed in rejoicing for the provender and to afford

    satisfaction to the slain creatures and their Owners, with no specific bymbolism

    displayed. The singers are always men, who accompany themselves with a disk–

    shaped hide-covered hand rattle if one is available, a type used also in the

    039      |      Vol_VIII-0240                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    Plains area. The songs are compositions of the hunters, never song formulas

    or fixed versions. The song texts, as translated from phonograph records,

    are recitations of hunting excursions, expressing sentiments toward the bush

    and rejoicing for hunting success, some of them tinged with humor and ad–

    dressed to the particular animal for whom the lyric has been composed. A

    large drum, known as the shaman's drum, is also beaten for the dances by

    a singer having some degree of shamanistic power. Its form is that of a

    tambourine, several feet across among the northern bands, covered with one

    hide or caribou membrane in the north, double-headed among southern bands.

    A snare, or buzzer, is placed inside the head having small sections of bird

    quills or caribou foetus digits as "buzzers." The beater is of caribou antler

    or leg-bone, and has significance as a symbol of shamanism.

            In the Montagnais-Naskapi view, Christianity offers little [ ?] oward solving

    problems of adjusting the hunting life of the natives of the bush to the whims

    of animals and to their spiritual sponsors. Native traditional beliefs and

    propitiatory rites take better care of those mystical arrangements among the

    people of the forest and tundra. Christianity, as they have observed, may

    take care of those living in the precincts of white settlements, where the

    God of the white man has given superiority to his favored race in material

    things and dominance of power. The essential moral teachings of the Gospels

    are not strange to the natives, but theology with its doctrines of atonement,

    promise of solace in life and reward afterward through faith, and gruesom

    eternal punishment to those who reject it, is something which neither

    Catholicism nor Protestantism can make clear. Two minds, two ways of thought,

    are the partly harmonized results among those interior bands whose contact

    with mission centers is limited to a few weeks in the summer trading period.

    040      |      Vol_VIII-0241                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    One is good in the bush, the other is said to be good where the white man's

    irresistible and paradoxical doma i n of mysteries prevails in act and doctrine.

    Christianity takes care of the evils brought into the country with "civiliza–

    tion", and is accepted with it through fear and the desire to avoid conflict

    with the more powerful white men and their ways. The bands of Montagnais

    associated for several centuries with French proselyting forces and trading

    posts have become communicants of the Roman Catholic church almost without

    exception; those of the northern interior have accepted the Anglican creed

    for which English contact is responsible, but the progress in conversion has

    not been so far-reaching.

            The Conjuror and Divination Practices . In the social register of the

    Montagnais-Naskapi the most importan [ ?] calling is that of the conjuror ( met e é wilnu,

    met e é wino
    ), whose functions include clairvoyance, foretelling of events, de–

    tection of coming misfortune, control of the elements, detection of violation

    of rulings of society such as trespass on hunting ground, witchcraft, and

    in fact most of the magico-religious feats known in the lore of a hunting

    population. The conjuror is moreover a performer of "miracles" or tricks

    of many kinds that form the body of personal narratives repeated by those

    who have witnessed them or know them by hearsay. The conjuror acquires

    his power through his soul-spirit. This gives him power to transfer his

    spiritual entity into animal form, to render himself invisible, and to call

    to his command the spirits of animals in obedience to his will, and to speak

    in alien tongues, and to use ventriloquism. Conjurors are usually men. They

    obtain their powers through dreaming, visitations of animal spirits, and

    cultivation of their "great man" or soul-spirit by complying with its require–

    ments, whatever these may be. Conjuring power is never acquired by purchase.

    041      |      Vol_VIII-0242                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    and is not necessarily inherited from father to son. Its possessor lives

    in the community as an otherwise ordinary hunter, acting and dressing as

    others, except that he holds a prestige above less gifted members of his

    band. His method of operation is to enclose himself in a "conjuror's tent"

    made of selected kinds of saplings found in the band territory, to sing after

    practicing certain forms of self-denial, calling upon animal spirits to

    come to the tent, then causing the tent to shake violently due to the force

    of their presence within. What the conjuror's limitations of action in this

    state actually are is difficult to say. He receives only presents for his

    ministrations although his vocation amounts to a profession. Conjuring power

    is ambivalent; it can be used for good or evil purposes according to the

    will of the practitioner. The moral nature of the shaman's use of power is

    not predetermined but is a manner of free-will decision on his part.

            To the same extent that the conjuror or shaman appears in a similar role

    all over the circumboreal regions of America and Asia, the practices of

    divination also exhibit only slight variation. Divination rites may be

    resorted to by individuals of both sexes. Chief among them is foretelling

    luck in locating and taking animals by scorching over coals of a fire the

    shoulder blade of a game animal (scapulimancy) in order to extort from its

    former owner the answers to questions as to whereabouts of its kind. Burnt

    and fire-scorched areas on the shoulder plate as well as cracks are then

    interpreted as signs readable to one accustomed to deciphering such appearances.

    Bones of other animals may serve in a similar capacity. The devices of bone

    divination are numerous and definitely ancient in the northern hemisphere.

    Divination by looking into a bowl of water (scrying) is reported for the

    northwestern area of the peninsula (Cooper 1928).



    042      |      Vol_VIII-0243                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

            Games have likewise something of a divinatory character among the

    Labrador Indians. The successful outcome of a game of skill, of which

    there are at least a dozen forms, denotes success in the next hunting

    excursion. Children engage in such games to strengthen their luck in the

    course of adult life. The same is true for string figures, forty-two of

    which recorded from members of interior bands show considerable resemblance

    in form to those of Eskimos, and have game-snaring intentions (Hallowell,

    1935). The ring and pin game is universal in the peninsula, taking the form

    of five to seven caribou phalanges hollowed out and strung to be caught on

    a bone skewer.

            Curative practices also fall under the activities of the shaman. His

    offices represent the magical theory of cause of disease and cure, rather

    than the results of practical experimentation in the diagnosis and treatment.

    Illness and death arise from neglect of the soul-spirit and from the presence

    of hostile elements in the body. Conjuring and the protection afforded by

    magic charms seem to serve better than pharmacology as remedies. The charms

    take the form of beaded and/or painted leather pendants worn on the neck (white

    man's neckties are incidentally thought to be protective charms), on leggings,

    on wrists, on dresses worn by women, on hair and hats of men, and on hunting

    gear. They are believed to protect and bring good luck. Dreams often reveal

    what to use as charms. Herbal cures are relatively few as compared with those

    of groups south of the St. Lawrence and westward, a condition explained by

    the people as being due to a less abundant plant growth. Bleeding is known

    as a surgical remedy for pains, instrument being a sharp splinter of stone

    or glass inserted in a stick and struck with a piece of wood.

            The sweating lodge ritual is an important feature in the hunter's life

    among northern and extreme eastern bands of the Montagnais-Naskapi. It serves

    043      |      Vol_VIII-0244                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi

    to strengthen the individual's soul-spirit by purification and also by

    weakening resistance of animals to his tactics of hunting. The procedure

    is like that of other Indian groups. The sweat lodge is a low dome-shaped,

    oven-like tent inside which heated stones are placed with tongs. Men singly

    or in groups enter naked and water is thrown on the stones to make steam.

    Meanwhile they sing the songs they know addressed to the animals. [ ?]

    The bear is mentioned in particular. When steamed and sweated the inmates

    leave the lodge and cool off gradually. The use of specially designated

    trees for the lodge poles, the prescribed number of heated stones, the

    employment of rattles or drum by singers, and the terms involved, mark the

    sweating rite as a phase of individual shamanism.



    044      |      Vol_VIII-0245                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi


    BIBLIOGRAPHY

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    5. Census of Indians and Eskimos in Canada, Department of Indian Affairs,

    Ottawa, 1924.

    6. Clements, F.E. and Shelford, V.E. Bio-ecology , N. Y. 1939.

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    Festschrift, edited by W. Kopper, Wien, 1928.

    8. ----. Snares, Deadfalls and Other Traps of the Northern Algonquians and

    Northern Athapaskans, Catholic University of America, Vol.5,

    Washington, D.C. 1938.

    9. ----. Is the Algonquian Family Hunting Ground System Pre-Columbian?

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    10. Flannery, R. An analysis of Coastal Algonquian Culture, The Catholic

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    11. Hallowell, A.I. Bear Ceremonialism in the Northern Hemisphere, American

    Anthropologist, Vol. 28, 1926.

    12. ----. The Physical Characteristics of the Indians of Labrador, Journal

    de la Societe des Americanistes de Paris, N.S. XXI, Paris, 1929

    13. ----. Kinship Terms and Cross Cousin Marriage of the Montagnais-Naskapi

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    14. Hallowell, D.K. (see Naskapi , F.G. Speck) 1935.

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    1863.

    16. Jenness, D.

    17. Johnson, F. Edited by Frederick Johnson - Man in Northeastern North America,

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    Volume 3, Phillips Academy, Andover, Massachusetts, 1946.

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    18. Lips, J.E. Trap Systems Among the Montagnais-Naskapi Indians of

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    19. Murdock, G.P. Ethnographic Bibliography of North America, Yale

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    20. Report of Committee on Hudson's Bay Company, Appendix II, 1857.

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    21. Ritchie, W.A. Archaeological Manifestations and Relative Chronology in

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    22. Spaulding, A.C. Northeastern Archaeology and General Trends in the

    Northern Forest Zone (see Main in Northeastern North America) 1946.

    23. Speck, F.G. "The Montagnais Indians," The Southern Workman , XXXVII, 3,

    pp. 148-54 (I11.) 1909

    24. ----. "The Basis of Indian Ownership of Land and Game," ibid. , pp. 35-38, 1914.

    25. ----. "The Double-curve Motive in Northeastern Algonkian Art," Canada Dept.

    Of Mines: Geol. Survey Memoir
    42 (No.1, Anth. Series), pp.1-17,

    figs. 25, pl [ ?].18, 1914.

    26. ----. "Basis of American Ownership of the Land," University of

    Pennsylvania University Lectures , 1914-1915, pp. 181-196. 1915.

    27. ----. "Some Naskapi Myths from Little Whale River," published consecu–

    tively in Journal of American Folklore, XXVIII: CVII, pp.52-77, 1915.

    28. ----. "The Family Hunting Band as the Basis of Algonkian Social Organi–

    zation," American Anthropologist, 17-2, pp. 289-305. 1915.

    29. ----. "An Ancient Archaeological Site on the Lower St. Lawrence,"

    Holmes Ann .,Volume pp. 427-432. 1916.

    30. ----. "Medicine Practices of the Northeastern Algonquians," 19th Inter–

    national Congress of Americanists,
    pp. 303-321. 1917.

    31. ----. "The Social Structure of the Northern Algonkian," Pub. Am. Soc.Soc. ,

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    32. ----. "Kinship Terms and the Family Band among the Northeastern Algonkian,"

    American Anthropologist, 20: 2, pp. 143-161, 1918.

    33. ----. "Hunting Charms of the Montagnais and the Mistassini" by F.G. Speck

    and G.G. Heye, Museum of the American Indian , Heye Foundation, Indian

    Notes and Mongraph
    , pp. 1-19, 1921.

    34. ----. "Beothuk and Micmac," ibid. , Part 1, pp. 1-187. 1922.



    046      |      Vol_VIII-0247                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi - Bibliography

    35. ----. "Mistassini Hunting Territories in the Labrador Peninsula,"

    American Anthropologist, 25:4, pp. 452-471, 1923.

    36. ----. "Collections from Labrador Eskimo," Museum of the American Indian,

    Heye Foundation, Indian Notes , pp. 211-217, 1924.

    37. ----. "Eskimo Collection from Baffin Land and Ellsmere Land," ibid ,

    pp.143-149, 1924.

    38. ----. "Spiritual Beliefs among Labrador Indians," XXIe Congres Int .

    des Amer. Session de La Haye, 12-16 aout pp.266-275, 1924.

    39. ----. "Central Eskimo and Indian Bot Ornamentation," Museum of the

    American Indian
    , Heye Foundation , Indian Notes , II:3, pp.151-172, 1925.

    [ ?]40. ----. "Dogs of the Labrador Indians," Natural History , XXVI:I, pp.58-64,

    1925.

    41. ----. "Montagnais and Naskapi Tales from the Labrador Peninsula," Journal

    of American Folklore
    , 38:147, pp.1-32, 1925.

    42. ----. "Land Ownership among Hunting Peoples in Primitive America and the

    World's Marginal Areas," International Congress of Americanists:

    Rome, pp.323-332. 1926.

    43. ---- "Culture Problems in Northeastern North America," Amer. Phil.Soc.Proc .,

    LXV:4, pp. 272-311, 1926.

    44. ----. "Modern and Classical Soul Philosophy among Stone Age Savages of

    Labrador," General Magazine, University of Penn., XXVIII:2,

    pp.112-117, 1926.

    45. ----. "An Âncident in Montagnais Winter Life," Natural History , XXVI:I,

    pp.61-67, 1926.

    46. ----. "Eskimo Carved Ivories from Northern Labrador," Museum of the

    American Indian,
    Heye Founda g t ion, Indian Notes , IV:4, pp.309-314, 1926

    47. ----. "Family Hunting Territories of the Lake St. John Montagnais and

    Neighboring Bands," Anthropos Tome XXII, pp.387-403, 1927.

    48. ----. "Mistassini Notes," Museum of the American Indian , Heye Foundation,

    Indian Notes
    , VII:4, pp.410-457, 1930.

    49. ----. "Montagnais-Naskapi Bands and Early Eskimo Distribution in the

    Labrador Peninsula," American Anthropologist , 33:4, pp.557-600, 1931.

    50. ----. "The Montagnais of the Labrador," Home Geographic Monthly , II:I,

    pp. 7-12, [ ?] 1932.

    51. ----. "Ethical Attributes of the Labrador Indians," American Anthropologist ,

    35:4, pp.559-591, 1933.



    047      |      Vol_VIII-0248                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais-Naskapi - Bibliography

    52. ----. "Mammoth or Stiff-Legged Bear," American Anthropologist, 37:I,

    pp. 159-63, 1935.

    53. ----. "Naskapi," University of Oklahoma Press, pp. 1-248, 1935.

    54. ----. "Labrador Eskimo Mask and Clown," General Magazine, XXXVII:2,

    pp.159-174, 1935.

    55. ----. "Eskimo and Indian Backgrounds in Southern Labrador," Part 1,

    General Maga l z ine, University of Pennsylvania, XXXVIII:I, pp.1-17, 1935.

    56. ----. "Eskimo and Indian Backgrounds in Southern Labrador," Part II,

    ibid ., XXXVIII:2, pp. 143-163, 1935.

    57. ----. "Inland Eskimo Bands of Labrador," Essays in Anthropology in

    Honor of Alfred Louis Kroeber, University of California Press,

    pp. 313-330, 1936.

    58. ----. "Analysis of Eskimo and Indian Skin-Dressing Methods in Labrador,"

    Ethnos , Stockholm, 2:6, pp.345-353, 1937.

    59. ----. "Swimming Paddles among Northern Indians," American Anthropologist ,

    39:4, pp.726-7, 1937.

    60. ----. "Montagnais Art in Birch-Bark: A Circumpolar Trait," Museum of

    the American Indian
    , Heye Foundation , Indian Notes and Monograph ,

    Vol.XI, No.2, pp I-X, 45-157, figs.,1-4, pls. I-XXIV, 1938.

    61. ----. "Significance of Algonkian Hunting Territory Systems in Sociological

    Theory." In collaboration with L. C. Eiseley. American Anthropologist ,

    Vol.41, No.2, pp.269-80, 1939. title erroneous. (A. C. 1962)

    62. ----. "Eskimo Ivory Jacket Ornaments Suggesting Function of Bone Pendants

    Found in Beothuk Sites in Newfoundland," American Antiquity , Vol.V,

    No.3, pp.225-8, figs. 10-12, 1940.

    63. ----. "Montagnais-Naskapi Bands and Family Hunting Districts of the

    Central and Southeastern Labrador Peninsula." Collaboration with

    L. C. Eiseley, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society ,

    Phila. Penna., Vol.85, No.2, pp.215-242, figs.,2, map. 1942.

    64. Strong, W.D. Notes on Mammals of the Labrador Interior, Journal of

    Mammalogy, Volume II, No.1, 1930a.

    65. ----. A Stone Culture from Northern Labrador and Its Relation to the

    Eskimo-like Cultures of the Northeast, American Anthropologist,

    Volume 32, 1930b.

    66. Tanner, V. Outline of the Geography, Life and Customs of Newfoundland–

    Labrador (The Easten Part of the Labrador Peninsula), Acta

    Geographica, Vol.8, No.1, Helsinki, 1944.



    048      |      Vol_VIII-0249                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Speck: The Montagnais_Naskapi - Bibliography

    67. Turner, L. M. Ethnology of the Ungava District, 11th Annual Report,

    Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D.C., 1889-90. 1894.

    68. Weaver, J.E., and Shelford, F.E. Plant Ecology, N.Y. 1938.

           

    Frank G. Speck

    Peoples of Northern Eurasia

    The Lapps


    001      |      Vol_VIII-0250                                                                                                                  
    Johannes

    Johs. Falkenberg

    (Translated by Karin Fennow)


    The Lapps

            The Lapps occupy an almost continuous area from the Røros (Norway) region and

    Dalarne (Sweden) in the southwest to Magerøya (Norway) in the north and the Terian

    Coast (USSR) in the east. The interior part s of this area contain massive ridges montain is a plateau,

    of high mountains , with individual peaks rising more than 2,000 meters above sea

    level. The terrain declines precipitously from the mountains to the many-fjorded

    Norwegian coast on the west, while the gradient eastward and southward toward the

    Gulf of Bothnia is much gentler and longer. Consequently, in the northern parts

    of Sweden and Finland big rivers with a large water volume volume of water flow from the watershed

    down into the Gulf of Bothnia. Gently sloping terrain also prevails in a northerly

    direction as far as the coast, terminating in several places in cliffs that plunge

    abruptly toward the Arctic Sea.

            The major part of the Lapp territory has a subarctic climate, in that the

    July isotherm for 50° Fahrenheit extends across Magerøya to Vadsø (Norway) and

    onward in an east-southeasterly direction. Only the northeastern part of Finnmark

    Province (Norway) and the northern and eastern parts of the Kola Peninsula (USSR)

    have a true arctic climate , theoretically speaking . The climate of the western

    coastal areas is oceanic in character, with relatively mild and very rainy winters

    and comparatively cool summers. The mean temperature at Bodø (Norway) for February

    is plus 26.9° 27° Fahrenheit, while the mean temperature for July is plus 54.3° F.

    The corresponding mean temperatures at Tromsø (Norway) are plus 24.8° F. in February

    and plus 50.9° 51.3° In July. Bodø has a mean annual precipitation of 1008 mm., and

    [in margin—seems irrelevant to text] 21 12 / 52 Tromsø 940 mm. The inland climate can be defined as continental, with cold winters

    and comparatively warm summers. The mean temperature for February at Karesuando

    (Sweden) is plus 5.9° 5.7° F., and for July plus 54.5° F., while Jokkmokk (Sweden) has

    an average temperature of plus 5.9° F. in February and plus 58.1° F. in July. The

    annual precipitation averages 308 mm. in Karesuando and 436 mm. in Jokkmokk.

            A large part of the Lapp territory is located north of the Arctic Circle,

    which extends across Svartisen (Norway) , [A?] Rovaniemi (Finland) , and the southern part

    of the Kola

    002      |      Vol_VIII-0251                                                                                                                  
    Peninsula, so that the midnight sun and the sunless period alternately mark the

    seasons. At the level latitude of Bodø the sun is absent for fourteen days out of the year.

    Farther north, on a level line with Tromsø, the sun disappears for a little more than

    two months, and farthest north, at the latitude of North Cape, it is gone for

    two and one half months. The annually recurrent sunless period is compensated

    for to some degree by uninterrupted sunlight of twenty-four hours duration (day and night) in

    the midsummer season ; this contrast between light and darkness is one of the

    strongest influences characterizing nature in the northern Lapp districts.
    (See also "Daylight and Darkness in High Latitudes.")

    delete

            To an extent , the flora varies rather considerably in the areas O o ccupied

    by the Lapps, In the alpine mountain regions of the interior the ground is covered by

    lichens and moss. The flatter terrain is dominated by birch and by a vigorous

    grass vegetation, while dense, contiguous , evergreen forests (spruce and pine) are

    spread across the eastern Swedish, the Finnish , and the Russian Lapp M m arches.

            [in margin—seems irrelevant to text] 28 3 / 84 28/36 In former times bears and lynx were fairly abundant in those areas fre–

    quented by the Lapps, but these animals are now virtually extinct. Among beasts

    of prey, some wolves, foxes , and wolverines are still to be found. Wild reindeer,

    formerly numerous all over the Lapp marches, are now extinct, but have been re–

    placed by domesticated reindeer, which are kept by the thousands. Beavers and

    otters were once abundant. The beaver has now disappeared, but there are still

    some otters in the various coastal areas. The ptarmigan constitutes the most

    important game at present, and eider ducks are to be found in several places on

    the coasts.

            Fish, particularly cod and coalfish, but also flounders, halibut, haddock,

    etc., are plentiful in the fjords and off the coasts in the west and the north,

    and there are also some salmon in the ocean and in many of the big rivers. In

    the interior regions there are numerous good fishing waters and fishing rivers,

    where trout is the main fish.

            The area of Lappic distribution extends across four countries. Farthest

    east the Lapps belong politically to the USSR; in this region they cover the

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0252                                                                                                                  
    whole northern part and the interior of the Kola Peninsula.

            In Finland there are Lapps in Utsjoki, Enare, Enontekis, and as far south

    as S u o dankylä. Before the first World War a number of so-called "Skolt" Lapps

    lived in the Petsamo district, which has now been ceded to the USSR, but they

    were evacuated as early as 1944 and now live in the regions south of Enare.

            The Swedish Lapps occupy the northwestern parts of Sweden from the Finnish

    boundary in the northeast to Idre in Da r larne in the south. Farthest north the

    Lapps live in the Lapp marches of Norbotten and Vesterbotten. In addition, some

    Lapps live in the upper Tornedal Parish south of the Lapp territories in R a å ne a å

    and Edfors. Furthermore, there are Lapps in the western parts of Jämtland and

    Härjedalen and in northwestern Dalarne (Idre). The coastal regions west of the

    Gulf of Bothnia are actually outside of the Lappic settlement area, but in winter

    individual Lapp families occasionally migrate with their reindeer herds all the

    way down to the coast.

            In Norway a continuous belt of Lapp occupation runs from Engerdal in

    Hedmark Province, farthest south, to as far north and east as the land extends.

    Thus, north of Hedmark Lapps live in Sør-Trøndelag Province, Nord-Trøndelag

    Province, and in the provinces of Nordland, Troms , and Finnmark. In addition, there are

    a few Lapps in the southern Norwegian mountain districts from Dovre to Setesdal,

    where they are herdsmen for the private Norwegian domesticated reindeer companies.

            The Lapps constitute a minority population group P p ractically speaking, wherever the Lapps live everywhere the in Norway, Sweden, Finland

    and the USSR . they constitute a minority population group. The only places where

    they are in the majority are the Finnish parishes of Utsjoki and the Finnmark

    parishes of Kautokeino, Karasjok, Polmak ,Tana and Nesseby, and a few parishes in

    North Troms in Norway. The Russian Lapps live in close contact with Russians,

    Syrenians Zyrians , Samoyeds , and other peoples who have settled on the Kola Peninsula.

    The Finnish Lapps associate with their Finnish neighbors who have settled in

    the Lapp marches. Furthermore, a not inconsiderable number of Swedes live in the

    004      |      Vol_VIII-0253                                                                                                                  
    Swedish Lapp territories, especially in the eastern and southeastern parts.

    Finally, the Norwegian Lapps live in close contact with the fixed Norwegian

    farming population along the coastal regions of northern Norway.

            Since there has been a comprehensive racial intermingling has taken place throughout

    Finno-Scandinavia Fennoscandia , it is often difficult to decide whether an individual should

    be classified as a Lapp or a Finn, a Norwegian, Swede, etc. The following fig–

    ures, which are based on the latest census, must therefore be interpreted as

    approximate:

    Country Lapp Po l p ulation
    USSR 1,800
    Finland 2,300
    Sweden 8,500
    Norway 19,100
    31,700

            The Lappic language belongs to the Finno-Ugrian family, which in addition

    comprises Finnish, Carelian, Esthonian , and other Finnish languages, as well as

    Mordvinian, Cheremissian, Votyak, Syryenian, Zyrian, Vogul, Ostyak , and Magyar. The

    Finno-Ugric languages have diverged so much from one another during with the passage

    of time that Lappish and Magyar, for instance, resemble each other no more than,

    for example, do English and Persian. Since the Lapps are not related racially

    to any of the other Finno-Ugric peoples, it is possible that they once spoke

    another, non-Finno-Ugric language, possibly proto-Samoyed or a language related

    to that language. A well-known the r ory assumes that as early as before the birth

    of Christ the Lapps exchanged their former, now unknown, language, or "proto–

    Lappish," as it has been called, for a Finno-Ugric language which they learned

    from their neighbors. Accordingly, this language subsequently developed into

    current Lappish. However, it should be strongly emphasized that this theory has

    not been verified and that many linguists view it sceptically.

    [ ?]

            Lappish is divided into several languages and dialects. A Lapp from the

    Kola Peninsula will not understand Norwegian-Lappish, and a Lapp from Finnmark



    005      |      Vol_VIII-0254                                                                                                                  
    will not understand a Lapp from the southern Lapp regions, for example from

    Vefsen, Trøndelag (Norway), Härjedalen (Sweden) Lappish is generally divided into the fol–

    lowing dialect groups:

    1. Kola-Lappish, or Russian-Lappish, which is spoken by the Lapps on

      the Kola Peninsula and by the Skolt Lapps who live south of Enare (Norwary) (Finland) . A few Skolt

      Lapps in Sø-Varanger (Norway) also speak this dialect.

    2. Enare-Lappish, which is spoken by a number of more or less permanently

      settled fisher Lapps in the Enare district.

    3. Norwegian-Lappish, which is spoken by the great majority of Lapps;

      that is, by all the Norwegian Lapps north of Tyssefjord, as well as by the

      Swedish Lapps in Jukkasjärvi and Karesuando, and by the Finnish nomadic Lapps.

    4. Lule-Lappish, in Gällivare and Jokkmokk (both Sweden) , and in the adjacent parts

      of Norway.

    5. Pite-Lappish, in the northern part of Arvidsjaur and most of Arje–

      plog (both Sweden) , as well as in the bordering part of Norway.

    6. Ume-Lappish, between the Pite-Lappish area and the Ume River (Sweden) , as

      well as in the adjoining part of Norway.

    7. South-Lappish, south of the Ume River and in the bordering sections

      of Norway.


            While the Lapps are connected with the Finno-Ugrian peoples linguisti–

    cally, they are completely isolated racially; it has actually been impossible

    to form any certain racial link between the Lapps and any other folk group.

    It is true that in several isolated places in Europe, such as in Poland, people

    who seem to be close to the Lapps have been observed, but the racial link between

    these people and the Lapps is extremely problematical.

            Recent studies indicate — but more as a hypothesis rather than as scientific fact — [?] that it may be necessary to take into account

    two separate Lappic racial [ ?] variants. In the farthest north there

    is a lew [?] low - headed Lappic population of more or less "Mongolian" origin, but

    with some "Norse-Alpine" characteristics. In the south there is a more long- high-

    skilled headed type, which may possibly have developed as the result of a crossing of

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0255                                                                                                                  
    a "Norse-Alpine" and an East-European,non-Mongolian type. The borderline be–

    tween these two types is entirely fluid. However, since the majority of the

    northernmost Lapps are fisher sea Lapps, and the southern Lapps are descendants

    of reindeer herding nomads, it is possible that the two racial groups once

    re i p resented two different cultures — one a fishing culture, and the other an inland

    culture based on reindeer keeping,hunting, and lake fishing.

            There are no European people with a lower mean height than the Lapps.

    However, their body height seems to have incr d e ased by several centimeters

    during the course of the last two three generations. At present the average

    male height in the different districts varies on the whole form 155 cm. to

    163 cm., and the female height from 144 cm. to 155 cm.

            The legs are short in comparison with the torso and the arms; feet and

    hands are small. The shape of the head is distinctly brachycephalic, with a

    mean length-breadth index of between 83 and 84. The cheek bones are prominent,

    and the chin pointed. The nasal profile is concave. "Slant" eyes occur, but

    are not customary; i.e., the so-called"Mongolian fold" has been observed in

    various some few individuals, but is not very pronounced. Eye color is mostly brown,

    but blue eyes also occur.

            Skin pigmentation is fair, with a brownish tone. The hair is mostly

    coarse and straight, but way and curly hair can also occur. Hair color varies

    from nearly black to dark brown, light brown and ash blond. Beard growth in

    males is scanty, for the most part.

            The earliest known unquestionably Lappic skeleton find comes from

    Nesseby in East Finnmark. On the basis of the archeological inventory it has

    been attributed to the period 200 B.C. - 200 A.D. Linguistic scientists also

    argue that Lapps may have lived in the northern parts of Scandinavia prior to

    the beginning of our calendar.

            Various scholars have tried to interpret some of the north Scandinavian

    Stone Age cultures as Lappic. Even the Komsa k culture Komsa k culture has been linked to the

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0256                                                                                                                  
    Lapps. However, it has not been possible to date to produce actual proof of

    Lapp habitation in Finno-Scandinavia Finno-Scandinavia Fennoscandia at a time chronologically parallel with

    the Stone Age in southern Scandinavia. On the other hand, there can scarcely

    be any doubt that in any case. the Lapps lived in Finland during the Bronze Age ,

    It is also possible that in this area [ ?] they shifted over at a very early

    period to speaking a Finno-Ugric language as a result of their contacts with

    a Finno-Ugric neighboring people racially entirely different from themselves.

            A circumstance which makes the study of the earliest history of the

    Lapps in Finno- Scandinavia Fennoscandia so difficult is that, among other things, the arche–

    ology of northern Scandinavia has never been clearly co-ordinated, either

    typologically or chronologically. Between the various groups of discoveries

    there are sizeable time lags, periods which are completely unknown from an

    archeological point of view. Consequently, it is difficult to link the various

    cultures that have been uncovered, and it is even more difficult to associate

    the diverse cultures with definite folk groups.

            It cannot be proved exactly, but it is nevertheless essentially probable ,

    that the so-called Kjelmøy culture, the earliest phases of which can be ascribed

    to the Viking period, ( [ ?]) - the pre-Viking period is Lappic. The Kjelmøy culture was discovered in Sør–

    Varanger (Norway) , and is a distinct coastal culture. It seems to have earlier prede–

    cessors to the east, on the Kola Peninsula, and there is thus a possibility

    that one of the Lappic routes of entry into Scandinavia may have been along

    the coast of the Arctic Ocean Sea . However, it is more reasonable to assume that

    the Lapps came in from the southeast.

            The question of when the Lapps came to Finno-Scandinavia Fennoscandia and whence they

    came is still open. The only certainty is that the Lapps must have spread out

    over large parts of Finno-Scandinavia Fennoscandia in early days. Accordingly, in the year around

    1,000 A.D. the Lapps occupied the whole following area: The present Nordland,

    Troms , and Finnmark provinces in Norway, with the exception of the outer coastal

    regions south of Malange r n , where there were Norwegian settlements ; I i n addition,

    008      |      Vol_VIII-0257                                                                                                                  
    the whole of present-day Swedish Lappland north of the Strøms Valley Lake. river valley,

    Furthermore, the entire Kola Peninsula , and a considerable part of present-day

    Finnish C K arelia. Finnishized Lappish place names have been found by the hundreds

    Voksen valley all over Finland, and as far south as Nyland, on the C K arelian Isthmus and in

    Vuoksendalen. the Vūaksen-valley. Around the year 1,000 At about 1100 A.D. Lapps were the sole inhabitants of

    the area north of a line which can be drawn from the Kumo River in the West

    and eastwards across Sysmä St. Michel , and Puumala. And as late as the 14th

    C c entury Lapps lived beside Lake Onega, perhaps not very far from Samoyeds, who

    have been placed in the forest region east of Onega as late as in the 17th

    C c entury.

            The Lapp regions have never formed a political entity, have never con–

    stituted a Lappic nation. Large united social groups have never developed in

    the Lapp marches. As a result, it has always been difficult for the Lapps to

    defend their rights in the face of opposition by ag g ress s ive neighbors. In

    the course of time they have been forced out of large parts of the areas which

    they formerly occupied, and as far back as history goes they have been exposed

    to attack and [ ?] oppression by neighboring peoples.

            In very early days the Norwegians, Finns, C K arelians , and others regularly

    sallied forth to plunder the Lapps, but eventually the looting took on a "legal–

    ized" character. Accordingly, as early as the 9th C c entury A.D. there were

    definite regulations determining the amount of "taxes" the Lapps were compelled

    to pay to the strong men chiftains in North Norway. Thus, the Norwegian Ottar, who lived

    in the 9th C c entury, states concerning the Lapp taxation that: "Each one (Lapp)

    must pay in accordance with his position; the most prosperous must pay fifteen

    marten skins, five reindeer hides, one bearskin, ten ducks with feathers, one

    garment made of bear or otter skin , and two hawsers, each sixty ells long, one

    made of walrus hide and the other of sealskin."

            At a very early date the taxation of the Lapps led to political and in

    009      |      Vol_VIII-0258                                                                                                                  
    part to military conflicts between Norway, Sweden, and the kingdom principality in Novgorod

    (Russia), all three of which claimed to have sovereignty over the Lapps. In

    some places the Lapps were forced at times to pay taxes to all three countries

    simultaneously. During the course of the 16th, 17th , and 18th centuries, however,

    the political boundaries of the Lapp marches were fixed, so that the Lapps became

    subjects of a definite country.

            Still, the division of the Lapp marches into different political areas

    was not solely of advantage to the Lapps. For instance, in 1852 the border

    between Norway and Finland was closed to all passage of domesticated reindeer,

    so that a large part of the Norwegian nomadic Lapps were thenceforth cut off

    from their old winter grazing resources in Finland. The Swedish Torne Lapps

    were similarly cut off following 18 9 8 9 from their Finnish grazing lands. The

    boundary between Norway and Sweden has also been the cause of many difficulties;

    however, the Treaty of 1919 [ ?] ensures a certain number of Swedish

    reindeer of the right to summer grazing in certain parts of Troms and Nordland

    provinces.

            The Lappic culture has by no means developed along uniform lines every–

    where. Just as it is legitimate to talk about several Lappic languages, so it

    is also possible to speak of several Lappic cultures. From an economic point

    of view the Lappic cultures are based on one or more of the following means of

    livelihood: hunting, fishing, reindeer keeping herding, and farming cattle keeping .

            While hunting and fishing are ancient Lappic means of livelihood, both

    farming cattle and reindeer keeping herding are more recent. Reindeer keeping herding and farming husbandry ,

    however, have also been carried on by Lapps in several places for a very long

    period. Farming Cattle keeping is without doubt the most recent economic occupation of the

    Lapps, but documentary evidence shows that the Lapps farmed kept cattle in Nordland as

    early as the Viking period, and from old Norse words that were borrowed and

    incorporat 4 ed into Lappish it appears that the southern Maritime Sea Lapps probably

    carried on a primitive kind of farming cattle keeping husbandry even prior to the Viking period. On the

    010      |      Vol_VIII-0259                                                                                                                  
    other hand, [ ?] farther north, in present-day Finnmark Province, the

    Lapps do not seem to have embarked on farming cattle keeping husbandry before the 16th C c entury; in other

    places — for example in the eastern Swedish Lapp districts — the Lapps took it up

    farming still later. Finally, there are a great number of Lapps in all four

    countries who have never shifted over to agriculture animal husbandry .

            While there is no doubt that the Lapps have learned how to farm husbandry from

    their Scandinavian neighbors, there is disagreement about whether the Lapps'

    reindeer keeping herding developed under the influence of the reindeer keeping of the

    inhabitants of the eastern arctic regions, or whether it developed independently

    in Scandinavia, possibly under the influence of the Norsemen 's animal husbandry .

    The only certainty is that reindeer keeping herding has been the backbone of the Lappic

    economy for a thousand years, and possibly much longer.

            [ ?] The Lapps probably once had a somewhat homogeneous culture based

    on fishing and hunting, but as early as many hundreds of years ago the different

    natural surroundings in which the Lapps lived brought about cultural differentia–

    tions. It is therefore justifiable to divide the Lapps into at least four

    different economic-geographic cultural groups: Maritime Sea Lapps, Forest Lapps,

    River Lapps , and Mountain Lapps.

            The Maritime Sea Lapps occupied the coastal areas before 1600, parti–

    cularly the fjord basins from and including Nordland to Finnmark, and farther

    eastwards to and including the Kola Peninsula. The culture of these old Mari-Sea

    time Lapps is best known from the area east of Malangen to and including the

    Kola Peninsula. In this area the Maritime Sea Lapps spoke a language with few

    dialect deviations. These northernmost Maritime Sea Lapps can be roughly divided

    into three groups: the Maritime Sea Lapps in North Troms and Finnmark, the Skolt

    Lapps from Neiden in Sør-Varanger eastward to the Murmansk Railway, and, finally,

    the Maritime Sea Lapps on the Kola Peninsula.

            These old Maritime Sea Lapps were semi-nomadic. They circulated by fixed

    011      |      Vol_VIII-0260                                                                                                                  
    routes in a clearly bounded area, according to the season of the year. A 16th C c entury

    document shows that the Maritime Lapps Sea Lapps in Finnmark lived in four different places.

    In the summer they stayed around the fjords and out by the sea, where they caught

    fish and fowl and gathered eggs, feathers , and down. In the fall they moved farther

    inland alongside the fjords, where they fished and cut timber. They went to the

    mountains in winter, for hunting and fresh-water fishing. The move inland during

    winter was undoubtedly also motivated by consideration for the reindeer, because

    of the better grazing resources in the interior. In the spring the Lapps again

    migrated to the coast, where they fished, built boats , and hunted.

            Comparatively detailed information regarding the movements of the Skolt

    Lapps is available from the beginning of the 20th c entury. From Christmas time

    until the early part of spring they lived in small rural settlements in the

    interior, in places where there was good grazing for the reindeer, as well as an

    abundance of firewood and plenty of game. When the grazing lands were exhausted

    and the woods around the camp depleted, the Lapps moved in springtime to the coast,

    where they fished and put the raindeer out on the islands or on the peninsulas.

    Around the 20th of July they moved to their summer quarters beside the big rivers,

    where they fished, and in September they transferred to autumn quarters farther

    inland, to live there for about three months, fishing in the lakes and hunting.

            The Maritime Sea Lapp l culture was based on fishing, hunting , and reindeer

    keeping herding . Fishing was carried on with the aid of hooks and lines, spears and

    harpoons, nets and seines. In former times the craft used at sea was undoubtedly

    a skin boat sewed together with sinews. For that matter, under the influence of

    their neighbors the Lapps learned how to build good, joined wooden boats many

    hundreds of years ago. Documentary evidence attests that the Maritime Sea Lapps were

    masters at boat building.

            The Lapps formerly hunted all kinds of game, but first and foremost wild

    reindeer, which were caught in quadrangular stone devices, in pitfalls, etc.

    Traps and snares were also used in hunting and trapping. For hunting weapons

    012      |      Vol_VIII-0261                                                                                                                  
    the Lapps used iron-tipped spears on bears and wolves, but the bow and arrow

    was their main weapon until as late as the 16th and 17th centuries, when it

    was replaced by the rifle fire guns firearms.

            The Skolts (and in part the Kola Lapps) have retained the old Maritime Sea Lapp

    Maritime Cculture up to present times; farther west — in Finnmark — it began to dis–

    integrate as early as the 16th and 17th centuries. South of Finnmark — inside

    the fjord basins along the coast of northern Norway — it died out even earlier

    as a result of the overwhelming contact with the Norwegian fisher population.

            This cultural contact has also been influential in Finnmark, but not

    to the same degree as farther south, where the Maritime Sea Lapp culture experienced

    a regular collapse. The Maritime Sea Lapp culture was not entirely extinguished in

    Finnmark, but was transformed under the pressure of external circumstances.

    Moreover, it was primarily the contact between the Maritime Sea Lapps and the Mountain

    Lapps in the interior which eventually led to an alteration in the Maritime Sea

    Lapp culture in Finnmark. During the 16th and 17th centuries there was a

    change in the Lappic reindeer economy. The herds grew larger and larger, and

    as a result the demand for grazing grounds increased. The inland Lapps began

    to move out toward s the coasts, and when the great reindeer herds of the Mountain

    Lapps swarmed over the coastal districts, the reindeer belonging to the Maritime Sea

    Lapps were assimilated by the inland herds. This eventually made it necessary

    for the Maritime Sea Lapps to abandon reindeer keeping, and to compensate for the

    loss of reindeer they took up cattle keeping during the 16th and 17th centuries.

            The livestock of the Maritime Sea Lapps comprised cows, sheep , and goats.

    The agriculture was pronouncedly of the foraging variety. Fodder, which was

    gathered in forest and field, beach and ocean, consisted of leaves and twigs

    of deciduous trees, heather, moss, grass, sea tangle, seaweed , and fish waste;

    all this was then cooked. The nutritive value was minimal, and starvation of

    the animals was common. Consequently, the yei yield from the livestock was so

    small that it was impossible to wrest a living from farming alone cattle breedingkeeping alone . Farming

    013      |      Vol_VIII-0262                                                                                                                  
    Keeping Cattle raising as a means of livelihood was a pronounced sideline.

            As a result of the transfer to animal husbandry, with cows, sheep , and

    goats, it became difficult for the Maritime Sea Lapps to move from place to place

    on the same scale as before. From this time on the Maritime Sea Lapps in Finnmark limited

    their movements to rotating between two camping grounds, both located along–

    side the fjord. From May - June until September - October they lived at their

    summer quarters; the rest of the year was spent in their winter quarters.

            Meanwhile, there was a considerable numerical increase of Maritime Sea Lapps

    up until to the 19th c entury. The Finnmark fjords became so densely populated

    that living space began to be scarce; consequently moving from place to place

    presented difficulties. In addition, the forests were so much decimat 4 e d that

    the authorities were forced to intervene and assign definite areas for cutting

    to each family. This had a share in keeping the population [ ?] stationary,

    and so the Maritime Sea Lapps eventually became fixed settlers.

            Along with this process, during the 19th and 20th centuries the Maritime Sea

    Lapps in Finnmark were exposed to an intensive influence from the Norwegian culture. A

    flood of cheap manufactured goods accompanied the settling of a steadily in–

    creasing number of Norwegians in the Maritime Sea Lapp districts. During the

    1920-30 decade the Maritime Sea Lapp culture was completely uprooted; at present

    it is difficult to talk about a true Maritime Sea Lapp culture. However, the

    majority of the Maritime Sea Lapps still talk Lappish, even though they also under–

    stand Norwegian. The "denationalized" Maritime Sea Lapps in Finnmark and Troms

    today constitute more than half of the total number of Lapps in Finno-Scandinavia Fennoscandia .

    They do not differ much from the permanently resident Norwegian fisher population,

    and it is to be expected that before long they will be completely assimilated into

    the body of the Norwegian people. Only the Skolts and some of the Lapps on the

    Kola Peninsula have retained the old Maritime Sea Lapp culture up to our times.

            The so-called Forest Lapps have in many ways undergone a development

    comparable to that of the Maritime Sea Lapps, in that their old, semi-nomadic Lappic

    014      |      Vol_VIII-0263                                                                                                                  
    culture has now almost disappeared. Since early times Lapps have occupied

    regions alongside the big rivers and lakes in the eastern parts of Swedish

    Lap p land, where there are dense evergreen forests, as well as the forest

    regions in northern Finland and on the Kola Peninsula, where they have accord–

    ingly developed a culture of their own. They have become what are known in

    Sweden as Forest Lapps and in Finland as Fisher Lapps.

            The Forest Lapps formerly lived on by hunting and fishing. They hunted

    bears, otters, beavers, martens, lynxes , and foxes, which were found in great

    quantities numbers in the d e vergreen forests of northern Finno-Scandinavia Fennoscandia . Hunting

    was carried on for the sake of the furs, and the pelts were sold to foreign

    buyers. However, the wild reindeer was were the most important game. Documentary

    evidence dating from the 1820's describes the trapping of wild reindeer by

    the Finnish Forest Lapps. The reindeer were caught with the help of decoys

    and with sna m r es; in addition, they were trapped in pitfalls and by other

    methods.

            During the course of the 18th and 19th centuries, however, the wild

    reindeer completely disappeared from the Lapp marches; consequently the Forest

    Lapp economy changed. The fish in the rivers and lakes, previously of minor

    significance, now became a much more important economic factor. However, the

    fact that the Forest Lapps began to keep domesticated reindeer [ ?] for on a larger scale, ? than previously was [really ?] of equal

    importance. As a matter of fact It is almost surely certain that they had domesticated a few reindeer

    since early times for use as pack beasts and as decoy animals for use in

    trapping, but this was only a matter of a rather small number of animals.

    They did not keep domesticated reindeer for the sake of the meat and hides

    originally, but following the extinction of the wild reindeer they took up

    keeping domesticated deer on a somewhat larger scale.

            Nevertheless, it was of the greatest importance that during the past

    two hundred years the Forest Lapps began to farm to an increasing extent and

    that they became permanently settled on a large scale. This was primarily due

    015      |      Vol_VIII-0264                                                                                                                  
    to the influence of the Swedish, Finnish , and Russian colonists who settled in

    the Lapp marches in increasing numbers. At present the preponderant part of

    the Forest Lapps have the same basic economy as their Swedish, Finnish , and

    Russian neighbors. However, it should be mentioned that about 700 out of

    the total 3,000 Swedish Forest Lapps and at least half of the more than 2,000

    Finnish Fisher Lapps still keep reindeer.

            The River Lapps, who live along the big rivers in Finnmark and Utsjoki,

    number only a few hundred individuals. These Lapps have not been studied very

    much. Their economy is comparable to that of the permanently settled Forest

    Lapps. The River Lapps have specialized in river fishing, particularly salmon

    fishing, but their chief means of livelihood is animal husbandry (cows and

    sheep). In addition, some of them keep reindeer on a modest scale.

            The majority of the true Mountain Lapps, who occupy the Swedish and Nor–

    wegian alpine mountain regions, have specialized in reindeer keeping to a greater degree

    than have any other Lapps. They are reindeer nomads par excellence. However,

    mountain reindeer keeping on an extensive scale appears to have dev e loped at a

    comparatively recent period.

            In early times hunting and fishing were probably equally fully as important to

    the Lapps as reindeer keeping. But even before firearms became common among

    the Lapps, the beaver was practically exterminated and the stock of wild animals

    had decreased to such an extent that hunting as an economic factor was reduced

    to a comparatively insignificant sideline in large parts of the Lapp marches.

    There is a statement dating back as far as 1850 1580 to the effect that the wild

    animals had died out and that the Lapps had been forced to move to the coast.

    Consequently, the levying of taxes in the form of furs was discontinued sub–

    sequent to the 17th c entury in both Norway and Sweden and was replaced by a

    levy of fish.

            To make up for the decline in game, reindeer keeping herding was reorganized

    along extensive lines. It has been claimed on the basis of tax lists from

    016      |      Vol_VIII-0265                                                                                                                  
    the northern Swedish Lapp territories it has been claimed that this change from

    small to large herds of reindeer occurred during the 17th ce ntury. This is

    undoubtedly correct, on the whole, but the change must have begun earlier in

    some individual places. The Swedish historian Olaus Magnus gives clear evidence

    of this. But i I n any event it is certain that mountain reindeer keeping was in

    a process of continuous growth throughout the 17th c entury. In a reindeer count

    made in 1705-06 by Provincial Representative Erich Lorch , he states it is stated , among other

    things, that seventy Lapps moving from the interior northwards to the coast

    were accompanied by 30,000 - 40,000 reindeer. Thus it is established that at

    the close of the 17th century reindeer nomadism was a completely specialized

    economic factor.

            This metamorphosis in the economy of the Mountain Lapps from relatively

    small herds to large herds made the grazing question far more burning than it

    had been before. It created an inn n er pressure that found its natural outlet

    in expansion toward s the north, west , and south, away from the central Lapp

    regions. As a result, during the 17th century the Mountain Lapps moved all the

    way out to the coast of Finnmark, and toward the south they penetrated as

    far as the Pøros-Härjedal regions.

            The reindeer keeping herding of the Mountain Lapps differs in several respect [ ?]

    from that of the Forest Lapps. , due to These two forms of reindeer keeping are based

    on [ ?] two different types of terrain and vegetation. The forest reindeer is

    bigger and stronger than the mountain reindeer, and also has a somewhat differ–

    ent bone structure. It stays in the big evergreen forests throughout the year,

    while the mountain reindeer rotates between the alpine mountain area or the coastal

    regions, where it spends the summer, and the big forest and heath areas inland

    during the winter. While the Forest Lapps remain in the forest the year round

    and have rather small herds of reindeer, the Mountain Lapps generally have

    large herds which they move for long distances, at times up to 30 - 40 miles 300 - 400 kilometers . kind of miles?



    017      |      Vol_VIII-0266                                                                                                                  

            During migration the Lapps use some reindeer as pack animals. These

    reindeer are always males which have been castrated. The castrations were

    formerly accomplished by biting the testicles to pieces and [ ?]

    crushing them by hand. At present tongs are also used for castrating.

            The harness formerly used on reindeer, which was made on the same

    principle as man y Siberian reindeer harnesses, consisted of a fur skin collar placed

    around the reindeer's neck with the ends meeting between or back of the animal's

    forelegs. The ends were fastened together and were then tied to a long trace

    which formed the link between the hauling reindeer and the sled.

            The Lapps have three or four different types of single-runnered [ ?] or multiple-runnered sledges, none

    of which has an ethnographic parallel among any other people. They are built

    like a boat, with a keel, ribs , and bulwards, and they also skim across the

    snow in boat-like fashion. [ ?] One of the sleds is made from a hollowed-out log.

            The sledges cannot, however, be used for all kinds of transport. Some–

    times the Lapps pack on reindeer-back instead. Their pack saddle, which is

    entirely different from the horse saddle, consists of two thin, curved boards,

    coupled together across the back of the reindeer , behind the shoulder blades

    and laced together under the belly. Sometimes a carrying device 50-70 cm. in

    length is suspended from these boards, but as a rule the pack is made fast to

    the saddle itself.

            The Reindeer Lapp economy is based on the individual person's right

    of ownership of the reindeer. Not Neither the group kin tribe, not even the family, but the individual

    man or woman , owns the reindeer. This individual property right forms the

    actual basis of the Mountain Lapp economy.

            Ownership of the reindeer is established by means of ear markings.

    During the first months after birth the calf accompanies the mother, and

    therefore it is easy to determine who owns the calf. The ear markings, which

    are carved with a knife in the edge of the reindeer's ears, vary somewhat from

    region to region. There are from ten to fifteen various incisions that can

    018      |      Vol_VIII-0267                                                                                                                  
    be combined in a confusion of marking variations.

            A generation ago almost all of the Lapps milked their does. In summer

    the herd was driven into a big enclosure constructed of birch, and the does

    were lassoed and milked. The Lasso, of the same type as that used by the

    Samoyeds, consists of a throwing rope (formerly made of sinew thread or root

    fibre, now a purchased hemp rope) with [wirth?], a small piece of bone attached to one end, with having a [ ?] small

    and a large hole bored in it attached to one end. One end of Through these holes the rope is

    fastened to the small hole, while the other end is pulled through the large

    hole, so that the rope raised to form s a noose.

            The Lapps used special utensils for milking -- handling the milk - wooden dippers, basins,

    etc. Cheese was also made in special wooden or root fibre molds. During the

    1920's the Lapps stopped milking the reindeer, and concentrated thenceforth

    on the production of meat for sale.

            The numbers of reindeer owned by the Lapps have decreased sharply

    during the recent decades, particularly in Norway. At present the Norwegian

    Lapps have 78,000 domesticated reindeer and the Swedish Lapps 162,000. During

    World War II , the number of reindeer, reindeer numbers in the USSR and Finland declined sharply, and but

    there are no dependable figures available at present regarding the number s of

    reindeer in these two countries.

            Some Lapps own only a few reindeer, while others keep a couple of

    thousand or more animals. It is believed that in order for a Mountain Lapp ,

    to get along fairly well to be economically sound he should have 200 to 300 animals.

            At present the Lapps in most places live in houses built of planks,

    logs, wood, etc., along lines similar to those customary among their Norwegian,

    Swedish, Finnish , and Russian neighbors. After all, Since the Lapps have become fixed

    settlers to a large extent, and they have therefore felt a need for more durable

    dwellings. But the old Lappic dwelling types that are adapted to a nomadic or

    a semi-nomadic way of life still exist in some places.



    019      |      Vol_VIII-0268                                                                                                                  

            Singularis: [?] bal'lje

    Pluralis: [?] balljek

    360 19 ﹍ 3240 360 ﹍ 6000 2500 6800 ﹍ 9300

            The tent remains the most functional dwelling among the Mountain Lapps,

    who move from one grazing ground to [ ?] another. Generally speaking, the

    Lapps have two different types of tents. The simplest, and possibly the oldest,

    tent construction is not very different from the North Siberian conical tent.

    First a conical core, consisting of three poles fastened together at the top,

    is erected. Then a number of large, straight tent poles are placed [ ?] upon

    the core and cris s crossed at the top, to form a conical framework which is

    then covered with a tent cloth or a layer of birchbark, or an inner layer of

    birchbark and an outer layer of sod. In summer the tent cloth is usually made

    of burlap and in winter of wool.

            But t T he most customary Lappic tent form has another construction, the

    origin of which is unknown. The inner skeleton consists of four uprights,

    called baelljek balljek (singular baellje bal'lje ) in Norwegian-Lappish. These poles are

    curved at the top and have holes bored in them. The baelljek balljek are leaned against

    each other two by two, and a shaft one a d n d one-half meters long is stuck through

    the holes at the top of each pair of b ae a l'ljek , connecting the two sets with

    one another. These two pair of baelljek balljek are also linked together by means of

    a shaft on either side. In order to fix enlarge the framework firmly two long door

    poles are leaned obliquely against each other at one end of the structure and

    fastened to the top shaft. Then a long shaft is placed on a slant at the

    opposit e end of the framework, and this is also made fast to the top shaft.

    Finally, 10 to 20 poles are placed around a circular or oval base and leaned

    against the frame. The tent cloth is then placed over the framework. The

    Maritime Sea Lapps formerly constructed their dwelling on the b ae a l'lje princip al le ,

    but their b ae a l'lje construction was not as standardized as that of the Mountain

    Lapps. The Maritime Sea Lapps had several different variations of b ae a l'lje design,

    and instead of cloth they used bark and sod for covering the fram p ework.

            The floor surface of the Lappic dwellings is, or in any case was,

    020      |      Vol_VIII-0269                                                                                                                  
    divided into definite sections. The fireplace, which is built of

    stones, is in the middle of the floor. Two poles are laid down

    between the fireplace and the doorway, and the firewood is usually, but not always deposited

    in the space between them. Inside the tent The innermost part of the tent, opposite the fireplace,

    is a the section where cooking utensils, food, etc., are kept. This

    section was considered holy in early times, and among other things

    the shaman drum was kept there when not in use. A hole in the wall

    behind this section now serves only as a ventilator, but formerly

    functioned as the dwelling's back door, through which corpses were

    carried out, game carried in, etc.

            In addition to the above there are two large sections, one

    on either side of the tent, which the inhabitants occupy. Among the

    Røros Southern Lapps each of these two sections is divided into three smaller

    sections, every one bearing its own name.

            The innermost [ ?] parts of the house , closest to the

    cooking utensils , are considered to have the most prestige, and the

    nearer the main entrance the less desirable the spot. In some regions T t he large

    section to the right of the doorway, farthest inward s toward s the

    "kitchen," belongs to the master of the house and his wife, while

    the small children stay nearest the entry. The grown children and

    the servants are assigned to the large section to the left. In other regions the family is distributed in another way

    [ ?].

            The old Lappic dwelling types are now in the process of dis–

    appearing, and this is also true of the old Lappic dress. Thus, in

    the Maritime Sea Lapp districts the old costume has practically vanished

    and has been replaced by purchased, ready-made clothes of the same

    style as that worn by the Lapp ' s ' neighbors. Among the Mountain

    Lapps, however, the old Lappic dress is still worn in several places. occasionally seen.

            The fur coat is the most important winter garment. The coat

    worn by men is knee-length, but the women's coat, which is of practi-

    021      |      Vol_VIII-0270                                                                                                                  
    cally the same design as the men's, is longer. But since the men

    pull up their coats over the belt holding them together at the waist,

    the skirts extend only to the middle of the thigh when in use. Among

    the southern Lapps the one of their coat s is open all the way down the front and is

    generally laced or buttoned together. The coats worn by the northern

    Lapps have a neck opening only. The man's coat has an upstanding

    collar about 8 cm. high and the back is richly folded. It has been

    said that the fur coat developed from the arctic "two-skin shirt"

    which is still worn by the Chukchis, but among the Lapps the coat is

    usually made of six reindeer calf fawn skins. It also has boned sides, a

    fashion possibly borrowed from the Scandinavians. Inside the neck

    opening the Lapps were wear a loose vest a sort of plastron . During winter an inner coat,

    with the fur [ ?] inside r , is worn under the outer coat, which has

    the fur outside. The inner coat, in all essentials of the same design

    as the outer coat, is made either of sheepskin or of reindeer skin.

    It is much tighter than the outer coat. The fur coat is not worn in

    the summer, but is replaced by a garment , called a kolt, made of

    homespun or of tanned leather, with approximately the same design

    as the fur coat.

            Men and women wear trousers of the same design, made from

    two pieces of homespun or leather, with long, tight legs, a wide

    seat and a short waist. There is no opening either at the front

    or at the sides; a cord around the waist holds the trousers up.

    The design of the trousers is approximately the same as that used

    by the Soyots, Samoyeds , and Voguls farther to the east.

            Long leggings fashioned of untanned reindeer skin are worn

    over the trousers in winter; these cover the leg from the calf to

    the middle of the thigh or all the way up to the crotch.

            The Lapps wear three different kinds of shoes of the mo c cas s in

    022      |      Vol_VIII-0271                                                                                                                  
    type, and with a slightly upturned toe. In winter they use two

    kind s of skin shoes with the fur on the outside. One pair is made

    from the hide of the reindeer's legs, sewed together with sinews;

    the other is made partly from the hide of the reindeer's head, partly

    from the leg hide. Neither of these shoes has soles. The summer

    shoes are made with oxhide or reindeer leather uppers and usually

    with ox leather soles.

            In the place Instead of stockings the Lapps use straw packing wrapping , made

    "stiåhøy? very good

    by pounding sedge grass until it becomes as soft as wool.

            The trouser bottoms, which are worn outside the shoes, are

    fastened around the ankle with several narrow multicolored bands.

            In winter the Lapps wear mittens made from the reindeer's

    leg hide, with the fur outside.

            The Lap i p ic headgear varies sharply from district to district;

    accordingly the head covering is the primary indication of where the locality from which a

    Lapp belongs hails . Moreover, there is often a great difference between

    men's and women's headgear, and between that of children and adults.

    The oldest Lappic headgear fashion seems to be a high-crowned cap

    made of [ ?] several wedge-shaped pieces sewn together. The men's

    cap sometimes has a tassel at the top, the women's none.

            A belt is worn around the waist. In the northernmost regions

    a wide leather belt encircles the fur coat and a narrower, patterned,

    woven belt the summer coat kolt . A sewing kit containing needles, scissors , and

    other tools is attached to the belt.

            Since early times the narrow belt, the vest plastron and the collar

    of the male costume have been ornamented with tin wire embroidery.

    Among the southern Lapps these parts of the costume are now embroid–

    ered with strings of glass beads. The Lapps also decorate various

    parts of their clothing with green, yellow , and blue cloth bands.

    023      |      Vol_VIII-0272                                                                                                                  
    The ornamentation — probably a loan from the Scandinavians — varies

    from region to region.

            Since the genuine Lappic culture is nomadic or semi-nomadic,

    the primary qualification for tools, household utensils, etc., is

    lightness and durability, so that hide, horn, bone , or wood are there–

    fore the materials primarily used.

            The men do all the work on bone, horn , and wood. They carve

    all kinds of wooden bowls, make pack saddles, sleds, boats, skis,

    an unusual a special sortkind of cradle, horn spoons, butter spoons, drinking cups, etc.,

    and they are often masters at carving out knife sheaths and other

    things, which they decorate in a fashion [ ?] native to them.

    The knife is an important tool, but the Lapps also use axes, saws,

    planes, awls, etc.

            After the men have killed reindeer, skinned them and cut up

    the hides, the women take over the preparation of the hides and leather.

    The women also make thread from the reindeer sinews, and sew clothing.

    In addition they plait bands by hand, and fashion belts and ribbons

    with the aid of a weaving apparatu r s made of horn or bone, of a

    type similar to those used by the Pueblo Indians and by many other

    peoples. The Lapps probably learned the art from the Scandinavians.

    The women also weave baskets of treated roots.

            The tin - wire craft is now in the process of disappearing among

    the Lapps. The tin was first smelted in molds, so that long rods

    emerged. These were then thrust through a sheet of reindeer horn

    whi with a series of smaller and larger graduated holes bored in it. The rod

    was first passed through the large holes, later through the smaller

    and then the smallest holes until the wire became as fine as the Lapps desired.

    When the wire was finished it was wound tightly around a sinew thread,

    and then used to embroider belts, headgear, etc.



    024      |      Vol_VIII-0273                                                                                                                  

            The division of labor among the Lapps is different for men

    and women, but otherwise the social distinction between the sexes

    is comparatively slighter among the Lapps than among most other peoples.

    Women have a respected position within the family and among kinfolk.

            The Lappic system of family relationships, which exists in

    different variations, has developed to a great extent along classi–

    fying principles, and goes back to an old system that was apparently

    common among the Finno-Ugric peoples. However, the Lappic system

    has altered with time under the influence of neighboring peoples,

    and is now in a state of complete disintegration. Levirate, which

    at one time demonstrably existed among the Lapps, accordingly ceased

    to exist as an institution long ago.

            [Usually?] Levirate will of course [usually?] result in practice in the possibility

    of a man's having more than one wife; consequently, polygamy must once

    have been practiced by the Lapps. During recent centuries, however,

    monogamy has seems to have been the prevailing marriage form. The bride was form–

    erly purchased, in that the bridegroom was required to give the girl's

    family or her relatives a "gift" in the form of money, reindeer, or

    something similar.

            At present, in many places the family — that is to say the

    man, his wife and their children — live in isolation. This is par–

    ticularly true among the Maritime Sea Lapps. But in former times several

    families formed a larger social group, of the type called siida in

    Norwegian-Lappish. Siida is a genuine Lappish word which is not known

    among the other Finno-Ugric languages. It indicates that T t he institution must be con- of ancient

    siderably old origin , and indicates that at a very early period the Lapps

    had arrived at a stage of social collaboration that was more advanced

    than the individual family arrangement.

            Each siida had its own definitely bounded territory where the

    025      |      Vol_VIII-0274                                                                                                                  
    entire siida lived together as an economic entity and monopolized

    the h unting and trapping. Among the Skolts, who retained the siida

    arrangement up until modern times, the siida ( sit in Skolt-Lappish)

    had a central governing body with a chief at the head.

            The Mountain Lapps still have a siida arrangement, but of a new type. it

    is not based on any economic collaboration.
    It represents a

    special development based on the original siida system, and it is

    particularly adapted to reindeer keeping. economy. The Mountain Lapps live

    in definitely bounded districts or reservations, in which they

    circulate with their reindeer. As a rule all the Mountain Lapps

    in a given district keep their reindeer in the same herd. Con–

    sequently, the Lapps in each district have a number of interests

    in common. At certain intervals the Lapps of the district hold

    meetings where various questions of communal interest are dis–

    cussed. The Lapps in each district also elect a foreman for a

    definite period of years to represent all the Lapps in the district.

            With the passage of time the Lappic culture has been strongly

    influenced by the Scandinavians. Accordingly, all the old Lappic

    religious concepts have disappeared; at present the Lapps are

    Christians, like their neighbors.

            The original Lappic religious concepts were consistently

    animistic. A k l l of nature had a soul, and holy mountains and stones,

    as well as the sun, the moon, the thunder, the spirits of the dead,

    etc., were worshipped and appealed to. Among animals the bear

    was considered holy, and was celebrated during ceremonial festivals.

    In addition, the Lapps had shamans, who were believed capable of

    leaving their bodies and achieving contact with the spirit world.

    This process occurred during an ecstatic state, when the shaman

    drum was used in the same way as it was employed among by many of

    026      |      Vol_VIII-0275                                                                                                                  
    the Siberian Arctic peoples. The Lapps also used the drum as

    a prophetic instrument. A number of figures, each with a definite

    meaning, were painted on the drum. A ring or another article was

    placed on the drumhead; then the drum was struck with a hammer,

    and as the ring moved from figure to figure it was possible to

    interpret the will of the higher powers.

            The Lapps have borrowed a series of religious concepts from

    their neighbors over the years, so that it is often difficult to

    determine what is an original Lappic belief and what is a loan

    from Finns, Norwegians , and Swedes. Possibly the Norse influence

    on Lappic religion has not been as great as many scholars have

    indicated, but there can be no doubt that the Lapps' original

    form of religion has in any case undergone partial transformation

    through contact with neighboring cultures. It has been claimed

    that some elements of the Lappic religious concepts were borrowed

    from the Scandinavians as early as in the Bronze Age, but this

    seems doubtful. But m M any of the forces of nature originally

    worshipped by the Lapps were probably transformed under Norse

    influence into personal gods, and this must have happened even

    before Christianity had gained any ground in Scandinavia. Ac–

    cordingly, it was realized long ago that a number of the Lapps'

    gods had characteristics that could have been borrowed from the

    Norsemen's pagan deities. The Lappic thunder god Hora-galles

    thus has characteristics reminiscent of the Scandinavian god

    Thor ; the Lappic god of wind, Biegg-olmai has traits resembling

    those of the Scandinavian god Njord , etc. Moreover, the Lappic

    religion was significantly influenced by the Scandinavians'

    Chris i tianity of the Roman Catholic period. The Trinity: God

    the Father, the Son of God, and the Virgin Mary are rediscovered

    027      |      Vol_VIII-0276                                                                                                                  
    [?]in Lappic disguise under the names: A cc čč e (pronounced ahtshe ),

    Radien-kiedde , and Radien-akk e a .

            Chris it ti an missionaries were sent out among the Lapps as

    early as medieval times, and churches were also built in the

    Maritime Lapp Sea Lapp districts. The Maritime Sea Lapps west of the Kola

    Peninsula were christened to a rather considerable extent,

    although many of them were actually only nominally Christian.

    During the 16th century a great number of the Kola Lapps also

    became Christian in name. But up until about 1700 Christianity

    was to a high degree nothing more than a veneer. From about that

    time the Lapps were exposed to powerful Christian pressure. The

    shaman drum s was were burned, and the Lapps were forced into Christianity.

    Nevertheless they secretly maintained their old religious concepts

    in some places until as late as well into the 19th century.

           

    340 7.5 ﹍ 340 1700 2380 ﹍ 2550.0



    028      |      Vol_VIII-0277                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Falkenberg: Lapps


    Bibliography

    Academie des Sciences de L'URSS. Carte Ethnographique de la Siberie. USSR, 1927.

    Anonymous. Om Lappernia Vaesen i Levemaade og Afguds Dyrckelse i Nordlandene

    fra Forrige Tider
    , ved Marie Krekling. (Regarding Lapic practices in

    their mode of life and idolatry, by Marie Krekling) (Nordnorske Sam–

    linger V.) Oslo, 1945.

    Bergsland, Knut. Røros-samiske Tekster . (Røros-lappic texts.) (Nordnorske

    Samlinger II.) Oslo, 1944.

    ----. "Det samiske slektskaps-og svogerskaps-ordsystem." (The Lappic family and

    relationship-by-marriage word system.) Norsk Tidskkrift for Sprog–

    videnskap
    XIII. Oslo, 1942.

    Collinder, Bjørn. Lapparna . (The Lapps.) (Verdandis småskrifter 352.) Stock–

    holm, 1932.

    Düben, Gustaf von. Om Lappland och lapparne. (Concerning Lapland and the Lapps.)

    Stockholm, 1922.

    Falkenberg, Johs. Bosetningen ved indre Laksefjord i Finnmark . (The Dwelling

    Site at Inner Lakse Fjord in Finnmark.) (Nordnorske Samlinger II.) Oslo,

    1944.

    Friis, J. A. Lappisk Mythologi . (Lapp Mythology.) Christiania, 1871.

    Gjessing, Gjertrud and Gutorm. Lappedrakten . (The Lapp Costume.) Oslo, 1940.

    Gjessing, Gutorm. Fra steinalder till jernalder i Finnmark . (From the Stone Age

    to the Iron Age in Finnmark.) Oslo, 1935.

    ----. "Baelljegammen." Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift IX. Oslo, 1942.

    ----. Norges Steinalder. (Norway's Stone Age.) Oslo, 1945.

    Hatt, Gudmund. "Rensdyrnomadismens Elementer." (The Elements of Reindeer Nomadism.)

    Geografisk Tidsskirft 24. Copenhagen, 1918.

    Itkonen, T. I. Lapparnas førekomst i Finland . (The Occurrence of the Lapps in

    Finland.) Ymer, 1947. No. 1, Stockholm.

    Johnsen, O. A. Finmarkens politiske historie . (The Political History of Finnmark.)

    Christiania, 1923.

    Kildal, Jens. Afguderiets Dempelse, Ved Marie Krekling . (The Fading of Idolatry,

    by Marie Krekling.) Nordnorske Samlinger V.) Oslo, 1945.

    Kolsrud, Knut. Finnefolket i Ofoten . (The Finn People in Ofoten.) (Nord [ ?] norske

    Samlinger VIII.) Oslo, 1947.

    Laufer, Berthold. The Reindeer and its Domestication . (Mem. of the American Anthr.

    Association IV.) Lancaster, 1917.

    Leem, Knud. Beskrivelse over Finnmarkens Lapper . (Description of the Finnmark

    Lapps.) Copenhagen, 1767.

    029      |      Vol_VIII-0278                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Falkenberg: Lapps

    Lundman, Bertil. On the Origin of the Lapps. Ethnos. Stockholm, 1946.

    Manker, E. Gabelstangenkote und Bogenstangenskote . Acta Ethnologia. 1938.

    ---. De Svenska fjällapparna. (The Swedish Mountain Lapps.) Stockholm, 1947.

    Nesheim, Asbjørn. Lappisk fiske og fisketerminologi . (Lapp Fishing and Fishing

    Terminology.) (Studia Septentrionalia III.) Oslo, 1947.

    Nielsen, Konrad. Spørsmaalet om den lappiske torvgammes oprindelse . (The Question

    of the Origin of the Lapp Turf Dwelling.) (Studia Septentrionalia I.)

    Oslo, 1945.

    ----. Laerebok i Lappisk . (Lappish Textbook.) Oslo, 1926.

    Olaus, Magnus. Historia om de nordiska folken I-IV. (History of the Northern

    Peoples.) Uppsala, 1909-25.

    Olsen, Magnus. Skaldevers om Nøds-år Nordenfjells . (Poems on the Year of Need

    in the Northern Mountains.) (Studia Septentrionalia II.) Oslo, 1945.

    Qvigstad, J. Innledning til Naeromanuskriptet etc . (Introduction to the Naerø

    Manuscript, etc.) (Nordnorske Samlinger V.) Oslo, 1943.

    Schreiner, K. E. Zur Osteologie der Lappen , I. Oslo, 1935.

    Solberg, O. Eisenzeitfunde aus Ost-Finmarken. Christiania, 1909.

    ----, "Die Westgrenz ...der Samojeden am Ende des 17 Jahrhunderts." Zeitschrift

    für Ethnologie,
    Berlin, 1916.

    Solem, Erik. Lappiske rettsstudier . (Lappic Legal Studies.) Oslo, 1933.

    Storm, Gustav. Historisk-topografiske Skrifter om Norge og norske Landsdele, for-

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    (Nordnorske Samlinger V.) Oslo, 1945.

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    Vorren, ø. Dyregraver og Reingjerder i Varanger . (Animal Pits and Reindeer Pens in

    Varanger.) (Nordnorske Samlinger VI.) Oslo, 1944.

    ----. "Reindriften i Norge." (Reindeer Keeping in Norway.) Norsk Geograifisk Tids–

    skrift
    XI. 1947.

    Wiklund, K. B. "Lappar"(Lapps) Nordisk Familjebok , 3rd Ed. Vol. 12, Stockholm, 1930.

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    Lappen und die Entstehung der Renntierzucht.
    Folk,-LIV. Stockholm, 1937-38.

           

    Johannes Falkenberg

    Ethnic Population of Siberia


    001      |      Vol_VIII-0279                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Eugene Golomshtok)


    ETHNIC POPULATION OF SIBERIA

           

    Introduction

            The term Siberia ( Sibir in Russian) which appears in Russian annals as

    early as the 15th century was derived from the name of an early Tartar king–

    dom in western Siberia. Today it is used to include the Asiatic part of the

    U.S.S.R., from the Urals to the Pacific and north of central Asia to the Arctic.

    This area comprises 14.2 million square kilometers and includes 10 national

    regions and 5 independent republics.

            The population of Siberia may be divided into native and immigrant groups.

    In 1897 the native population of Siberia was estimated, by Patkanov, to be

    870,536 or 15% of the total population of 4,889,633. Russians constituted

    80% of the population. Greater immigration during the early part of the 20th

    century, and the extensive industrialization of Siberia under the present regime

    have increased the total number of persons to 28,000,000, with the native pop–

    ulation of north Siberia, excluding that of the southwestern autonomous repub–

    lics, estimated at about one million.

            The native population has been divided into two major groups. A variety

    of names has been used for the first group. The most generally accepted term,

    Uralo-Altaians, based on linguistic and somatological classifications, is used

    to imply the affinity of the Finnic, Samoyedic, Turkic, Mongolic, and Tungusic

    languages, all of which are agglutinative but differ from other languages of

    002      |      Vol_VIII-0280                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia

    this type by the absence of the prefix and the lack of changes in the root.

    The objection to the use of this term, which covers somatologically related

    groups with pronounced Mongolic characteristics, is the implication that their

    origin was in the plateau of the Ural-Altai region, which does not apply to the

    Tungus-Manchu group, derived by most investigators from the south or the Amur

    basin area.

            The term "Neo-Siberian" was suggested for the Uralo-Altaian group. Some

    object to this term because it excludes the Mongols, Turks, and Finns living

    outside of Siberia, and because it implies that the "Neo-Siberians" are new–

    comers while it is believed that they spread northwestward and eastward after

    the retreat of the last glaciation. The term "Siberian Mongoloids" was proposed

    instead.

            The second group is variously designated as Paleo-Siberians, Paleo-Asiatics,

    or Americanoids reflecting their relative age and affinity with some of the Amer–

    ican natives.

            In the two groups, the terms Uralo-Altaians and Paleo-Asiatics are, however,

    the most commonly accepted. Each group is composed of subgroups, as follows:

            I. Uralo-Altaians .

    • 1. Finno-Ugrians. (a) Northeastern Finns; Zyrians, Permians, and Votiaks.

      (b) Ugrians: Ostyaks and Voguls.
    • 2. Samoyeds, divided into: Samoyeds proper, Ostyako-Samoyeds, Yenisei

      Samoyeds, and Tavghians.
    • 3. Turks, represented by Yakuts and Dolgans.
    • 4. Tunguso-Manchu. (a) Tungus: Tungus proper, Lamuts, and Negidals.

      (b) Manchu: Goldi, Olchi, and Orochi.
    • 5. Mongols, comprising many Tartar tribes who live too far south to be

      considered within the scope of this article.



    003      |      Vol_VIII-0281                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia

            II. Paleo-Asiatics .

    • 1. Chukchis, Koryaks, and Kamchadals.
    • 2. Yukaghirs and Chuvantzy.
    • 3. Asiatic Eskimos and Aleuts.
    • 4. Unclassified: Yenisei Ostyaks, Khante, Gilyaks, and Ainu.

           

    Distribution and Population

            As no over-all dependable figures for the native populations are available,

    some discrepancy of the total population of the tribes as compared with the

    figures for the totals of their subdivisions is unavoidable.

            Zyrians - ( Komi ) form the basic population of the Komi Autonomous Republic

    and number 186,108 (1920). Of these about 10,000 live in the Tobol, Taimen,

    Omsk, Altai, and Tomsk regions of Siberia. They wander in the area from the

    Urals to the Ob. Occupation: (a) semisedentary group - reindeer breeding, fishing,

    and hunting; (b) sedentary group - trade and fishing. Language: Zyrian and

    Russian. Religion: Greek Orthodox.

            Permians - ( Komimort ). Out of a total of 128,132 (1920), 895 live in

    the Tomsk, Altai, Taimen, and Tobol regions of Siberia. The rest inhabit the

    Perm and Vyatka regions of European Russia and are very Russianized. Occupation:

    agriculture, fishing, and hunting. Language: Permian, a dialect of Zyrian, now

    supplanted by Russian and Zyrian. Religion: Greek Orthodox.

            Votiaks - ( Udurmut ), numbering 1,726 in Siberia (1920). The bulk of these

    people live in the Yenisei, Tomsk, Novo-Nikolaevsk, and Altai regions, with

    about 100 scattered in other areas. Occupation: farming. Language: Votiak and

    Russian. Religion: Greek Orthodox.

            Ostyaka - ( As-yag ), (the Ob people) Khante , Khondikho , Ushtyak (in Tartar),

    004      |      Vol_VIII-0282                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia.

    numbering 18,591 (in 1911). They inhabit the Tobol and Narym region along

    the Ob, Irtysh, Kondo, and Vasugan rivers, forming colonies among the Russian

    population on the Ob and Irtysh rivers. Occupation: Semisedentary — hunting,

    fishing, and reindeer breeding. Language: Ostyak with 3 main dialects, Berezov,

    Surgut, and Irtysh. Religion: Shamanism and Greek Orthodox. Divisions: (1)

    Northern, in Berezov region — horse breeders and hunters; (2) Eastern, in

    Surgut and Narym — reindeer breeders; (3) Southwestern, on the Irtysh River.

            Voguls - ( Man'si , Mansa , Vogulichi , Ugra , ancient), numbering 6,814 (1911).

    They inhabit the southern part of the Tobol region in the area of the northern

    Sosva, Konda, and Tavda rivers, and in the Ural part of the Perm region. Occupa–

    tion: hunting and fishing. Language: Vogul (4 dialects) and Russian in the

    Perm region. Religion: Shamanism and Greek Orthodox.

            Samoyeds - ( Khasovo , Samoyedam. in Lopar). Numbering 18,021 (1920), they

    inhabit the tundra from the shores of the White Sea to the mouth of the Podkam–

    enka and Balakhna rivers in Khatanga Bay (together with Zyrians) and occupy a

    narrow belt along the left bank of the Yenisei as far south as Krasnoyarsk.

    Occupation: Reindeer breeding, hun ting , and fishing. Divisions: (1) Uraks,

    numbering 7,057 (1911), distributed in the Archangel region, Komi, Ob, and Tasov

    gulfs and the tundra of Turukhansk, along the left bank of the Yenisei as far

    north as Dudinka, and the lower reaches of the Taz. (2) Yenisei Ostyaks and

    Tavghians, numbering 899 (1917). They live in the Yenisei region along the

    right bank of the river from the Khatanga River to Dudinka and Norilsk Lake.

    (3) Forest Samoyeds ( Pyan Khasovo ). Numbering 600 (1917), they live on the Ob–

    Taz water divide in the basin of the Pur River. (4) Ostyako-Samoyeds. Numbering

    6,559 (1927), they live in the Turukhansk region and in the forest area along

    the Turukhan and Taz rivers.



    005      |      Vol_VIII-0283                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia

            Yakuts - ( Saka , Sakha ). Numbering 235,500 (1925), they are the basic

    population of the Yakut A.S.S.R. Occupation: Animal breeding, supplemented

    by agriculture, hunting and fishing. Religion: Christianity with strong

    remnants of shamanism. Language: Yakut. Organization: Divided into clans.

            Dolgans - ( Saka ) are Yakutized Tungus, numbering 967 (1897), who live in

    the Turukhansk region of the former Yenisei government. They wander along the

    Taimyr River, the upper part of the Piasina River and the Dudinka and Norilsk

    lakes. Occupation: Migratory reindeer breeders and hunters. Language: Yakut.

    Religion: Shamanism. Organization: Divided into two clans.'

            Tungus - ( Evenki ). Numbering 53,197 (1897), they live spread out in

    central Siberia east of the Yenisei, in the Far Eastern province, in the Yakut

    region, and the Buriato-Mongol A.S.S.R. Occupation: Reindeer breeding and

    hunting in central Siberia and in the Yakut region, animal breeding (29,737)

    in the Trans-Baikal region, and agriculture (4,175) in the Trans-Baikal region.

    Language: Tungus, Russian, Buriat, and Yakut, depending upon the place of habi–

    tation. Religion: Shamanism, and Buddist-Lamaist (9,258) persons in the south

    Trans-Baikal region). Organization: Divided into clans. Divisions: (1) Orchens

    (reindeer Tungus), living in the Buriato-Mongolian A.S.S.R., the Trans-Baikal

    region and the Amur province. (2) Murchens (horse Tungus), horse breeding

    people of Buriato Mongol A.S.S.R. (3) Manyegers (from the clan name manveghir )

    live along the Zeya and Amur rivers. Formerly Man [ ?] hirs, Guruars, Ullagers, and

    other clans of the Silindra and Bureya river basins were collectively called

    Birars (the river Tungus). (4) Solons (from the Mongolian solon - shooter),

    who in 1897 lived in small numbers along the lower course of the Iman River,

    the right tributary of the Ussuri.

            Lamuts - (from the Tungus "lamur," Sea People) ( Even , Eveshel ). Numbering

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0284                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia

    9,049 (1897), they live in the Kolyma and Verkhoyansk regions of the Yakut

    A.S.S.R. (2,399), and along the Okhotsk and Kamchatka shores (6,650). In the

    Far Eastern province they are called Orochen and Tungus. Occupation: Reindeer

    breeding, hunting, and fishing. 240 are sedentary in the Anadyr and Okhotsk

    regions. Language: Lamut. Religion: Shamanism. Organization: Clans.

            Negidals - ( Amguns , Elken-beje ). Numbering 423 (1897), they live on the

    shores of the Amgun River on the left tributary of the Amur. Occupation: Fish–

    ing, hunting, and dog breeding. Language: Negidal. Religion: Shamanism. Organ–

    ization: Clans.

            Goldi - ( Nanai , Nani ). Numbering 5,441 (1897), they live along the lower

    course of the Amur and its left tributaries, the Khor, Bikin, Iman, and Vaku rivers.

    Occupation: Fishing, hunting, and dog breeding. Language: Goldi. Religion:

    Shamanism. Organization: Divided into clans. Divisions: (1) Samars or Samag–

    hirs, living along the Gorin River. (2) Khodzans (from Khodze-nai, lower people),

    living along the lower courses of rivers. (3) Solons, living along the upper

    courses of rivers.

            Ol'chi - ( Ulcha , Nanej , Nani ). Numbering 2,204 (1897), they live along the

    lower Amur from the town of Maninsk to the village of Tlyaz, as well as on the

    island of Sakhalin (150). Occupation: Fishing, hunting, dog breeding, and rein–

    deer breeding on Sakhalin. Language: Ol'chi, (a dialect of Goldi). Religion:

    Shamanism. Organization: Divided into clans. Divisions: (1) Sakhalin-Oroki;

    (2) Amur-Mangun (from Manu , large river); (3) Ol'chi (from ulya , domestic rein–

    deer).

            Orochi - ( Nani, Kekari ). Numbering 2,407 (1897), they live between Tartar

    Strait and the Sea of Japan, on one side, and the Ussuri River on the other.

    Occupation: Hunting, fishing, and agriculture. Language: Orochi and Chinese.

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0285                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia

    Religion: Shamanism, Greek Orthodox, and some Buddism. Divisions: (1) Orochi

    proper 460 (1924), living from the Gulf of De-Costi to the Kop River and in the

    basin of the Tumnin River. (2) Ude-he (Udyhe) 2,000, south and west of the

    first group, along the Samarga, Iman, Bikin, Khor, On'jien, and Khungari rivers.

    (3) The southern portion of the Ude-he, known as Taz, and completely Chinoised.

            Chukchis - ( Laurovetlan , Tan'g in Koryak). Numbering 12,000 (1900), they

    live in the Chukotsk region. Part of the Reindeer Chukchi live in the tundra

    in the Kolyma region of the Yakut A.S.S.R., from the river Chau to the Indigirka

    River. In the southern part of the area they live together with the Koryaks.

    Occupation: Reindeer breeding and sea animal hunting. Language: Chukchi. Re–

    ligion: Shamanism. Divisions: (1) 9,000 Reindeer Chukchi ( chavchu — reindeer

    breeder). (2) 7,530 Maritime Chukchi ( nvmvlyt — occupants).

            Koryaks - ( Nymylan , Tan'g in Chukchi. Numbering 6,702 (1924), they live

    on Kamchatka Peninsula adjoining the Chukchis in the north. Their villages are

    along the shores of the Bering Sea to Anadyr Bay, and reach southwest to the

    village of Yamsk on the Okhotsk shores. In the south the Reindeer Koryaks

    wander to the Anadyr chain. On Kamchatka the Koryak settlements are separated

    from the Kamchadals by a line between the village of Ozernoye and the village

    of Amanino. Occupation: Reindeer breeding, fishing, and sea-animal hunting.

    Language: Koryak, and Russian in some villages. Religion: Shamanism. Divisions:

    (1) Reindeer Koryaks, 3,748 (1900); (2) Maritime Koryaks, 3,782 (1900), a sed–

    entary group which settled on the seashores or at the mouths of rivers. The

    members of the Koryak tribe living in the north along the Bering Sea are called

    Kereks.

            Kamchadals - ( Itelmens ). Numbering 5,700 (1924), they live in the southern

    two-thirds of Kamchatka. Occupation: Fishing, hunting, dog breeding, some cattle

    008      |      Vol_VIII-0286                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia

    breeding, and a little vegetable growing. They are very much Russianized.

    Language: Mostly Russian; only about 1,000 speak Kamchadal along the south

    shore of the Okhotsk Sea, in the villages of Kharyuzovo, Amanino, and Sedanka.

    Religion: Greek Orthdox.

            Yukaghirs - ( Odul , Etal , Atal — in Chukchi and Koryak). Numbering 1,003

    (1901), they live in the Verkhoyansk and Kolyma regions of the Yakut A.S.S.R.,

    along the upper part of the tributaries of the Kolyma, the Yasachnaya, and the

    Korkodon rivers, as well as along the upper part of the Kolyma and between the

    Kolyma and the Omolon rivers in scattered groups. Occupation: Reindeer breeding,

    hunting, and fishing (nomadic). Language: (1) Yukaghir (along the Upper Kolyma),

    (2) Tundra Yukaghir (between the Kolyma and the Indigirka); (3) Tungus (between

    the Indigirka and the Yana); (4) Yakut (between the Yana and the Lena). Religion:

    Shamanism, considerably influenced by contact with Tungus, Yakut, and Russians.

            Chuvantzy - ( Etels ). Numbering 452 (1901), they are ethnically close to

    Yukaghirs and were once a part of that group. They live in the Anadyr district

    of the Kamchatka region, and in the Kolyma region of the Yakut A.S.S.R., along

    the lower course of the Omolon, the upper part of the Anadyr, and along the

    Yabolon and Yaropol rivers. Occupation: Fishing, hunting, and some reindeer

    breeding. More than half (276) are sedentary and are very Russianized. Language:

    Russian (among the sedentary groups) and Chukchi or Koryak (among the nomadic

    people). Religion: Shamanism.

            Asiatic Eskimos - ( Ijut , man), aivan (in Chukchi), namolo (the inhabitants,

    in Koryak). The American Eskimo self name is inuit . Numbering 1,600 (1900),

    the bulk, 1,200, live on the Chukotsk Peninsula, and the rest inhabit the Dio–

    medes and St. Lawrence islands. They live in villages along the Asiatic shores

    of Bering Strait and in 13 villages grouped near Capes Dezhnev and Chaplin.

    009      |      Vol_VIII-0287                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia

    Occupation: Sea-animal hunting. Language: Eskimo, 3 dialects. Religion:

    Shamanism and animism. Divisions: (1) Aivan, 677 (1897); (2) Vuteen , 120

    (1897), living on the shore of Anadyr Gulf; (3) Noakan or Peeks , 510 (1897),

    living near Cape Dezhnev.

            Aleuts - ( Unaniun , Unangan ). Numbering 552 in the U.S.S.R. (1900), they

    live on the Commander Islands, and are greatly mixed with the Russians. They

    live in villages, but in the summer form temporary settlements along the sea–

    shore. Occupation: Fishing. Language: Aleut. Religion: Christianity and the

    remains of Shamanism.

            Yenisei Ostyaks or Yeniseyan Kets . Numbering 1,281 (1917), they live in

    the Yenisei region, along the right tributaries of the Yenisei, the Stony Tung–

    uska, Bakhata, Lower Tunguska, and Kureika rivers; some live among the Russians

    along the shores of the Yenisei River. Occupation: Fishing and hunting (semi–

    sedentary). Language: Yenisei Ostyak and Russian (among those who live with

    the Russians). Religion: Shamanism.

            Gilyaks - ( Nigvvyn , Nivukh ). Numbering 4,298 (1911), they live on the lower

    part of the Amur River, along the shores of the Amur Gulf, and in the northern

    part of Sakhalin in separate villages. Occupation: Fishing and hunting land and

    sea-animals (semisedentary). Language: Gilyak (several dialects). Religion:

    Shamanism and Greek Orthodox in the Amur region. Divisions: Divided into clans.

            Ainu - ( Ainu ). Out of a total of 20,000, 1,457 (1897) live in the southern

    part of Sakhalin and the rest live in Hokkaido. Occupation: Fishing and sea–

    animal hunting. Language: Ainu. Religion: Shamanism.

           

    History

            Siberian prehistory is far from being clear. The question of the extent

    010      |      Vol_VIII-0288                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia

    of the Quaternary glaciation of Siberia remains unanswered. Some (Obruchev)

    argue that glaciation covered not only elevated places but the lowlands of

    almost all of northern and northeastern Siberia. Others (Tugarinov, Ephimenko)

    limit the ice cover to the highlands and a part of wes tern and northwestern

    Siberia (Ural-Taimyr area). It is assumed that at the end of the Tertiary

    period, the Asiatic continent extended farther north than at present and was

    connected with North America. Early in Pleistocene times the mild climate of

    Siberia [ ?] gradually became colder.

            Archaeological evidence shows that Siberia has been inhabited for a con–

    siderable period of time. Even from comparatively few investigations, which

    uncovered only scattered and infrequent remains, enough evidence has been

    gathered to show that in several areas, usually along large rivers (Yenisei,

    Angara), there were human settlements belonging to the Upper Paleolithic period.

    The archaeological sites on the Yenisei River are generally dated as belonging

    to the Magdalenian period and are characterized by stone implements made out

    of hard stone found in the form of river pebbles. They include massive scrapers

    almost of Mousterian shape but made by pressure flaking and varying in form.

    Points are comparatively rare. The bulk of the tools have small blades detached

    from prismatic nuclei and reworked into perforators and cutting and engraving

    tools. Miniature stone tools in the shape of round or semi-round scrapers are

    frequently found. Bone implements, though badly preserved, are made out of

    reindeer horn and bones and include spear points, b a â tons de commandement , awls,

    perforated needles, etc. Human figurines of bone, decorations of perforated

    animal teeth, bone pendants, and beads have been found.

            The Yenisei sites are characterized by typical arctic fauna: Elephas p rim–

    igenious
    (mammoth), Rangifer tarandus (reindeer), Alopex lagopus (arctic fox),

    011      |      Vol_VIII-0289                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia

    Gulo gulo (glutton), and such steppe animals as: Bison prisous (bison), Equus

    caballus
    (horse), etc.

            The Angara animal remains indicate a slightly warmer climate (more of a

    steppe type with the absence of arctic animals), representing the later stage

    of the Magdalonian period. Its stone and bone industry are characterized by

    transitionary forms connecting it with the Angara Neolithic period.

            Finds of the Neolithic period in Siberia are much more numerous and show

    that in general the climate of Siberia in Neolithic times was somewhat warmer

    than at the present time.

            Siberian Neolithic remains are usually found in village sites and shell

    heaps, with potsherds and stone and bone implements. During Neolithic times

    man lived in the Yenisei region, in the Baikal region along the Angara and

    Upper Lena rivers, and along the Amur and Ob rivers.

            The remains of Neolithic industry found in the lowest horizone of the Ulan–

    Khoda site in the Baikal region represents the culture of what may be the proto–

    type of the group which migrated into the New World via the land bridge between

    Asia and North America.

            Some transitions between the late Neolithic and metal ages have been estab–

    lished in various parts of Siberia, and a succession of cultures has been demon–

    strated for the Yenisei and Kas a kstan areas, tracing a developm ne en t from about

    3000 B.C. to the 14th century A.D.

            Judging from the scarcity of weapons found, the people of the Bronze Age

    were peaceful agriculturists and miners as contrasted with the warlike nomads

    of the Iron Age with elaborate graves for their chiefs.

            Evidence relating to the prehistoric movements of peoples is still very

    scant. Osteological evidence shows that during the Neolithic period several

    012      |      Vol_VIII-0290                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia

    types of narrow-headed people, who survived during the metal age,lived in

    Asia, and may have been the forefathers of the present day Yenisei Ostyaks

    and Ainu.

            It is assumed that Turks inhabited Altai and parts of Mongolia and one

    group of them, the Hun-hu, in the 3rd century B.C. conquered all of Mongolia,

    subjugating the Dinlins who were described by Chinese sources as being tall

    and red haired, with ruddy faces and blue eyes. They were agriculturists who

    used pottery and copper and lived in block houses covered with birch bark. One

    division of the Dinlins occupied the area between the Ural and Tltai mountains

    north of the Yenisei between the Ob River and Lake Baikal.

            By the time the Russians penetrated into Siberia, in the 17th century,

    most of the Dinlins were Turkicized and subjugated by the Kirghiz, and those

    remaining were represented by the now extinct Arines, Assan, Kotts, and by the

    Yenisei Ostyaks.

            The southwestern Siberian steppes were inhabited by Scythians, who were

    later drawn, by westward migrations of the Central Asiatic peoples, into Europe

    and reached as far west as the Danube River.

            The forest area of western Siberia was occupied by several Tartar states,

    the most important of them being the Sibir kingdom, which paid tribute to the

    Russians after the war with the adventurous Yermak who stormed its capital and

    subjugated the rest of the Tartar princes.

            The northern part of western Siberia is now occupied by the Finno-Ugric

    group derived from the Altai region, from which Samoyeds migrated northward

    to the arctic shores. Others (Ostyaks, Voguls) followed the courses of the

    Irtysh River and resisted the Tartar efforts to subdue them.

            Ea st of the Finno-Ugric group are the Tungus whose original home is sup-

    013      |      Vol_VIII-0291                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia

    posed to be northern Manchuria. From there, by a series of migrations under

    the pressure of advancing Mogols, they moved north and northeast against the

    resistance of the Chukchis, Koryaks, and Yukaghirs of the far northeast, and

    reached the coast of the arctic tundra in the north, the shores of the Yenisei

    River on the west, and the Anadyr region and Kamchatka in the east.

            A new element was introduced by the migration of the Yakuts, who formerly

    inhabited the Altai region, but who were living in the Baikal region by the

    13th century. Movements of the Mongols who arrived from the upper Amur area

    forced the Yakuts to spread northward along the Lena and its tributaries. Under

    further pressure by the Russians some Yakuts moved farther north and northeast,

    crossing the Verkhoyansk Mountains, reaching the shores of the Okhotsk Sea.

            The past history of the Paleo-Siberians is still very unclear. It is

    supposed, by some scholars, that they represent the back migration of the groups

    which crossed into North America. This historical migration must have been

    gradual. The Chukchis occupied the tundra east of the Kolyma and only after

    1859 did they cross to the western tundra, where they found large reindeer herds,

    and finally reached the Indigirka River. During this movement they came in con–

    tact with Yukaghir, Tungus, and Yakut groups, while others moving south, encount–

    ered the reindeer Koryaks. Under Chukchi pressure the Koryaks moved southward,

    reaching Kamchatka and the Kamchadals.

            Upon their arrival in the Far North, its present inhabitants found them–

    selves living under the most severe natural conditions, to which they adapted

    themselves very well. They produced their own material culture, maintaining

    an economy which permitted continued existence. Great rivers, rich in fish,

    and endless forests, thick with game, supported hunting and fishing. Gradually

    they domesticated reindeer, and passed to a primitive herding culture made pos-

    014      |      Vol_VIII-0292                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia

    sible by the tundra grazing rounds.

            Those whose chief occupation was hunting and fishing (Evenki) preserved

    clan organization for a long time. The development of reindeer breeding re–

    sulted in the patriarchal family. The Yakuts, who preserved the agricultural

    type of culture in the extreme north, and the Khante who were influenced by the

    Tartars, developed primary feudalism.

            Having very little connection with other peoples, who were more numerous

    and were in a better natural habitat, the northern tribes naturally became re–

    tarded in their development, and when they had to meet the invading Muscovites

    they could not preserve their independence. After bitter resistance, which last–

    ed for more than 200 years, they were conquered and made a part of the Russian

    Empire. The conquerors destroyed a considerable part of the native population.

    Some groups were completely exterminated (Kurilians, Anauls, and Ommoks). Others

    were preserved in very small numbers (Yakaghirs, Chuvantzy, Kamchadals, Aleuts,

    etc.).

            The extermination of the northern peoples continued after the conquest,

    during the suppression of the countless uprisings caused by the colonial oppres–

    sion which continued up to the middle of the 19th century. The last uprisings

    were those of the Kamchadals in 1830, the Aleuts and Alaskan Eskimos in 1855,

    and the Samoyeds in 1841.

            The conquerors levied tribute ( yasak ) beyond the ability of the population

    to pay. Not only living persons were listed in the "yasak books" but demands

    for tribute were made from the dead. The Russians demanded sables from areas

    where this animal already had disappeared. They sold the people into slavery

    for not paying the yasak , took children from parents, and sold women into kortoms

    (public houses). Suicides among the natives became so prevalent that a special

    015      |      Vol_VIII-0293                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia

    law was passed in 1735 admonishing the Russians to "prevent the natives from

    killing themselves."

            While slavery of the natives was officially abolished in the second half

    of the 19th century, it continued to exist in fact, because of their economic

    and political subjugation. The basic tools of exploitation were deceit and

    vodka. The whole of the taiga population was enslaved by the merchants, and

    the intentional development of alcoholism reached enormous proportions.

            Merchants, officials, and missionaries all sold vodka, and by means of it

    all the valuable furs and often large herds of reindeer were obtained for a

    trifling part of their value. Tributes, deceit, the selling of vodka, and ac–

    tual robbery became an established lawful mode of exploitation supported by the

    government. Naturally this led to chronic famines and the impoverishment and

    dying out of the nativepeople. This is supported by the dry statistical figures

    of Patkanov's census, published in 1911.

            The situation grew steadily worse until the Bolshevik Revolution, which

    resulted in a new attitude toward native groups.

           

    Physical Anthropology

            Stature among the northern peoples varies from average (1,650 - 1,600 cm. mm. )

    to low (1,600 or less). In general, the shortest people live along the most

    northerly part of Siberia (Samoyeds, Ostyaks, Yukaghirs) and in eastern Siberia

    (Koryaks, Kamchadals, and some Tungus). The below average group includes Chukchis,

    Asiatic Eskimos, Yakuts, and the variety of Turkic groups in southwestern Siberia.

            Cephalic index ranges from mesocephalic (75.6 to 80.9) through brachycephalic

    (81 to 85.9) to hyperbrachycephalic (86. and more).

            The first group includes Ainu, Voguls, Kamchadals, Ostyaks, Northern Tungus,

    016      |      Vol_VIII-0294                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia

    and Yukaghirs; the second, Asiatic Eskimos, Chikchis, Votyaks, Tungus, Yakuts,

    Orochi, Aleuts, Samoyeds, and Buriats; and among the most round headed are

    Gilyaks and Zyrians (86.36). The Turks and Mongols are pronounced brachy- or

    hyperrachychephalic, but within the closely related group of Tungus a variation

    exists from 79.6 (Northern Tungus) to 82.46 (other Tungus groups). The Gilyaks

    with 86.3 are nearest to the Zyrians of western Siberia (86.36) and farther

    from their immediate neighbors, the Ainu (77.3).

            In general, Uralo-Altaians are characterized by yellow or yellowish brown

    skin, hair which is black, stiff, and cylindrical in cross-section, scantiness

    of body hair, obliquely set eyes with the epicantic fold, prominent cheekbones,

    and short, flat noses.

            The Paleo-Asiatics (Americanoids) do not exhibit common physical character–

    istics. In contrast with the Uralo-Altaians, the skin color tends to shades

    of brown, there is a greater frequency of high-bridged noses, and the oblique

    eye fissure is rare. The origin and affiliation of some (Ainu, Yenisei-Ostyak)

    have not yet been determined.

           

    Increase of Population

            Information on population figures is not very accurate due to the diffi–

    culty of census taking, the failure to differentiate between certain groups, and

    assimilation by the more aggressive native groups. According to the Soviet

    authorities, the Samoyeds (Nenets) increased from 6,697 in 1897 to 11,965 in

    1927 (78% for 30 years). Ostyaks in the same period of time increased from

    18,190 to 22,272 (22%), while the Ostyako-Samoyeds decreased from 5,805 to 1,630

    (a loss of 72%).

            As a rule, most of the Siberian natives show a lower birth rate than is

    017      |      Vol_VIII-0295                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia

    average in the R.S.F.S.R. (44.8 per 1,000). In general, the birth rate dimin–

    ishes eastward, and is higher among the sedentary groups than among the nomads.

    It varies from 58 per 1,000 among the sedentary Komi to 16 per 1,000 among the

    sedentary Eskimos.

            The death rate (average for R.S.F.S.R., (21.4) varies from 58 per 1,000

    among the Aleuts to 8 among the Gilyaks and Yukaghirs, partly because of the

    high rate of child mortality among the Aleuts (64 compared with the average for

    the natives of 18).

            In general the increase of native Siberian population (15 per 1,000) while

    lower than for the Russian population (20 per 1,000) is higher than in some of

    the Western European countries.

           

    Mode of Life

            Broadly the native population of northern Siberia can be divided into two

    groups, (a) sedentary and (b) nomadic.

            The first type is characterized by the presence of permanent buildings,

    animal breeding, and fishing (along the northern seashores by sean-animal hunt–

    ing), with hunting as an auxiliary occupation. Both grazing and hunting areas

    are near the settlements.

            The second type is characterized by the absence of permanent dwellings, by

    reindeer breeding and hunting over large areas, with fishing occupying an auxil–

    iary position.

            While the population of the first type spends the whole year in one locality,

    and only some members go away for hunting, in the second type the whole family

    moves from place to place, stopping when necessary.

            An intermediate type is the semisedentary group which, while possessing

    018      |      Vol_VIII-0296                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia

    permanent dwellings, migrates seasonally to fishing places.

            The Russian population in the tundra region is very small, and the bulk

    is concentrated in the more southerly regions along the middle course of the

    Ob and Yenisei rivers and the southern part of the Kamchatka. The sedentary

    native population is especially scarce in the tundra, which is occupied by

    nomadic groups. In general, Russians constitute only 26% of the population

    in the Siberian North and are more numerous in the west.

            Climatic conditions and natural resources influenced the economy of the

    native Siberians to a great degree. The role of hunting (land and sea animals)

    and fishing is very great and, up to most recent times, was for some groups the

    only means of subsistence. The only form of animal breeding which received much

    development is reindeer breeding. Only one group, the Yakuts, brought horse and

    cattle breeding into northern Siberia, the real animal-breeding belt being farth–

    er south in the steppe region. Agriculture is still more restricted by the pres–

    ence of permafrost, though some attempts to introduce the cultivation of plants

    in the North have been made lately.

            Along with herding, the reindeer-breeding groups are occupied with hunting

    and fishing. Usually these two types of activities are pursued seasonally: during

    the spring driving reindeer to the summer pastures; during the summer, fishing; and

    in the winter, hunting. But reindeer breeding plays the major role in their

    economy, determines the place and time of their movements, and tends to consoli–

    date the tribal or clan ties. To this type of economy belong Reindeer Chukchis

    and Koryaks, Yukaghirs, Lamuts, Oroki, Tungus, Ostyaks, Somoyeds, and Lopars.

            Regional variations of the predominance of one or the other economy are

    encountered, but in general the above is true.

            The extreme northeast is occupied by the native groups whose exclusive occupa-

    019      |      Vol_VIII-0297                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia

    tion is fishing and hunting land and sea animals, and whose only domesticated

    animal is the dog. They live in scattered sedentary groups. Part of the Chuk–

    chis and Koryaks in the North and Gilyaks, Orochi, Goldi, Olchi, and Udehe farth–

    er south practice this economy.

            Metallurgy developed in some regions (Kuznestk and Minusinsk) which are

    too far to the south to influence the northern groups.

            Techniques, tools, and methods, primitive though well adapted to the local

    conditions, and implements made of wood, bone, and fiber are typical for the

    material culture of the natives of the Siberian North.

           

    Houses

            Dwellings were built of the following materials: snow, rods, poles, wattle,

    logs, hide, leather, birch bark, earth, sod, clay, and stone. All the movable

    dwellings were set up by women, while the fixed habitations were built by men.

            Conical tents covered with birch bark were used by the Yakuts, Amur River

    Tungus, and the southern Ostyaks. This type of dwelling is characteristic of

    the Amur River region and southern Siberia. The Kolyma Yukaghirs, the northern

    Tungus, the Ostyaks, and the Samoyeds used skin-covered conical tents. The Tungus

    of the Okhotsk district and the Amur River region used cylindro-conical tents cov–

    ered with birch bark. The Chukchis and Koryaks covered the same type of dwelling

    with reindeer skin.

            The northern Yakuts used a sod-covered dwelling of a pyramidal form. The

    Yakuts and Yakutized Tungus used truncated pyramidal dwellings. The Buryats,

    Dolgans and Yakuts have adopted Russian flat-roofed block houses. Underground

    dwellings or earth huts were used by the ancient Ostyaks and Maritime Chukchis,

    and to a certain extent are still used by the Gilyaks, Kamchadals, Martime Koryaks,

    and Yukaghirs.



    020      |      Vol_VIII-0298                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia

            The Kerek, a northeastern division of the Koryak tribe, used a combina–

    tion underground hut and snow dwelling. It differs from the Eskimo snowhouse

    in that a framework of logs and sticks is used by the Kerek.

            The Kamchadals and Gilyaks formerly made great use of a house built on

    piles, and still use these houses in the summer and as store houses all through

    the year.

           

    Dress

            Fur was used for the winter dress of the northern tribes and leather was

    the material for the summer costume. Fur garments were trimmed with variously

    colored strips of fur and hide, embroidered with painted hair, sinew, cotton

    thread, or silk. At the front, sides, and especially at the seams, leather

    tassels and fringes, bone and metal pendants, and similar objects were attached.

            Women's dresses were ornamented with circlets of silver and pendants of

    bronze: bells, figures, and rattles. Silver and bronze circlets were attached

    to Yukaghir and Tungus women's aprons.

            A tail-like prolongation was attached to the back of the fur coat of the

    Tundra Yukaghirs, Tungus, Eskimos, and was formerly used by the ancient Koryaks

    and Kamchadals.

            The clothing and bedding of the reindeer-breeding people were made of

    reindeer skin; the northern horse and cattle-breeding tribes, Yakuts and Buryats,

    used horse and cattle skins. The reindeer breeders made a superior clothing.

    The Maritime people used sealskin as their basic material. The Ainu, Gilyaks,

    and some Amur Tungus made clothing out of fish skin. The Aleut and Asiatic

    Eskimos made rainproof clothing from the guts of sea and land mammals.

            Face painting was practiced by the Kamchadals, Ainu, and Koryaks. Tattooing

    021      |      Vol_VIII-0299                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia

    is still retained by the women among the Chukchis, Koryaks, and Ainu who have

    had the least contact with Russians. Earrings and the piercing of ear lobes

    were apparently known prior to the acquisition of metal ornaments. Koryak and

    Chukchi women wore earrings of polished stones.

            The women of the Tundra Yukaghirs, Koryaks, Chukchis, and Asiatic Eskimos

    parted their hair in the middle, from the forehead to the neck and braided it

    behind in two braids. The ends of the braids were tied with a thong or sinew

    thread with beads strung on it.

            Men dressed their hair in various ways. The ancient Ostyak formerly shaved

    their heads. The Koryaks, Chukchis, and Asiatic Eskimos used a sharp knife to

    cut or shave the hair from the topof the head, leaving a thick fringe of short

    hair around it. The forehead was free; the hair was removed from the nape of

    the neck and the region about and under the ears. The Yukaghirs, Tungus, and

    Ostyak-Voguls were their hair long. The Yakuts and other non-Mussulman natives

    of Siberia wore their hair short. Some Voguls wore their hair in two braids.

            The tribes of northeastern Siberia, the Chukchis, Koryaks, Yukaghirs,

    Chuvantzy, Tungus, Yakuts, and in part the Buryats, pulled out their facial

    hair with iron tweezers. Public hair was pulled out with tweezwrs or shaved

    with the tailoring knife by Yukaghir, Tungus, and Yakut women.

           

    Art

            The present a4ctic peoples draw and engrave, mostly in miniature, on wood,

    bone, and ivory. The grouping of figures is mainly linear; no attempts are made

    to place them in perspective. The lines of the engravings are filled in with

    black and red paint. Picture writing was most developed among the Yukaghirs who

    incised their realistic and symbolic figures on birch bark with a knife point.



    022      |      Vol_VIII-0300                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia

            Sculpture was best developed among the [ ?] Koryaks.

    Their carvings were realistic, representing human beings, animals, and birds,

    either singly or in groups. Their carvings for religious purposes were infer–

    ior to their secular art.

           

    Music

            The drum is found all oeer Siberia and is used both for amusement and

    for rituals. The typical Siberian drum is single headed and consists of a

    wooden rim, covered with a membrane held in place by cords, and a crosspiece

    of metal or a wooden bar inside the drum. The Chukchi drum was a wooden handle,

    like that of a hand mirror, attached to the rim. The drumstick is covered with

    skin.

            The jew's-harp is found among all the peoples of Asiarti Russia, varying

    little as to form, but much as to nomenclature: the vaniyayai (Koryak), the

    khomus (Yakut), the khuro (Buryat), etc.

            The Ostyaks have a three-stringed instrument called dombra , and eight–

    stringed instrument called chotung , meaning swan, and also a two-stringed violin.

           

    Religion

            In general the religion of the native Siberians includes three important

    types. The first includes shamanism with its specialized ritual and demonology;

    occupational cults connected with animal breeding, hunting, fishing, etc.; and

    worship of the family or clan deities connected with ancestor worship and con–

    cepts of death and burial.

            The second group comprises the higher types introduced from the outside.

    Among them the most important are Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity. These re-

    023      |      Vol_VIII-0301                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia

    ligions penetrated into Siberia along with the invasion waves and represent

    the domination of the intruders over the native Siberians. Thus Buddhism

    penetrated during the expeditions of the militaristic Chingisids and their

    successors. The spread of Islam is dated by the Arabian penetration into

    Middle Asia about the 8th century and later by the Uzbek invasion. The intro–

    duction of Christianity coincided with the penetration of Russian trade into

    Siberia.

            All of these principal religions formed a veneer over the original native

    beliefs and geographically divided Siberia into three areas: (a) southern, where

    Buddhism is still prevalent among the Buriats, Mongols and Soyots; (b) south–

    western, where Mohammedanism is dominant among the Kirghiz, Baraba Tertars, etc.;

    and (c) northern, where Christianity is more prevalent.

            The impact of the higher religions (Christianity, Lamaism, and Islam)

    varied regionally and is especially felt near the centers of their prominence.

    In the east the influence of Christianity grows less and such groups as the Chuk–

    chis have hardly felt it. On the other hand, the Kamchadals and the Chuvantzy

    are almost completely Christianized and have lost their original beliefs.

            Finally, the third type of religion in Siberia consists of the comparatively

    rare new cults which represent the reaction of the natives toward Russification.

    Such are "burkhanism" in Altai and the "kheri-mapa" cult among the Goldi of the

    Ussuri and Amur.

           

    Recent Developments

            After the October Revolution a new era came for the peoples of the north

    whose numbers ranged from several hundred to tens of thousands; each group spread

    out over large expanses of territory, living in small settlements of 3 or 4 fam-



    024      |      Vol_VIII-0302                                                                                                                  

            EA -Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberiailies. For instance, the Tungus (Evenki), numbering 40,000, covered 3,600,000

    square kilometers, and the Chukchis who numbered only 12,000 lived in an area

    of 700,000 square kilometers.

            The contact between the separate groups was very weak, and not only national

    but even tribal unity was almost absent. The Northern Committee of the Soviet

    Government was created in 1924 to take care of the smaller groups of the North.

    In 1925 the first "clan" soviets were organized, and now the groups are concen–

    trated according to national groupings.

            In 1930-1931 eight independent Northern National Districts were created:

    1. Yamalo-Nenets

    2. Ostyak-Vogul in the Omsk Region

    3. Nenets

    4. Evenki in the Krasnoyarsk Region

    5. Vitimo-Olekma (Evenkian) in the East Siberian Region

    6. Chukotsk in extreme northeastern Siberia

    7. Koryak in the Far Eastern Region

    8. Taimyr on Taimyr Peninsula


            The extreme degree of scattering of various groups prevented the inclusion

    of all of their places of settlement within the borders of the national districts.

    Consequently, a number of additional national regions were organized: Khatanga–

    Evenkian as part of the East Siberian Region, sixteen national districts as a

    part of the Yakut A.S.S.R., and fifteen in the Far Eastern Region.

            These regions and districts include 460 national (sedentary and nomadic

    Soviets), acting on the basis of the special law. The nomadic Soviets have

    special nomadic peopl's courts and in line with the Soviet policy of greater par–

    ticipation of the local population in self-government a majority of posts are

    occupied by the natives. The new constitution was discussed in regional congresses.

    025      |      Vol_VIII-0303                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia

    The penetration of the new culture is shown by the fact that in the Evenki

    region, where only 7,000 people live on a territory of 96 million acres, and

    where not a single town exists, today 60% of the population is literate. In

    more accessible regions such as the Nanai region in the Amur the liquidation

    of illiteracy, even among women, reached 100%.

            Writing and alphabets were introduced among the 16 most numerous peoples.

    Schools are being built; in 1925 there were 25, and in 1936, 450 schools. About

    30 schools with 1,000 pupils were changed from primary to secondary grade schools.

    In addition there were 17 special schools at the cultural bases, and 8 teachers'

    schools. There are also 75 cultural centers and 250 libraries.

            The Leningrad Institute of Northern Tribes educates native pupils to help

    in the economic and cultural development of their people. It is the center for

    the development of the peoples of the North. Many graduates do postgraduate

    work, and somehave high posts in the Regional Soviets.

            There has been an increase of the number of doctors and hospitals. Severe

    famines have been conquered. Private trading was liquidated in 1935, and 240

    cooperatives had been set up by 1936. All trade is under the direction of the

    Glavsevmorput (the Administration of the Northern Sea Route).

            Agriculture has grown rapidly and some vegetables are now grown in places

    close to the arctic shores. Potatoes, cabbages, onions, and cucumbers are now

    grown by people who formerly did not use any vegetables at all. The breeding of

    milk cattle has spread. This growth of agriculture and breeding of animals for

    dairy products has led to an increase in the number of sedentary people in the

    area.

            Improved medical aid has cut the death rate appreciably and the population

    has grown. Gilyaks, for instance, have shown a yearly increase of 20.8 per 1,000

    in the Soviet part, while those in the Jap a nese-owned area of Sakhalin have de–

    creased at the rate of 10 per 1,000.



    026      |      Vol_VIII-0304                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ethnic Population of Siberia


    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    Cherniakov, E. About Ethnographical Content of the USSR. Soviet

    Ethnography, No. 1, 1933.

    Jochelson, W. Peoples of Asiatic Russia. American Museum of Natural History,

    New York, 1928.

    Kazzov, V. G. Sketch on the History of the People of North-western Siberia.

    Leningrad, 1937.

    Lamont, Corliss The Peoples of the Soviet Union. Harcourt, Brace & Co.,

    New York, 1944.

    Ostovskikh, P. E. Peoples of the USSR. Moscow-Leningrad, 1929.

    Patkanov, S. D e é pouillement des donn e é es sur la nationalit e é et classification

    des peuples de l'Empire Russe d'apr e é s leur langue.
    Chistianic–

    St. Petersburg, 1899.

    List of Siberian Tribes. Petrograd, 1923.

    Tarletsky, P. E. Population of the Extreme North. Trudy of Institute of North–

    ern Tribes, Vol. 1, pp. 1-2, Leningrad, 1932.

    Zarubin, I. I. List of Nationalities of the USSR. Academy of Sciences, Trudy

    (Ed.) of the Committee for the Study of the Ethnic Content of the

    USSR and Neighboring Territories. Vol. 13, Leningrad, 1927.

    Explanatory Notes to the Ethnographical Map of Siberia. Academy of Sciences,

    Trudy of the Committee for the Study of Ethnic Content of the

    USSR and Neighboring Tribes, Vol. 17, 1929.

           

    Eugene A. Golomshtok

    Chukchis


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0305                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    [Eugene A. Golomshtok]


    CHUKCHIS
    Page
    Habitat 1
    Origin, History, and Language 2
    [ ?] hysical Anthropology 3
    Houses 4
    Clothing 7
    Food 8
    Occupation 9
    Modes of Transportation 13
    Household Utensils 15
    Knowledge 15
    Social Organization 16
    Marriage 17
    Birth 19
    Death and Burial 21
    Religion 23
    Regions of the Deceased 26
    Shamanism 27
    Sacrifices 29
    Dancing 29
    Bibliography 30



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0306                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Eugene A. Golomshtok)


           

    CHUKCHIS

           

    Habitat

            The Chukchis (Luoravetlan), a Paleo-Siberian tribe numbering about

    12,300 in 1926, occupy an area extending from the shores of the Chuk otsk

    Peninsula to the tundra of the lower course of the Indigirka River. This

    territory is situated chiefly in the tundra region and includes the northern

    border of the forest.

            On the Kolyma side, the most important tree is the larch which attains

    great height and is well developed as far north as latitude 69°. The limit

    of its distribution runs along the larger r ive rs about fifty miles from the

    seacoast. Farther north there are shrubby willows whose growth becomes

    stunted only a few miles from the coast. On the Pacific side, the larch is

    less common and thrives only in the interior portion of the country. There

    the chief trees are thw willow and poplar; their growth becomes stunted even

    on the southern side of the polar circle. Small shrubby willows and alders

    are found in [ ?] e river valleys almost everywhere. Reindeer moss and lichens

    are the predominant vegetation for miles along the coast.

            Fauna occurring in this region include wild rei ndeer, elk, mountain

    sheep, white and red fox, wolf, brown bear, hare, marmot, wolverine, ground

    squirrel, and ermine. Among the birds there are eider and other ducks, guil–

    lemots, puffin, geese, swans, and ptarmigan. Along the seashores walrus and

    002      |      Vol_VIII-0307                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

    seal are found, and farther out to sea there are white whales.

            At the mouth of the Anadyr River numerous Salmondise (humpback salmon,

    red and pink) are found when the season for migrating upriver arrives. On

    the arctic shore other types of salmon, Coregonidae , begin to be abundant

    from Chaun Bay and especially from the mouth of the Kolyma River westward.

            The Chukchis are divided into two groups: The Reindeer Chukchis, nomadic

    reindeer breeders who comprise the bulk of the population, and the Maritime

    Chukchis, sedentary coast dwellers who make up a fourth of the total (3,000

    people). The name Chukchi is derived from the Chukchi word chau'chu (rich

    in reindeer). The reindeer division of the tribe call themselves by this name.

    The Maritime Chukchis call themselves and other maritime people ankalyt (sea

    people).

            The villages of the Maritime Chukchis are situated on the arctic coast

    between Cape Shelagski and Cape Dezhnev, and on the coast of the Bering Sea

    between Cape Dezhnev and Anadyr Bay, interspersed with a few Eskimo settle–

    ments. The reindeer camps are scattered over the whole country occupied by

    the Chukchis; the bulk of them wander in the Anadyr District.

           

    Origin, History, and Language

            According to their traditions, in ancient times the Chukchis were prim–

    arily a maritime people who carried on [ ?] some reindeer breeding. There is some

    support for this theory in the folklore, and in the important role played by

    the dog. On the other hand, the names of the months indicate that they came

    from more southern latitudes and may have had reindeer at that time.

            The Russians never succeeded in completely conquering the Chukchis.

    Several expeditions of conquest in the 17th and 18th centuries, for instance,

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0308                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

    Shestakoff in 1730, Pavlutsky in 1747) ended in failure. Renewed intercourse

    with the Russians, in the latter part of the 18th century, was more peaceful

    since Russian penetration at this time was by means of trade. But even at

    the time of Bogoras' travels, at the beginning of the 20th century, many Chuk–

    chi camps and villages had never seen a Russian. Trade with the Japanese was

    carried on long before the Russian penetration. In later times, some trade

    with Americans existed.

            In 1859 part of the Chukchis moved west across the Kolyma into the western

    tundra where they found large reindeer herds. They finally reached the Indi–

    girka River where they encountered Yukaghir, Tungus, and Yakut groups; others,

    moving southward, met resistance on the part of the Reindeer Koryaks.

            After the October Revolution, the Soviet Government established the Chukchi

    National Region and a great improvement took place in the native economy and

    conditions of life.

            The Chukchis speak an Americanoid language, large in vocabulary and close–

    ly related to Koryak. In contrast to the latter, it has hardly any dialects,

    but there are some lexical variations between the Kolyma and Pacific coast

    regions.

            Their folklore is rich in heroi e c tales, myths, and songs. Proverbs are

    few and undeveloped.

           

    Physical Anthropology

            The Chukchis are the healthiest tribe in northeastern Siberia and their

    families contain more children than those of any neighboring group. They are well–

    built and heavy but have small hands and feet and sweat copiously upon the

    slightest exertion. Many of the women are clumsily snaped, with short waists,

    004      |      Vol_VIII-0309                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

    and legs which are out of proportion to the rest of their bodies. The aver–

    age cephalic index of the male is 82, and that of the female is 81.8.

            The cheekbones of the Chukchis are much less prominent than those of

    [ ?] he Tungus or Yakuts; their noses are often large, well-shaped, and even aquil–

    ine, though noses with the low Mongolian bridge are frequently met with, es–

    pecially among the women. Their eyes are straight. In the interior and on

    the arctic coast the hair is wavy or curly, and is black; on the Pacific coast

    about 15% of the people have dark brown or even light brown hair. Facial hair

    is scanty, and is allowed to grow. The color of the face is bronze, with in–

    termediate tints varying from brick-red to blood red. The most prized color

    is blood red, although the Maritime Chukchis usually consider brown or even

    dark brown to be the most desirable color.

            Contagious diseases, particularly smallpox and measles have appeared

    repeatedly among the Chukchis and have ravaged the population. A kind of

    grippe or influenza spreads through the country almost every year, claiming

    scores of victims. Syphilis was much dreaded fifty years ago but is not so

    prevalent today. The outbreaks which occur among the younger people are con–

    sidered a different sort of disease. Blindness and skin diseases such as

    scabies are frequent. The well-known imitative form of arctic hysteria is

    rare among the Chukchis. They do, however, have nervous diseases akin to

    epilepsy which usually result in death, and cases of violent madness occur.

    The Chukchis developed no remedies of their own except magic.

           

    Houses

            Reindeer Chukchis lived in round tents from ten to fifteen feet in height,

    and from fifteen to twenty-five feet in diameter. The framework of the outer

    005      |      Vol_VIII-0310                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

    tent was the same throughout the year, and consisted of a tripod formed by

    three large poles tied together through holes in their tops. A number of

    short thin stakes ( varet ) tied in pairs or threes, which supposrted cross–

    bars, formed a wide circle around the central poles. Long thin roof poles

    were tied at one end to these points of junction while their other ends rested

    on top of the central tripod. The reindeer-skin cover was in two pieces, hair

    side out, which were thrown over the frame so as to leave an entrance between

    them. The cover was fastened to the frame with c ord s sewn to its ends. An

    opening for ventilation was left at the t o p and served as a chimney for the

    fireplace which was under it. The cover was of full-grown skins with clipped

    hair which had previously been used as covers for the inner room. Three

    large stretchers were used to tighten its sides. The central poles and im–

    portant joints were strengthened by means of heavy stones tied to them with

    ropes.

            The inner room, about four and a half feet high, seven feet wide, and

    twelve feet long, was erected by passing the loops sewn to its cover over two

    long horizontal poles. The rear pole was fastened to the frame of the outer

    tent and the front one was supported by two forked stakes. The floor was

    covered with willow twigs and thick skins, and the entrance was in the long

    side which faced the flap of the outer tent. When the herdsmen left their

    principal camp they carried a small sleeping room and a light tent.

            In the late fall most families settled within the forest border for three

    or four months, and constructed three-part winter dwellings having an entrance

    room made of a few stakes tied together and covered with an old tent cover, a

    main tent, and an inner sleeping room larger than the one described. It was

    usually five feet high, fourteen to sixteen feet long, and eight feet broad.

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0311                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

    The cover, made of late fall fawn skins, hair side cut, was drawn across a

    rectangular frame of flat narrow sticks. The floor was covered with thong

    (bearded) seal or walrus skins.

            The summer house was the same as the movable winter tent, but old worn–

    out covers were used.

            The winter house of the Maritime Chukchis was similar to that of the

    r eindeer people but the frame was larger and constructed differently. One

    big pole which formed the central support was stuck upright in the ground,

    and a crosspiece to support the roof poles was tied on the free end. Stakes

    of wood or whalebone formed the frame. The crosspieces and long poles were

    sometimes made of whale ribs. A low wall of sod or stone, to which the tent

    cover was fastened, often surrounded the house. The ent r ance, which faced

    the sea, was often sheltered by a small structure of sod or stones, in which

    the or a piece of tent covering. The cover was sewn out of worn-out pieces

    of tent covering bought from the reindeer people or of old sail cloth, and

    as very securely fastened, A large walrus tusk was placed in front of the

    house to protect against storms. The inner room was large, sometimes reach–

    ing thirty feet in length, ten feet in breadth, and six feet in height. It

    was almost always double (two were placed at right angles with no partition).

    Walrus hide was used for the door.

            At the end of May the summer tent, made of walrus or thong seal skin

    was pitched.

            There is some indication that the ancient habitation of the Chukchis was

    the underground "jawbone house."



    007      |      Vol_VIII-0312                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

           

    Clothing

            The Maritime and Reindeer Chukchis were similar clothes except that the

    latter used reindeer skins while the former used seal skins more frequently,

    and often wore the castoff clothes of the reindeer people.

            All winter garments of men and women were double, the inner piece being

    worn hair side in and the outer piece hair side out. The main male garment

    was a hoodless knee-length heavy fur shirt, with full sleeves, narrow at the

    wrists. The large opening at the neck was bound with a narrow piece of skin

    through which a sinew string was pulled to tighten the collar. The inner

    shirt was trimmed with a dog fur collar. In the summer, old half-worn shirts

    were used and when worn single the hair side was in.

            The tightly fitting trousers were navel-high in front and slightly higher

    in the back. A sinew string passed through a hem at the waist held them in

    place, and strings at the leg bottoms were used to tie them around the ankle

    over the boots. In winter the outer trousers were made chiefly or reindeer

    leg skin with the hair running downward or out of thick fawn skin (in midwinter).

    Inner trousers were of soft fawn skin. In summer the Reindeer Chukchis wore

    trousers made of old smoked reindeer skins and the Maritime people used seal

    skin trousers.

            The basic garment for women was a combination garment reaching just be–

    low the knees with full sleeves and low neck, and was of the same style as

    that used by the Koryaks.

            Long, full overcoats with loose hoods and full sleeves gathered at the

    wrist were made of various materials and were used for protection from the

    wind and to keep the snow from the fur garments. The women's coats were

    fuller and shorter than the men's. In the summer, the maritime people usually

    008      |      Vol_VIII-0313                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

    wore waterproof coats of seal or walrus gut.

            Boots made of reindeer skin, hair side out, had square toes. The soles

    were made of tough skin from the reindeer's foot in the coldest weather, and

    thong seal hide, hair side in, or split walrus skin during the rest of the

    year. Boot strings, made of curried leather strips, were sewn to both sides

    a little behind the ankle. Men's boots were usually short, but they sometimes

    wore the knee-length boots typical of the women's costume. In the summer

    Reindeer Chukchis wore boots made of smoked tent covering. A special type of

    footgear known as "dry boots" were used for relaxing around the house. Socks,

    short for men and long for women, were made of fawn skin in midwinter and

    reindeer leg skin the rest of the year.

            Mittens, caps with ear flaps, boas, and square bibs to protect the shirt

    from breath frest were used. Hoods which covered the head and shoulders were

    worn in stormy weather. Children w o re combination garments similar to those

    used by the Koryaks.

            When in the inner sleeping room, the maritime people stripped naked, ex–

    cept for loin breeches made of curried leather or calico.

           

    Food

            The staple food of the Reindeer Chukchis was reindeer meat; the Maritime

    Chukchis s ubsi sted mainly on the meat of sea mammals. The two groups exchanged

    their food and each valued that of the other very highly. The Maritime Chuk–

    chis consumed some fish, although they did not consider it very appetizing,

    and the Reindeer Chukchis hardly ever ate fish.

            Mo st of the meat was eaten boiled. The Reindeer Chukchis ate some raw

    and frozen reindeer meat, and the Maritime Chukchis used a great deal of raw

    009      |      Vol_VIII-0314                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

    meat, because of the difficulty in obtaining fuel. Internal organs were often

    eaten raw by both groups.

            Seal meat was consumed in the greatest quantity by the Mariti me Chukchis,

    but they valued walrus and white whale meat highly. Maritime Chukchis from

    the mouth of the Anadyr dried fish in the same way as the Yukaghir.

            Vegetable food was consumed by both branches of the Chukchis, but only

    as a substitute, when meat was scarce. The reindeer people ate the partially

    digested moss they removed from the stomachs of reindeer. Various roots and

    berries were consumed by all Chukchis. The Chukchis drank tea three or four

    times a day, and some consumed as much as forty cups of tea daily.

            Tobacco was used by all Chukchis from the age of three on. They chewed

    and smoked tobacco, and during shortages of it they chewed the nicotine which

    accumulated in the cleft stems of their pipes. They weakened tobacco by mix–

    ing two parts tobacco with one part aspen or poplar bark for smoking. Fly-agaric

    was prepared and used by some Chukchis in the same way as by the Koryaks.

    Liquor was highly valued and was more sought for by the reindeer people than

    by the Maritime Chukchis, though both groups would consume all that they could

    obtain.

           

    Occupation

            The Chukchis were probably originally a maritime people and the reindeer

    group increased their herds extensively only from about 1850 on. The Chukchi [ ?]

    reindeer was smaller and heavier than the Lamut reindeer but larger than the

    Koryak animal. The Chukchis never rode their reindeer but used them to draw

    sle i ghs. Weak and not too well suited for this purpose, but usually fat, the

    reindeer were very good for slaughtering. For this reason a brisk trade took

    010      |      Vol_VIII-0315                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

    place between the Lamuts and the Chukchis, who exchanged reindeer with ad–

    vantage to both parties. The Chukchis valued those fawns which were produced

    by the mating of a wild buck with a domesticated doe. During the rutting

    season the Chukchis remained at some distance from their herds so as not to

    frighten away the wild bucks which approached them.

            An average herd of reindeer consisted of 100 breeding does, 12 breeding

    bucks, 10 to 15 sleigh reindeer, and from 50 to 60 half-grown fawns. These

    herds were the least domesticated of all those found in Siberia. It often took

    the Chukchis two or three hours to capture and harness their driving animals.

    The Chukchis used a lasso of seal skin straps, with a knot on one end and a

    noose formed by means of a bone eye on the other. These lassos were worth a

    fat buck or a driving reindeer in some cases.

            Reindeer were marked by biting a piece out of their ear. The driving

    bucks were gelded and their antlers were out short. Reindeer fawns were broken

    for driving the first winter after their birth.

            The Chukchi dogs, about the size of ordinary shepherd dogs and resembling

    wolves, were considered the poorest in northeastern Siberia. This was probably

    due to their scanty diet. While the Kamchadals and Koryaks f ed their dogs

    abundant rations of fish, the Chukchis gave theirs chiefly the intestines of

    seals, walrus, and walrus blubber. Dogs were used for driving among the Mari–

    time Chukchis and some dogs were kept by the reindeer people to guard their

    herds against wild animals. Dogs were harnessed when three months old. Females

    were better behaved than males and made good leaders, but were weaker and un–

    able to pull heavy loads. Males were gelded with an iron knife. Gelded dogs

    were sullen, and cared little for their masters, while ungelded dogs, not used

    in harness, were affectionate and merry.



    011      |      Vol_VIII-0316                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

            Chukchi dogs suffered from arctic dog rabies, palsy, and a cramp which

    often preceded palsy. Long journeys over the frozen tundra also injured the

    tender soles of the dog's feet and caused them to bleed.

            The Reindeer Chukchis supplemented their herding by hunting. The wild

    reindeer, most important game animal, were hunted from boats during the migra–

    tion season, between July and November, when they crossed the Anadyr River.

    The Chukchis would lie in wait for the herds which followed the same trails

    and crossed at the same spot every year. When the herd reached midstream the

    hunters would rush out into the water in skin boats and canoes and cut them

    off on three sides, forcing them to move upstream against the swift current.

    The animals soon became exhausted and huddled together floating helplessly

    while the hunters paddled in and killed them with long spears. The dead

    reindeer floated downstream where they were picked up by old men, women and

    children in boats. Hundreds, and when the herds were large, thousands of

    reindeer were killed in this way during each day of the migration season.

            In the tundra the reindeer was also hunted with guns, bows and arrows,

    and spears. Sometimes domesticated reindeer were used as decoys. The mountain

    sheep was hunted by the Reindeer Chukchis who favored its meat above that of

    other land animals. The most important fur-bearing animals hunted were the

    red and white fox. The fox and wolf were hunted by chasing them in [ ?] sleighs

    drawn by swift teams of reindeer. The reindeer which were accustomed to this

    type of hunting would become so excited that they would try to trample the

    pursued animal with their hooves.

            Foxes, wolves, hares, and wolverines were also caught in traps. Ermine

    w ere hunted with special bow traps which were placed in their runways. Brown

    bears were hunted during the winter while they were hibernating.



    012      |      Vol_VIII-0317                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

            The Maritime Chukchis subsisted mainly on the meat of sea animals,

    primarily seal meat, with fishing playing a subsidiary role among them.

    They hunted the seal primarily, and some walrus and small whales. Seals

    were hunted with harpoons, nets, or guns, depending upon the season and the

    environment. Harpoon heads, made of flint, bone, and iron, were either plain

    or barbed. The wooden shaft of the long harpoon was eight feet long, that of

    the shark harpoon was four feet.

            A strong piece of thong or sinew was passed through the hole of the har–

    poon point. The two ends of the thong were tied together to form a loop.

    The lower end of the loop was fastened to a long line, which, for the most

    part, was free from the shaft. The body of the line was wound into a coil.

    A short bone or ivory rod, or a long, slender piece of iron was inserted in

    the upper end of the shaft, to which it was firmly lashed. The upper point

    of the rod was inserted in a circular hole in the slanting base of the harpoon

    head, which fit it tightly. The harpoon head was released as soon as it struck

    the game.

            The short harpoon was used in winter for killing seals through their

    breathing holes. These holes, found on the landfast ice or on the floes

    nearest to the shore, were usually concealed, and could be located only with

    the aid of a keen-scented dog selected from the team for the purpose. As soon

    as the seal was heard blowing, the hunter stood up and threw the harpoon

    straight down into the hole.

            In the spring when the seals came up to the surface of the snow to bask

    in the sun, another method of hunting was adopted. The hunter in a special

    hunting dress, consisting of a short shirt of reindeer skin, worn with the

    fur side next to the body, would creep toward the animal from the windward

    013      |      Vol_VIII-0318                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

    side, armed with a long-shafted harpoon, or, rarely, with a gun. When the

    seal lifted its head, the hunter immediately lay still, and did not proceed

    until the seal lay down again. He shot when he came within striking distance

    of the animal.

            Seals were killed in the spring on the edges of the ice. Wherever small

    streams of fresh water ran into the sea along an ice crack, seals gathered around

    their outlets to bask in the sunshine. In some places large numbers of seals

    were killed while trying to cross a narrow strip of land between the sea and

    the inner bay. Hunting from boats was done in the spring and early summer when

    small ice floes were still in the area. Nets were used for hunting seals in

    the winter. These nets were suspended a few feet below the seal's breathing holes

    on four poles and were held down by sinkers. A seal approaching the hole could

    swim to it without encountering the net. When the animal dove it became en–

    tangled in the net and drowned.

            Walrus hunting was done at one time with harpoons equipped with large

    bladders for floats, but later guns were used almost exclusively. Whales were

    hunted with harpoons from boats. The white whale was valued highly by the

    Chukchis, as by most Siberian people, for its fine-flavored meat. Some fish

    were caught in nets and with hook and line.

           

    Modes of Transportation

            Skin Boats . The Maritime Chukchis used large and small skin boats for

    transportation and hunting sea animals: those Reindeer Chukchis who lived near

    the shore also used small skin boats for transportation. The large skin boats

    had a wooden frame about 35 feet long, 4-1/2 feet broad between the gunwales,

    2-1/2 feet broad in the middle, and 2-1/2 feet high, and were covered with split

    014      |      Vol_VIII-0319                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

    walrus skins, They had five cars and five paddles, required a crew of from

    six to eight men, and could carry up to two tons of freight.

            The skin boat had a mast, set on the central timber between the two fore–

    most thwarts. The sail, made of curried reindeer skin, was large and square,

    and was fastened by loops to a yard. It was hoisted by means of a stout seal–

    skin thong which was passed through a hole in the top of the mast, sometimes

    with the aid of a pulley. Whenever the boats sailed along a shore, dogs were used

    to tow them by means of a long rope.

            Dog Sleighs . The Maritime Chukchis, who had no reindeer for drawing sleighs,

    used dogs for this purpose. The dog sleigh was long and narrow and had three

    or four pairs of stanchions. The lower end of the stanchion was cut off square.

    The runners were flat - 3 to 3.5 meters long, and their front ends were sharply

    curved. Twelve to fourteen dogs, attached in pairs to a central strap, pulled

    obliquely with the outer shoulder bearing the brunt of the load. The harness

    had three straps which encircled the chest and stomach of the dog, just above

    and below the shoulders.

            Reindeer Sleighs . The Reindeer sleigh was the chief means of transporta–

    tion for the Reindeer Chukchis. The reindeer harness consisted of a heavy

    strap which formed a bight, one end passing along the right side of the animal,

    the other end across the left shoulder and then between the forelegs. Each

    animal was fastened to the middle of the sleigh-front by a separate tracs. Two

    reins, one on the right-hand side and one between the reindeer, were fastened

    to a common halter. Several sharp notched attachments of ivory, antler, or

    iron served in the place of a bit, and they pricked the animal when the reins

    were pulled.

            The reindeer sleigh had double curbed cross-ribs. The fore-ends of the

    015      |      Vol_VIII-0320                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

    runners were joined to the upper rails, the whole forming a curve, and the

    ribs were tied to the runners in shallow slots roughly hollowed cut, but not

    exactly fitting the rib. The usual dimensions of a man's driving sleigh were:

    length, 180 to 200 cm; width, 35 to 40 cm; and height, 25 cm.

           

    Household Utensils

            The most important utensil of the Chukchi house was the lamp, which pro–

    vided heat and light. The Reindeer Chukchi lamp was small and round, and

    made of hollowed-out clay or sandstone. The lamp was placed in a shallow

    wooden bowl standing on a tray. Blubber or tallow was used as fuel and the

    wick was made of dried spahagnum, or thin half-burnt wood shavings. The lamp

    had a flat bridge, which inclined backwards, and had a deep cleft in the middle,

    reaching almost to the bottom.

            A large vessel full of ice was kept in the house to provide water for the

    household as the ice melted. In addition, there were wooden trays and dishes,

    bowls, and dippers of various sizes. Spoons were unknown in early times, but

    later were made of wood, sheep-horn, bone, and ivory in imitation of the Russian

    utensils. Skin bags were used to store oil, blubber, and food.

            Most wood work was done with an iron adze and an iron gauge. The Chukchis

    also used bone drill, pump drill, iron saw, crooked knives, bellows, saw for

    cutting iron, wooden tongs, scrapers with stone blades, and tailoring scissors

    and knives.

           

    Knowledge

            The Chukchi year was divided into twelve lunar months or moons, beginning

    with the winter solstice.



    016      |      Vol_VIII-0321                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

            Their numerical system was based on the numbers 5, 10, and 20 (i.e.,

    what could be counted on one hand, two hands, and the hands and feet). Larger

    numbers were multiples of twenty, and 20 times 20 was the highest figure they

    could calculate. When trading furs such as fawn or squirrel skins that were

    traded in large numbers, the Chukchis tied the skins in bundles of fives or

    tens and traded them separately for individual things.

            The Chukchis had words for the colors, white, black, red, and gray. They

    used the term "yellowish" only to describe the color of certain skins, but

    never used it for anything else. "Weed-like" was an indefinite term used to

    describe all light tints of green, yellow, and blue.

           

    Social Organization

            In the absence of the clan the family ( ra'yirin — those in the house)

    was the basic unit of Chukchi society, and even this was not very stable,

    since grown-up sons often left their parents in search of fortunes.

            Relationships were reckoned mostly along the paternal line (those of the

    same blood, or of the same fire). A group of families was called varat , (those

    who are together), and formed an embryo of a clan, but its size and composi–

    tion varied from year to year. The Czar's government for official reasons

    arbitrarily divided the Chukchis into five clans, which had no real meaning

    to the people.

            Older people were respected, especially among the Reindeer groups. As a

    rule women occupied an inferior position and were obliged to do most of the

    work at home: carrying the tent, skinning reindeer, preparing food for their

    husbands, who were the recipients of the choice parts of the meal. Wives

    were often badly and harshly treated by their husbands.



    017      |      Vol_VIII-0322                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

            Children were well treated and loved. They were given toys to play with

    and when old enough were taught to help their parents. Childless parents

    could adopt a boy of some related family in a ceremony similar to that of

    marriage.

           

    Marriage

            Upon reaching maturity the Reindeer Chukchi wanted to marry, which was

    the equivalent of having a home of his own, since the sleeping room of the

    Chukchi house was too small to accommodate any extra residents. Bachelors

    were looked down upon.

            Chastity was not essential (there was not even a word to express the

    idea of a "maid") and often sexual relations started before marriage. There

    was no special attitude toward illegitimate children.

            Marri ag es between near relatives, such as cousins, were very common and

    were arranged or even concluded when they were children. Mar r iages between

    brother and sister, uncle and niece, and parents and children were forbidden

    as incestuous. Often marriages between people of disproportionate ages took

    place. Levirate was practiced.

            The usual method of securing a wife was to serve for her. An inter–

    mediary was sent and, if not refused outright, he began to execute various

    tasks in the bride's household while waiting for a final reply. Sometimes

    these negotiations took several days or weeks, during which time the go-be–

    tween worked for the family — bringing fuel, which was considered to he the

    most unpleasant task — and tried to enter the good graces of his host. When

    the father agreed the groom arrived and began his period of service, which

    might last one to three summers, during which time he stayed in the open,

    018      |      Vol_VIII-0323                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

    worked from early in the morning until late at night, and patiently bore

    reproaches and insults.

            When the bride's father softened toward him, the end of his work was

    almost at hand and he was admitted into the inner room for the night. But

    even after becoming a husband in fact, he might have to stay on with his wife's

    family, who would not want to part with him as a worker. Finally the father

    would give the groom part of his herd as a reward and would help the new

    couple to go to the husband's country. The reward depended in part on the

    quality of the groom's work. The bride took along her own animals, marked

    for her from childhood.

            Some cases of marriage by elopement occurred, but a strong family would

    resent this and try to take the woman back unless paid a woman as ransom.

    Many marriages outside of the tribe took place, with Koryaks, Eskimos and

    Tungus.

            The marriage ceremony consisted of the anointment of the couple with the

    blood of a sacrificial animal, in the house of the groom. The bride arrived

    driving her own reindeer. The small pole sleigh was placed behind the tent,

    a reindeer was killed, and fire drills and other charms were placed on the

    sleigh. The couple was anointed with the blood and the groom's family mark was

    painted on their faces, thus signifying that the woman renounced the sacrific–

    ial anointment of her family as well as their hearth and was now bound to her

    husband's family.

            A few days afterward the couple would visit the bride's family bringing

    presents, at which time another anointment ceremony took place, followed by a

    feast. Upon their return home to the husband's family they were again anointed

    and the husband's mark was again painted on the bride's face, thus finally making

    her a member of the family.



    019      |      Vol_VIII-0324                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

            Polygamy was widely practiced and in some localities about one-third

    of the marriages were polygamous. Many rich reindeer herders had several

    herds and kept a separate wife with each herd, but few had more than two

    wives. They were usually given either separate tents or separate sleeping

    places. A first wife who had several children and who was generally much

    older than the second, might treat the second wife almost as a maid. In

    case of a childless marriage the second wife was taken in order to have a

    child.

            In group marriage among the Chukchis up to ten married couples would

    form a marriage union where each member had a right to all the wives of his

    companions. As a rule he exercised his right only when visiting the camp

    of one of his co-members, during his travels for other reasons, in which case

    his host gave up his place to him in the sleeping room, or, if possible, left

    the house. Usually neighbors or relatives (except brothers) formed these

    unions.

            Similar ceremonies and procedures were followed by the Maritime people.

           

    Birth

            From the moment a Chukchi woman realized that she was with child, the

    regulations bearing upon birth took effect. The husband and wife upon awaken–

    ing had to dress quickly and go out of the tent and look in the direction of

    the morning sun. The clothes for the baby were prepared in secret and re–

    ferred to by a substitute name to hide the news of the coming birth from the

    "alien people" (unfriendly spirits). The mother worked up until the last hour

    and there was no ban on conjugal life during pregnancy. After birth there was

    no intercourse for 10 days unless the couple desired to have another child as

    soon as possible.



    020      |      Vol_VIII-0325                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

            When the time of labor was at hand, no stranger was permitted into the

    inner room and even near male relatives had to keep far away. When the labor

    began, all males, even small children, had to leave the sleeping room and

    could not return until all traces of the birth were removed. Female relatives

    of the family could stay inside, though usually as few people as possible were

    present. An old woman, the mother or an aunt, usually stayed to help the woman.

    Chukchi women tended to reduce all assistance at birth to a minimum, but when

    help was necessary it was given and in the absence of female relatives the

    husband helped his wife.

            After the child was delivered, the woman tied the umbilical cord and cut

    it with a sharp stone used exclusively for this purpose. The child was rubbed

    all over with the mother's urine which had been saved for that purpose, and

    the bunch of grass which was used for the rubbing was immediately burnt on

    the hearth. Among the Reindeer people, a young doe was slaughtered and a large

    supply of strong broth was prepared from its brisket. The woman in childbirth

    placed the kettleful of broth under a loose robe which she wore on this occa–

    sion and warmed her breasts in its steam. She alone had to eat the contents

    of the kettle as soon as possible. During the first two weeks she was fed

    on the choicest meat and strong broth. Immediately after delivery, the woman's

    body was tightly bound around the hips to bring her bones back to their former

    shape. The binding was left on for three days; [ ?] the fourth day the woman

    resumed her household duties.

            On the fifth day the ceremony of anointment with blood was performed.

    The woman and child were put into the family sleigh, drawn by one reindeer,

    and carried around the outer tent in a sunwise direction. At the sacrificing

    place behind the tent, where all the charms and images had been arranged, the

    021      |      Vol_VIII-0326                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

    sleigh was brought to a stop and the reindeer was slaughtered. The mother and

    child and at least two other members of the family painted on their faces the

    family blood-marks. The charms and the three central poles of the tent frame

    were also painted with blood. The woman took the reindeer leg sinews to use

    as her boot strings. Before the ceremony, no person coming from outside was

    permitted to enter the house, and the mother was not permitted to leave the

    outer tent. The afterbirth was placed on the ground in the corner of the tent

    under three small sticks tied together in imitation of the principal poles of

    the tent frame. The Maritime Chukchis placed the afterbirth and its small tent

    outside the house, in the open country.

            After the ceremony, the mother would select a name for the child by divina–

    tion. As a rule it was the name of a deceased relative and in some ways the

    c hild was considered a reincarnation of the man for whom he was named. If the

    name did not agree with the child, a shaman or "knowing person" was invited to

    come and change the name. Special protective incantations were used if the

    parents were afraid the child would die or if a previous child had died young.

    If a woman died in labor, the baby was often smothered and exposed with the

    mother in a common funeral.

           

    Death and Burial

            The Chukchis regarded the dead as benevolent protectors and assistants

    and also as dangerous beings who could cause great harm to the living. Many

    precautions and protective incantations were performed at the funeral and had

    their inception in the second point of view. The natives attempted to explain

    this discrepancy by dividing the dead into good and bad classes. The idea of

    the dead being dangerous was much more common than the belief in ancestor pro–

    tection. The dead body itself was considered especially dangerous. The deceased

    022      |      Vol_VIII-0327                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

    was called "the ancient one" or the "principal inhabitant" and the place

    where his body lay was considered his permanent dwelling. A traveler who

    stopped for a night near the funeral place was not harmed by the deceased

    and might even be protected by him from attacks by evil spirits ( kelet ).

            Immediately after death, the body was stripped of all clothing and laid

    in the sleeping room between two skins. One man had to stay with the body

    all the time so that it would not revive and do harm. During the night there

    had to be two watchers. From the time a man died until his body was removed

    from the house one of the inmates had to act as a special enchanter against

    the evil influence of the deceased; this person was called a "fortifier."

    During the three nights of the ceremony the drum could not be beaten and all

    women's work with needle and scraper was forbidden. The funeral ceremony

    took place the day after death. On the first day the "fortifier" gave the

    inmates of the house a new amulet. The ceremony began with the dressing of

    the body in funeral clothes, which for the most part had been prepared before–

    hand. White skins were preferred. The funeral clothes were spread on the

    skin covering the body, and accessories suita b le to the sex were added. Rein–

    deer were slaughtered in the morning and a sacrifice was made at a fire in

    front of the tent. After the body had been dressed it was carried to the center

    of the sleeping room or to the outer tent and the method and place of burial were

    determined by divination. Then questions concerning the future were asked of

    the body.

            The Chukchis had two methods of burial: cremation and exposing the body

    in the wilderness. The Maritime people and the Reindeer Chukchis of the Chukotsk

    Peninsula carried the body out of th tent through the roof and placed it on a

    sleigh, or one which had been carefully repaired. After reaching the funeral

    023      |      Vol_VIII-0328                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

    place the reindeer which drew the sleigh were slaughtered and their meat,

    cut into large thin slices, was used to cover the corpse and replace the

    clothing, which was cut off. The sleigh, harness and traces were cut and

    broken, and the body was dissected. The order of procession was reversed

    on the homeard journey and precautions were taken to avoid pursuit by the

    dead. The second day after the funeral the relatives and friends of the

    dead would visit the corpse with presents and replace most of the iron ob–

    jects left with it by wooden reproductions. The family would visit the de–

    ceased every year, if possible, and leave antlers with him.

            In cremation, the clothes were not taken from the body, which was not

    dissected but only had its throat cut.

            Funeral ceremonies among the Maritime people were very similar.

           

    Religion

            Concept of the Universe . According to Chukchi concepts, all nature was

    animated. Various objects might have voices of their own and the will to act,

    and some were endowed with the ability to change their shape and appearance.

            Wild animals had their own country and households, and could change their

    shape quite as easily as the spirits. Thus the ermine appeared as a warrior

    clad in stately armor and mice could transform themselves into hunters with

    sleighs. Larger material units as well as animals had their own masters or

    owners. Thus Pichvuchin was the Owner of Wild Reindeer and all land game; he

    lived in deep ravines, out of which he sent herds to the hunter if he so de–

    sired.

            In addition to the benevolent spirits, Vairgin , there were several types

    of spirits known as kelet , all of whom could do harm to people. Kelet were

    024      |      Vol_VIII-0329                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

    composed of evil spirits who caused diseases and death, bloodthirsty canni–

    bals, and shaman helpers. They lived underground or on the earth (never in

    the sea), and attacked lone travelers. One of the kelet - Iumetum - caused

    the nervous sickness and was very much feared; Iteyn (the Spirit of Epilepsy)

    was represented by a face with distorted features.

            Kelet preferred to live among people, and hunted men. When they caught

    a man's soul, they would chop it to pieces, cook it in a kettle, and feed it

    to their children. They could be dealt with by shamans, as well as by special

    amulets. The second division of kelet was a race of giant cannibals. They

    were very poor, had no reindeer, and could be dealt with by men with ordinary

    weapons without use of magic. The third type, the shamanistic kelet , were

    usually objects or animals; they were very poor, had no houses, and were very

    timid. Toward their shaman they were very ill-tempered, and could kill him

    if he disobeyed them; but if he fulfilled their orders as to procedure, mode

    of living, etc., they had to help him and appear at his call.

            Benevolent spirits were also of several types. The most predominant were

    those who were associated with one specific direction of the compass, of which

    here wer t e 22, and to whom sacrifices were made. Midday, the Sun, and the Polar

    Star were identified with the zenith. The Sun was a person in bright garments,

    driving the reindeer on earth. The Moon was the sun of the kelet , and was

    invoked by the shaman for his evil spells. The Earth was the Owner of the

    World, and sat in a large iron house surrounded by the Sun, Moon, Sky, Sea,

    Dawn, Darkness, and World who all were suitors for Earth's beautiful daughter.

            Stars and constellations, of which the Chukchis distinguished the Polar

    Star, Arcturus, Vega, Altair, Orion, Leo, Pleiades, and many others, were all

    good spirits.



    025      |      Vol_VIII-0330                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

            There were also a large number of spirits of indefinite character who

    represented a very loose and indefinite personification of the creative prin–

    ciple of the world and were known as Creator, Upper Being, Merciful Being,

    Life-giving Being, Being of the Sea, etc. To the last one the Maritime Chuk–

    chis consecrated their autumn festival. Some of them had assistants such as

    Raven, who was chief helper and assistant to the Creator.

            Besides the evil and good spirits there were numerous monsters such as

    killer whales, a giant polar bear with a body of solid ivory, and the mammoth,

    which was used as reindeer by the celestia worm, which looked like a giant

    snake.

            The soul was called uvirit , or, rarely, uvekkirgia . Both words are prob–

    ably from the same root, uvik (body). Tetkeyun means "the vital force of a living

    being." Its seat was the heart or the liver, and animals and plants possessed

    it. Very little was ever said about it.

            The Chukchis believed that man had several souls besides the one pertain–

    ing to the whole body. There were special limb-souls for the hands and feet.

    These could be lost, in which case the corresponding limb began to ache and

    gradually wither. The limb-souls stayed on the spot where they were lost but

    a shaman could call them to himself and they became his assistant spirits.

    The souls were very small and when passing by they produced a sound like the

    humming of a bee or the droning of a beetle.

            One or all of the souls of the whole person could be stolen by the kelet ,

    and the man would then become sick and finally die. The shaman could find and

    restore a missing soul, which assumed the shape of a black beetle when found.

    The beetle could re-enter the patient through the mouth, the armpit, the in–

    testines, the toes and fingers, etc. If the shaman failed to find the s oul

    026      |      Vol_VIII-0331                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

    he could blow into the person a part of his own spirit to become a soul, or

    he could give him one of his assistant kelet to replace the missing soul.

            Kelet , when getting possession of a soul often took it to their world

    and pinioned it hands or bound all its limbs separately with strong bands.

    Then they would put it behind the lamp, in the place where many small things

    were usually kept.

            Souls were liable to injury even from material weapons. Kelet also had

    souls of their own which could be lost or spirited away by shamans.

           

    Regions of the Deceased

            There were several places where the deceased lived and led a life similar

    to that on earth. Children that died on earth were born there and vice versa.

    The deceased were often identified with the Upper People or with the Lower

    People of the underground world.

            One way for the dead to ascend to heaven was to follow the smoke of their

    funeral pyre. This was given as a reason for burning dead bodies.

            The Aurora Borealis was chiefly the place of abode for those who died a

    sudden or violent death, while husbandless women went to a world of their own

    after death. However, the usual abode of the deceased was underground, and to

    reach it the newcomer had to pass the region inhabited by dogs who lived in

    huts of their own. Those who during their life time had mistreated dogs would

    be attacked by them. In the other world the dead lived in large seamless,

    shiny huts with numerous herds of reindeer, the souls of those animals killed

    in the hunt or as sacrifices.



    027      |      Vol_VIII-0332                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

           

    Shamanism

            Both the individual and the family type of shamanism was practiced by

    the Chukchis. Each family had one or more drums of its own which could be

    used to communicate with spirits, by any member of the family, usually in

    the daytime in the outer tent. Occasionally the drum was beaten for pleasure

    as an accompaniment for songs.

            The individual shaman (those with the spirits) could be of either sex,

    more frequently women, although the male shamans were stronger. The shaman–

    stic call often manifested itself when the novice reached maturity. Nervous

    and highly excitable individuals were more susceptible to the call, which was

    often resisted, for the preparatory stage was very painful and extended over

    a long time. The novice felt bashful and frightened, lost interest in ordinary

    affairs, ceased to work, ate little, ceased to talk to people, and spent much

    of his time in sleep. The shaman's spirits would command him to accept his vocation

    and were at his command when he invoked their help. Shamans were highly sen–

    itive individuals, - and, like their spirit helpers, were shy of strangers.

            There were several types of shamanistic practices: (1) communication

    with the spirits, which included ventriloquism and tricks; (2) foretelling

    the future; (3) pronouncing incantations. Often these practices were merged

    and combined with each other.

            Shamans were paid for their services with meat, skins, garments, and

    reindeer, the value of the remuneration varying in different cases.

            The performances often took place in the inner room, late in the evening.

    The shaman sat on the "master's p lace." He would carefully look over his drum,

    then the light would be put out, and he would begin to chant, first in a low

    voice which gradually increased in volume, using his drum either to muffle

    028      |      Vol_VIII-0333                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

    his voice or as a resonator. The audience would support him by occasional

    cries of approbation. The entrance of the spirits into his body was marked

    by a change in the tempo of the beating of the drum, and the shaman would

    then shake his head violently and shout hysterically. When several spirits

    entered his body he used ventriloquism to indicate their voices.

            These spirits could be in the form of various animals: wolf, raven, great

    diver, hawk, etc., and would enter in succession, talk to the shaman, make

    mysterious noises, cause objects to move by themselves, etc. The spirits,

    by way of the shaman, gave magical instructions and explanations, and fore–

    old the future. Since sickness was caused by evil spirits, the shaman tried

    to ascertain from his spirit helpers which one had caused it. The spirits

    responsible for disease came by themselves without being called and would

    remain silent in the corner until the spirit of the shaman denounced them,

    abusing them in all possible ways, thus causing them to go away and complet–

    ing the magical cure. Another way of curing disease was to find a stolen

    soul, which the shaman would accomplish during his trance, and then to blow

    the soul into the patient's body through the breast, ear, or head. Rubbing

    or sucking of part of the body was also practiced.

            Shamans had no special costume, and they often practiced with the upper

    part of the body quite naked.

            The Chukchi drum was single headed and consisted of a round, wooden rim

    covered with a membrane held in place with cords, with a crosspiece of metal

    or wood. It was similar to that of the Eskimos and had a wooden handle, like

    hat on a hand mirror, attached to the rim.



    029      |      Vol_VIII-0334                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

           

    Sacrifices

            Ceremonials were held usually for the protection of the material wel–

    fare of the family. Among the Reindeer Chukchis, sacrificing a reindeer was

    the main feature of the ceremony. After the animal was stabbed the manner

    in which it fell was interpreted as a good or a bad omen. The blood was

    sprinkled in all directions, and the antlers were cut away and placed in an

    upright position in front of the camp. Besides reindeer, dogs and substitute

    offerings (images made of tallow, meat, or snow) were made to the spirits.

            Fall sacrifices were intended to celebrate the reunion of the herd after

    the summer separation. A winter ceremony was held in connection with the

    establishment of a permanent winter house. Other sacrifices were made to

    the young moon, fire, to insure luck in hunting, as thanksgiving for a good

    hunt, or, among the Maritime Chukchis, to the sea.

           

    Dancing

            Chukchi children and adults performed dramatic dances, consisting of

    the imitation of the movements and sounds of animals. Young Chukchi girls

    had dances of their own which were meant to imitate the motions of various

    animals or certain human actions. Two or more girls would take positions

    opposite each other or in a circle and produce guttural sounds in succession,

    carefully keeping time and quickly taking their turns one after the other.

    While singing the girls swayed the upper parts of their bodies back and forth

    and then went through various imitative motions in connection with the sounds

    uttered. Young boys taking part in the dance held hands, snapped their fingers,

    and produced clicking sounds with their tongues.

            The Raven dance was most frequently performed, and the sounds represented

    030      |      Vol_VIII-0335                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Chukchis

    the croaking of the raven. They also had "the song of the fox" which was

    supposed to be a dialogue between a fox and a bear. During the dance of the

    geese the motions and sounds of the white fronted goose ( Anser albifrons )

    were imitated. The swan, walrus, seal, and reindeer were also imitated dur–

    ing certain dances.

            Finally there were "trade or bartering dances" which took place between

    members of a communal marriage, and which ended in an exchange of wives for

    a few days.


    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    Bogoras, V. G. Materials for the Study of the Chukches Language and

    Folklore, Collected in the Kolyma District
    . Academy of

    Sciences, Part 1, St. Petersburg, 1900.

    ----. Sketch of the Material Life of the Reindeer Chukches on the

    Basis of the Gondatti Collection
    . Sbornik of the Museum

    of Anthropology and Ethnology, St. Petersburg, 1901.

    ----. The Folklore of North-Eastern Asia as Compared with that

    of North-Western America
    . American Anthropology, Vol. 4, 0

    Oct.-Dec. 1902.

    ----. The Chukchee. (A) Material Culture , (B) Religion , (C)

    Social Organization , (D) Folklore . Publications of the

    Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. 7, Parts - 1 -3, Vol. 8,

    Part 1, New York, 1904-1910.

    Czaplicka, M. A. Aboriginal Siberia . Oxford, 1914.

    Jochelson, W. Peoples of Asiatic Russia . American Museum of Natural

    History, 1928.

    Olsufyev, A. V. A General Sketch of the Anadyr Region . Zapiski of the Amur

    Section of the Russian Geographical Society, Vol. 2, Part 1,

    St. Petersburg, 1896.

    Tokarev, S. A. The Chukchi Religion . In a volume "Religious Beliefs of

    the Peoples of the USSR, Moscow, 1931.

           

    Eugene A. Golomshtok

    The Dolgans


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0336                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    [Eugene A. Golomshtok]


    THE DOLGANS
    Page
    Territory 1
    History 2
    Dwellings 3
    Occupation 4
    Reindeer Breeding 6
    Reindeer Harness 9
    Division of Game and Fishing 14
    Division of Labor 15
    Tools, Techniques, and Utensils 15
    Mammoth Ivory 17
    Metals 18
    Dug-out Boat 18
    Board Type Boat 19
    Daldab 19
    Skis 19
    Skaitan Ba Boxes 20
    Social Organization 20
    Government 21
    Marriage 31
    Childbirth 32
    Religion 38
    Cult of Ancestors 38
    Shamanism 39
    Bibliography 44



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0337                                                                                                                  

           

    THE DOLGANS

            The Dolgans are a small tribe of Yakutized Tungus who

    live in the northeastern portion of the Taimyr National Region

    and in part of the Krasnoyarsk Region. Their precise number

    is not known, but according to the 1927 census there were 699

    Dolgans, and the figures for 1930-31 give 499.

            Territory : Together with some other groups the Dolgans

    wander between the Yenisei and the Anabar Region, roughly from

    the forest-tunga border in the south, to the shores of the Arctic

    in the north. This territory includes the region of the "Stanok"

    (villages) of Mezen and Arsent' evskai a â in the Dolgan-Samoyed

    Clan Soviet, and the region of the Chasovsnaj a â , Voloshjkha,

    Rassokha, Mezen, Dudinka, Glubokai a â , Agapa, and Samoyed Rivers,

    and the upper course of the Pi a â sina River in the Dolgan-Zarechens–

    ki i ĭ and the Noril'sk Dolgan-Tungus Clan Soviets.

            A small number of Dolgans - the so-called "trans-river

    Dolgans" - cross the Yenisei in the winter and wander along the

    left bank between the Kheta and Yenisei Rivers.

            The neighbors of the Dolgans, who share their territory

    during their wanderings, include a group of Tungus, numbering 232,

    consisting of Boganid, Volosinski i ĭ , and Noril'sk Tungus, and a

    completely Dolganized clan of Karantuo; descendants of the ancient

    002      |      Vol_VIII-0338                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    Russian settlers numbering 169, the so-called "Zatundrennye"

    (affected by the tundra), peasants who adopted the Dolgan dialect

    and customs and also resemble them physically because of much

    intermarriage. The group of Tundra Yakuts numbers 773, and it

    is due to their influence that the Dolgans have lost their

    native tongue. These Tundra Yakuts differ greatly in their

    culture from the main group of the Yakuts.

            History : The Dolgans live in a territory which was subject

    to great waves of migration for a great many years: the Tavghians

    from the West, the Tungus from the South, the Yakuts from the

    East, and , later, the Russian colonists from the West.

            Some scientists believe that at one time the Dolgans

    were a separate ethnic group, that later they were assimilated

    by the Tungus, and that in their new territory perhaps they knew

    only the Tungus language. Undoubtedly the Dolgans and the

    closely related Tungus are of southern origin, and there are evi–

    dences of this in their folklore where such southern animals as

    the lion and the snake are mentioned. Evidently the Dolgan an–

    cestors traveled great distances in ancient times for there are

    many of the smae clans with the same clan names to be found among

    the Tungus of the Trans-Ba i ĭ kal and Maritime provinces. According

    to folklore, the Tavghians came to their present territory before

    the Dolgans and fought many battles with the aborigines.

            The Y akuts, who formerly lived along the middle course

    of the Lena River, and , under the pressure of Russian colonization

    from the east and west, moved into this territory during the

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0339                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, exerted strong influence

    on the Dolgans. This influence was especially felt in the adoption

    of the Yakut language, which took place as a result of much inter–

    marriage among the Tungus and the Yakuts, which continues to

    the present day.

            Unfortunately, the study of the Dolgans has been neglected

    and there are several aspects of their culture about which there

    is very little information thus far. Thus, we have scant data

    on their dress, although there are indications that it follows

    the general pattern of the Tungus and northern Yakuts, and on

    their religion, which is a Yakutised modification of the north–

    ern hunting beliefs, etc.

            No information is available on their physical characteristics

    except for indications that they closely resemble the Tungus.

            Dwellings : According to tradition, the Dolgans used to

    live in large earth huts during the cold part of the year. Five

    families lived in each hut, and the most experienced woman was

    in charge. The fire was kept in the center of the hut in a hole,

    and since it was produced by friction, there was a constant watch

    to keep it from going out. In the summer, the fire was trans–

    ported as a smouldering piece of rotten wood. It was considered

    a sin to give fire to another hut.

            In more recent times (twenty to thirty years ago) the two - or

    three coldest months of the year were spent in a sedentary manner

    in the forest zone, where the Dolgans lived in permanent earthen

    huts, similar to those of the Yakut.



    004      |      Vol_VIII-0340                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

            More recently the Dolgans spent the cold part of the year

    in log huts, or in special huts made of boards and set on sleds.

    This type of winter dwelling was ad a o pted from Russian traders

    who used to travel over the tundra in these traveling huts. They

    are easy to set up and dismant le , and this is particularly impor–

    tant during severe frosts. An iron stove is set inside on the

    sled which serves as the floor. Each family, representing an

    individual economic unit, tries to live separately in a "sled-hut".

    Usually, five or more such sled huts form a station or "stanok"

    along the path between the town of Noril'sk, and the Khatanga

    River.

            The summer dwelling is a pole tent. Sometimes up to four

    families live in one summer tent to save loading and unloading

    the tents and transporting them on reindeer. The pole tents were

    also used for winter dwellings before the introduction of the

    sled-hut.

            Occupation : The main occupations of the Dolgans are reindeer

    breeding, hunting and fishing. Reindeer are used mainly for

    transportation purposes - in the summer as saddle animals, and

    in the winter to draw the sleds.

            Hunting provides the Dolgans with food and material for

    clothing. They hunt wild reindeer for the meat and skins, and

    hunt the arctic fox for the pelts which they sell.

            Limited by the severe climate and scant resources, the Dolgans

    live in small groups, and are constantly searching for new pastures

    for the reindeer and new hunting fields.



    005      |      Vol_VIII-0341                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

            During the summer most of the old men remain near the large

    rivers or lakes to gather supplies of fish for the winter. They

    send their herds out with the younger men to join the wandering

    groups in the tundra. In the summer it is easier to take care

    of a large herd because animals in closely packed groups do not

    suffer as much from mosquitoes and other insects, and the herd

    does not run in various directions. Therefore several families

    join their herds and graze them together under the supervision

    of common herdsmen.

            These collective herding groups are organized at the begin–

    ning of the summer. Each one tries to join with a rich owner,

    since common law requires that the rich must feed the poor by

    killing their animals if necessary when the hunting and fishing

    fail to provide sufficient food. In the spring the leader is

    selected. He is usually the most experienced man and is well

    acquainted with the pastures and the localities which are rich in

    game and fish. When the groups have been formed, the leaders of

    the neighboring groups meet and allocate the grazing territories

    according to the rivers and lakes. It is the duty of the leader

    to work out the daily routine and assign the various tasks of

    driving the free herds, night herding during mosquito time, or

    during attacks by wolves, etc. Every evening the elders of each

    family gather with the leaders to decide the order of the day and

    the place for stopping overnight so that the returning hunters will

    be able to find the camp.

            In the summer they move to the extreme north or climb to the

    bare, stone hilltops, where it is cooler than in the lowlands. This

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0342                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    is done primarily to protect the herds from the mosquitoes which

    breed in tremendous quantities in the marsh-tundra lowlands. The

    reindeer can not endure mosquitoes and frequently scatter during

    the night. Sometimes moss smoke fires are made to protect the

    animals from the insects.

            In the fall the Dolgans are forced to return to the edge of

    the forest because of the severe tundra climate, the winter storms,

    and the lack of fuel. Each summer group separates into individual

    families, and with their reindeer they move around preparing for

    the winter, and do individual hunting.

            Reindeer Breeding : The Dolgans distinguish three types of

    reindeer: (a) Tavghian ( Saamajdii ); (b) Tungus ( Tunustii ); and

    (c) Dolgan ( Ta Tag'taba ). The Tavghian type is 110-120 cm. tall.

    It is a weak animal, unsuitable for riding. However, it is a hardy

    animal, accustomed to the tundra, and although it tires easily,

    it recuperates quickly. The Tungus type, while larger and stronger,

    can not stand the cold of the tundra and needs frequent rests.

            The Dolgan type is weaker than the Tungus but is stronger

    than the Tavghian reindeer. The best animal is formed by crossing the Dolgan type with

    the Tavghian. This produces a fairly strong and hardy animal.

            During the summer the Dolgan reindeer feeds on grass and

    leaves, and they are especially fond of young shoots. In the winter

    they feed exclusively on moss, but when hungry they will eat any–

    thing. They are especially fond of salt and therefore constantly

    run after men waiting for their urine.



    007      |      Vol_VIII-0343                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

            During the summer the herds of several owners are kept

    together, and thus they save the work of extra laborers. Tavghian

    reindeer dogs, bought from the Tavghians, help in herding and are

    valuable.

            Although the Dolgans use the reindeer a great deal, it is not

    completely domesticated and every year many animals run off with

    the wild reindeer herds.

            In the winter the reindeer can drag a light sled at a speed

    of twenty-five to thirty kilometers per hour, and a loaded sled

    at about seven to eight kilometers an hour. In the summer the

    saddle animals can only travel only three or four kilometers an hour,

    but this slow speed is compensated by the animal's ability to cross

    almost any marshes and deep snows. Because of his wide hoofs the

    reindeer is an extremely sure footed animal.

            For riding the Dolgans use mostly castrated males. The best

    bulls are selected for breeding and the rest of the herd are

    castrated. A special lariat of braided reindeer skin strips or

    ligaments is used to capture the animal for this purpose. The animal

    is then thrown to the ground with great skill and the testicles are

    either smashed or chewed off. This castration process is usually

    carried out during the spring before the mosquito season, or late

    in the fall before the snow falls.

            During the summer the Dolgans ride the reindeer in a saddle

    and use the light sleds only to transport the light boats. Accor–

    ding to tradition, they borrowed the usage and method of harnessing

    from the Tavghians. Formerly they had used only the saddle method

    both during the winter and the summer.



    008      |      Vol_VIII-0344                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

            The Dolgan saddles are of two types: (a) the male saddle –

    cykeendii - consists of two long boards attached parallel to each

    other with two pieces of horn or branches of wood. They are

    covered with skin and filled with reindeer fur to form pillows –

    s'tt'k , and (b) the woman's, or pack saddle, which is more massive.

    The pillows are wider and thicker, and the lower part of the

    front board is covered with a red or green cloth and decorated

    with beaded ornamentation. The rest of this board is painted red,

    while the rear board remains unpainted and is only ornamented

    with ochre.

            The pack saddles also have elaborate ornaments of lead incrus–

    tation. These ornaments are geometrical in design and are made up

    of separate elements which have specific names. The Dolgans dis–

    tinguish: ustaak sulus - a star with fire; tanalaj - the sky;

    ot t'n'raga - a dog's claws; kyn - the sun; tiis - the teeth, etc.

            Deep lines form the designs which are cut with a knife, so

    that the upper edges of the groove converge to prevent the metal

    from falling out. Lead is melted in a special metal spoon and is

    slowly poured into the grooves to form the design.

            Both types of saddle have a gap which runs lengthwise and

    permits the saddle to be placed over the shoulders and back of

    the animal. It is not placed on the middle of the back because

    the Dolgan reindeer is not strong, and its back might be broken.

            In saddling a woman's reindeer or a pack animal, the saddle

    is placed first, then a blanket made from the skins of reindeer

    heads to protect the sides from the chafing of the pack bags, and

    then the pack bags are slung over the saddle one on each side.

    009      |      Vol_VIII-0345                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    This is all tied together with a leather thong - timeektiin ,

    which is three - to four fingers wide and has an iron ring at one end.

            The reindeer is mounted from the right side. The rider

    holds the reins in his left hand; grabbing hold of the front

    saddle bow, and supporting the body with a staff or spear with

    the right hand, he swings his left leg over the saddle.

            Reindeer staffs are of two kinds: those used by men –

    tajak - simple poles long enough to enable the rider to lean on

    while seated in the saddle, and those used by women - njuorii

    an iron pole with a hook on top.

            The reindeer staffs or poles are used for additional security,

    because reindeer riding demands great skill, and is tiring at

    first. To direct the animal to the left the ri g ht foot is pressed

    against the reindeer cheek; to direct him to the right, the rein

    is pulled.

            Reindeer Harness : The Dolgans used two main types of harness:

    one for light fast traveling, and the other for freight transportation.

    Basically, the Dolgan reindeer harness consists of a bridle ( bast'na ) ,

    yoke ( ala ), and a wide leather belt ( kur ), which girds the animal's

    body. A line running from the left side of the yoke to the belt

    of the animal on the right connects the two. A group of from

    three to eight reindeer can be used at one time in a harness. The

    lead animal is placed at the right, and the whole team is arrang–

    ed in fan fashion.

            The main pulling rope ( pobotuok ) is a long strip of leather,

    2 cm. wide, which runs from the left side of the animal on the ex–

    treme left through a system of blocks ( tonooldo or celaak ), which

    010      |      Vol_VIII-0346                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    are attached to the sled, to the animal on the extreme right.

    The secondary pulling ropes connect the inside animals by a similar

    system of blocks to the main rope, and thus an even distribution

    of pulling strength is achieved.

            The blocks are made of reindeer horn or wood, and are rhom–

    boid or irregular in shape; the outside blocks have two openings,

    one for the pulling rope, and the other for the rope attached to

    the sled.

            The bridle - bast'na - is made of skins of the reindeer's

    forehead. The plaques made of reindeer horn are placed between

    the animal's horns and connected by a leather thong, to which a

    long rein, braided out of five thin thongs is attached. The bone

    part of the bridles of side animals also consists of two plaques

    made of ornamented mammoth ivory and connected by leather thongs

    tied under the neck.

            The yoke - ala or laamp ' - is a piece of leather ten to fif–

    teen cm. wide, which is placed across one shoulder, the chest and

    one leg of the animal, and tied under the neck with a leather thong.

    The ends of the yoke are tied to the ends of the belt by leather

    thongs. The yokes and belts are richly decorated with red or

    green cloth, beads or embroidery of reindeer hair.

            An iron or copper ring is attached to the belt and to the

    front part of the saddle with another leather thong.

            On the right side of the lead animal's belt there is an iron

    or bone hook which serves to prevent the rein from dragging on the

    ground. It is richly ornamented with silver or copper and the young

    people are especially fond of this hook which has the value of

    011      |      Vol_VIII-0347                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    about one reindeer. Hunters use only the bone hook because the

    clanging of the metal hook would frighten the game.

            The freight harness is simpler, and consists mostly of a yoke

    made of sacking. The belt is not used, and the animals (two or

    four) are tied in pairs with a rope running between their necks.

    Each pair is connected directly to the sled by a pulling rope

    which connects their yokes to one block.

            The Dolgans use four types of sleds: (a) the closed or light

    sled - bytej s'rga - used mostly for fast travel. It is quite

    high and has five to fourteen stanchions which are wide at the

    bottom and then bend backward. In some regions the top of the

    sled is wider. There is a back-rest board (from which the term

    "closed" is derived) and this is used only by the women. (b) The

    open or men's sled - iraka - has lower stanchions, and only two

    to six. There is no back board and therefore is called "open."

    The two-stanchion type of iraka is used to transport boats. (c) The

    freight sled - setii s'rga - used during winter wanderings. It

    resembles the first type in its construction and has a board at

    each end, and high stanchions which lean backward for stability.

    (d) Another type of freight sled - turku - is low and has two

    pairs of stanchions.

            Wooden nails and leather thongs are often used in making

    sleds.

            The runners are made of pine wood because it withstands mois–

    ture better. First the board is cut in the general shape and

    then the bending is done. The runners are placed in the river to

    soak for three or four days to facilitate the bending. The S s tan-

    012      |      Vol_VIII-0348                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    chions and seat are added after the runners are ready.

            A thin pole, 4 meters long, is used to drive the reindeer.

    It is used to poke the only tender part of the animal, its hind

    parts. One end of the pole has an iron tipe, so that the driving

    pole is also used to test the strength of the ice in crossing

    over water.

            To start, the driver runs alongside the sled for a while

    holding the rein, and then jumps on the sled. To stop the team,

    the rein is drawn so that the animals' heads are turned toward

    the sled, and then the lead animal is tied to a stanchion. The

    rein is tightened to turn to the right, and the lea d animal is

    gently hit on the right side with the driving pole to turn to the

    left.

            The Dolgans are skillful reindeer drivers, and it requires

    several days to train and an animal either for saddle or harness.

    Normally a reindeer can be used for five - or six years as a draft animal,

    if he is used both winter and summer.

            Private ownership marks are made by cutting the tip of the

    animal's ears in a certain pattern, or by making specific designs

    of a combination of simple lines on the animal fur with a knife.

    Dolgans do not have "sacred" reindeer as do the Tavghians.

            When property is divided, or the father dies and the son in–

    herits the property, the old marks remain on the old animals, and

    new marks are made only on the young. The younger son receives

    his father's mark. When an owner acquires a new animal he cuts

    his own sign on the ears. The owners often do not know the number

    of their herd, but know their animals so well that they recognize

    013      |      Vol_VIII-0349                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    their animals in someone else's herd, even without marks.

            According to A. A. Popov, the concept of private ownership

    of reindeer is an innovation introducted by contact with the

    Russians. In former times, during the summer, the reindeer of the

    rich owners were considered to be a food reservoir for the whole

    migrating group, and were used without compensating the o wn er.

    Only during recent times have the Dolgans begun to sell their rein–

    deer. Up to the present time a poor man may borrow an animal from

    a rich o nw wn er without paying for it. Sometimes a poor animal is

    exchanged for a better one without additional pay, but with the

    promise to do the same for his friend in the future.

            The rich herd owners hire herdsmen for the spring so that

    they may remain near the rivers to fish. The family of the herds–

    man is given flour, tea, tobacco, and some skins in payment.

            Although the reindeer is used primarily for transportation,

    in some localities where there is not sufficient fish and game,

    the domestic reindeer is killed for food, on the average of forty

    animals a year. The Pi a â asina region, for example, is abundant in

    game, and the reindeer are not used for food in that region.

            An average Dolgan family must have 150-200 reindeer for their

    use. They must have groups of animals for riding, and harness,

    and replacements for these animals. They must also have animals

    with which to hunt and special animals for transporting the sled

    with the "sacred" family objects. Certain reindeer are also set

    aside to be used only in curing the sick, etc.

            Only very few Dolgans have herds which exceed 1000 in number.



    014      |      Vol_VIII-0350                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

            Division of Game and Fishing : While the hunting and fishing

    equipment (including the fishing nets) are individually owned, the

    results of hunting or fishing are often consumed collectively.

    During the summer the hunters feed their own groups and the spoils

    are divided among the members of every hut. If a wild reindeer

    is killed, the hunter keeps only a small part: the neck and head,

    and the skin is given to the most respected member.

            Fish, if caught during wandering, and not by the stationary

    fishers, is divided only during the summer. During the winter

    this catch is kept by the individual.

            In the collective hunt for wild reindeer, netting geese, or

    using nets for fishing, a leader is selected and the spoils are

    evenly divided according to the number in each family: the excess

    goes to the leader. The o wn er of the gear expects only help in

    repairing damaged gear, in return for the use of his equipment.

            The pelts of fur-bearing animals belong to the hunter. While

    there is no ownership (private or group) of hunting or fishing

    territories, as a matter of courtesy , an outsider or a Dolgan from

    a distant region must ask permission to hunt or fish, and this

    permission is always granted.

            Nets with ten to twenty floats are used in fishing.

            A simple wooden bow is used in hunting geese. The composite

    bow, also used in hunting, is worth one reindeer and is purchased

    together with ten arrows. The arrows may be iron-tipped or blunt.

    Iron-tipped spears with wooden shafts, and cross-bows are also

    used.

            Winter hunting is often done on lined or unlined skis.



    015      |      Vol_VIII-0351                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

            Division of Labor : Basically, all the household work is

    done by the women: setting up and dismantling the tents, food

    preparation, sewing and tanning skins. In the Noril'sk region,

    the women also capture the reindeer before the summer wanderings

    and load and unload the pack animals.

            The men make the sleds, watch the traps and make the fishing

    nets. Both men and women gather fuel, capture and harness the

    reindeer, and hunt and fish.

            Tools, Techniques, and Utensils : The Dolgans use the follow–

    ing tools:

            Knife - bohak - having a long and narrow iron blade, and used

    for cutting and smoothing.

            Axe - syge - which is bought from the Yakuts or the Russians.

            Bow drill - erehe - made of a steel point, sent on a long

    handle and operated by a small bow. Carving and scraping tools,

    saw-knife combination, iron nails (bought), and wooden pegs for

    attaching parts of the sled are also used. In addition to nailing,

    the Dolgans use a method of sewing the parts of wood together with

    long willow roots, especially prepared for this purpose during the

    spring. Leather thongs are also used in sewing.

            Fish skin is prepared and used to glue together the edges of

    the small wooden boxes used to store sacred objects.

            The technique of working on reindeer skin is an elaborate one

    and is of primary importance. The animal is first skinned by making

    a long cut on the body of the animal on the belly side. The head

    and legs are skinned and stretched separately. Then the skin is

    016      |      Vol_VIII-0352                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    stretched on the ground to dry in the sun. Several poles are placed

    over the stretched skin to form a tent to protect it from being

    trampled by the animals. The ends of the skin are secured with

    pegs or stones. During the rainy season the skin is dried in the

    tent.

            Several types of scraping tools are used including a long

    board, slightly bent with a rounded end. First the upper layer of

    the flesh side of the skin is scraped. The entire scraping process

    is done by the women. The woman sits on the ground and spreads the

    skin so that she can sit on part of it. She uses an iron scraper,

    k'h'ak , made in the form of an irregular hoop with sharp edges,

    and which is set into a handle. After this first scraping the skin

    is smoked for two days inside the tent. It is placed between

    the poles of the tent with the inner side toward the fire. Then

    the inner surface is again scraped, after having been soaked in

    water. Two women do the second scraping, using another type of

    scraper, honohon , made in the shape of a slightly bent blade which

    has a handle on either side at the end. The skin is then smeared

    on the inner side with [ ?] liver which has been boiled, chewed and

    mixed with broth to form a thick mass. Then the skin is folded

    four times to p o r otect the hair from being soiled and is left for a

    day. The next day it is scraped again on the inner side, is left

    to dry for another day, and is then softened with a scraper, kedere,

    first in one direction and then in the other.

            Thicker skins are used for preparing leather. First, part of

    the hair is cut and then the skin is hung on a rope with the inner side up and

    is subjected to cold for a month. In the summer the inner side is

    017      |      Vol_VIII-0353                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    scraped, smoked for four days in the hut, and then scraped a second

    time. It is smeared with the raw fat of the arctic fox and left

    outside for a couple of days to soften it. Then it is smeared

    with liver (as above) which penetrates through to the roots of the

    hair and facilitates the scraping. After three more days the re–

    main d ing hair is scraped off with the kedere scraper and dried over

    hot coals. After this the skin is softened by hand for a day and

    a soft chamois type of skin is obtained.

            Various types of ropes are twined from long strips of leather

    to be used as: (a) long lassoes 32-33 meters long for capturing

    reindeer: (b) long thin ropes for taming the animals for hunting;

    and (c) reindeer harness for winter use.

            To make the first type the reindeer is skinned either in the

    usual manner or in the "stocking" method (peeling it off without

    curing.) The latter method is preferred for cutting long strips

    which are obtained by cutting it in a spiral starting from the

    neck and proceeding toward the tail. In the usual method of skinning

    the cutting starts from the edge, proceeds along the peri f ph ery and

    gradually reaches the center.

            The ligaments of wild reindeer provide material for ropes.

            Mammoth ivory is used to make needles for nets, pipes, and

    the ornamental cheek pieces of reindeer harness. The ivory is first

    soaked in water from 1-4 days and is then cut by home-made saws.

    The ornament is geometrical consisting of squares, parallel lines,

    zig-zags, circles, dots, and crosses in various combinations. Special

    tools are used to make two or three parallel lines at the same

    time.



    018      |      Vol_VIII-0354                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

            The horn is used for reindeer harness trappings, pipes, needles,

    containers for spear heads, buttons, spoons and a part of the man's

    saddle. The horn of a wild reindeer is preferred. First it is

    soaked and then is worked with a knife and axe. The horn of the

    mountain goat is used to make large and small spoons - lamba .

            Metals : Iron is the most frequently used metal. This is

    obtained from the Russians and is usually the iron parts of traps,

    barrel hoops, etc. The tools used are the anvil, hammer, t h ongs,

    and bellows. Iron is heated in a primitive hearth. This hearth

    is a wooden box, 1.5 m. long and 0.5 m. wide. It is placed on the

    ground and the low front part has two perforations for the pair

    of bellows. Two-thirds of the back is covered by a round, dome–

    like enclosure. The whole framework is smeared with a thick layer

    of clay. Then a fire is built which destroys the frame leaving

    a clay hearth.

            Hooks, tops of reindeer poles, scrapers, knives, spears, arrow–

    heads, pipes with long stems are made in this hearth. The pipes

    are made from discarded gun barrels. These stems are decorated

    with copper spiral incrustations by winding a copper wire or thin

    copper sheet in the desired fashion, smearing the whole with clay,

    and heating it until it is red. The molten copper adheres to the

    iron.

            The tops of the reindeer poles and other metal objects are

    decorated with silver or copper by hammering the metals into the

    grooves in the iron thus forming geometric patterns.

            A dug-out boat A dug-out boat 4.45 m. long and 3/4 m. wide is made out of

    a thick log. First, about one quarter of the thickness is cut

    019      |      Vol_VIII-0355                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    from the top and then the ends are sharpened. The natural curva–

    ture of the tree is left for the sides. The center is dug out

    by a special iron gouge 25 cm. long - arb'ja , and a scraper - ono

    tardar
    , a double-edged blade semi-circular in shape, both ends

    of which meet at the handle. The walls of the boat are 1 cm. thick

    while the bottom is 4 cm. thick. A slight protruding edge is left

    along the inner border to prevent the sides from breaking. It is

    then filled with hot water and red hot stones are thrown into this

    water. The weight of these stones exerts pressure on the bottom,

    and the sides are spread apart with wooden sticks. The size of

    the sticks used for this prupose is gradually increased in length.

    Boards are nailed or sewn to the edges of the boat. They are then

    smeared with [ ?] ack pitch to protect them from drying. It usually

    takes about 4 days to make a dug-out boat.

            Board type Boat : The sides and bottom of this type of boat

    are made separately. The bottom is elongated with pointed ends.

    Its center has a shallow depression with a ridge to which the sides

    of the boat are sewn. This type of boat is the same size as the

    one mentioned above, but it is better and is worth twice as much

    as a dugout boat.

            Daldab is a wooden shield which is used to approach wild

    reindeer or seals. The front is covered with deep notches which

    may be covered with snow for camouflage. It is set on a pair of

    short runners.

            Skis t are made of knotless pine boards 4 cm. thick, and are

    bent on a form consisting of 2 parallel boards with five removable

    020      |      Vol_VIII-0356                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    joints. The skis may be lined with reindeer skins with the hair

    directed backwards. This enables fast sliding, and silence (ability

    to steal near a wild reindeer, and to get a good grip going up hill).

    The lining is glued to the ski with fish glue. The sharp edges of

    the skis protrude through the special hole made in the reindeer

    lining and the edges are bent and glued to the upper surface of

    the ski.

            The ends are sharp, bend upwards and under the sole of the

    foot there is an upward bend, which gives a spring-like action.

            One t stick is used for walking or as a brake when going down–

    hill.

            Shaitan Boxes. Round boxes of pine wood are used by women or to store sacred

    objects (the "shaitan" boxes.) To make these boxes boards are

    first well moistened with hot water from the kettle and then are

    gradually and gently bent in a special fork-like stand or around

    a stump. When the board is bent into a completely round shape so

    that the edges overlap, they are bound with a rope and permitted to

    dry. The ends are then cut on the slant and glued together with a

    "nalim" or "sterliad" glue.

            Social Organization : The basic social unit of the Dolgans

    is the family, which is at present patriarchal, although the rela–

    tionships are reckoned both along the father and mother lines. At

    times the relationship along the mother line is considered closer.

    Thus there is the custom of giving presents to the son or daughter

    by even the most distant relatives on the mother's side, while along

    the father's side this extends only to nephews or nieces.



    021      |      Vol_VIII-0357                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

            Among the Dolgans large families were considered to be fortu–

    nate. A family with no children was predestined to misfortune. A

    childless woman was considered in the same category as a sterile

    reindeer cow - " bangai ".

            The largest unit is the horde. The term " ordan " (horde) is

    used to designate an outside ethnic group: the Samoyed horde, the

    Russian horde, the Tungus horde, etc. Sometimes the term biis is

    used instead of ordan . The Dolgans divide themselves into three

    groups (excluding the completely Dolganized Tungus of Karyntuiu:

    the Dulgaan biis , the Donnot biis , and the Edzheen biis . These

    groups very likely were originally the three subdivisions of the

    Dolgan tribe.

            All members of the particular biis call each other "my people,"

    testifying to their belief in common origins.

            These subdivisions consist of a number of clans - uus , which

    were formerly exogamous. Today the tendency to take wives from the

    same clan as did their forefathers persists.

            The Dolgans have no self-name for themselves as a group. When

    asked, the Dolgan refers to his fratry (" Iana Donoot "). Sometimes

    a Dolgan refers to himself as a "Tungus", but this simply means

    "I am a reindeer breeder" and is due to the Yakut influence. The

    Yakuts call even the Yakuts who are reindeer breeders "Tungus," to

    distinguish them from the horse and cattle breeding Yakuts. Thus,

    the term Dolgan was formerly used for one fratry and is now applied

    to the whole group.

            Government : Until the beginning of the Revolution in 1917 the

    022      |      Vol_VIII-0358                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    government of the Dolgans was i j m posed by the Russians. An offi–

    cial "prince," elected every three years was at the head of each

    group. He was responsible for implementing the various regulations

    of the Tsarist government, collecting the tribute, and exercising

    the judicial functions.

            When this official refused to serve further either because

    of old age or for some other reason, he was asked to suggest a suc–

    cessor, who became a candidate in the election in which all the

    males of the group participated.

            At the same time two helpers were elected. The community

    could depose their officials and elect new ones if they were un–

    satisfactory.

            Once a year all the people and officials gathered in Noril'sk

    on the Khatanga River for a meeting at which the officials of the

    three fratries were present.

            A double size tent was erected. Reindeer for a feast for all

    those present were purchased at communal expense. Besides the

    election, various disputes were also decided at this meeting. Every

    "prince" paid the annual t ir ri bute he collected to the government,

    which was counted during the meeting and the new assessment was

    levied. The cases of dispute were decided by all the three "princes"

    together with the one who heads the clan of the injured party

    acting as chairman. Deposition was taken from the litigants and

    witnesses and if a stranger was present his opinion was sought and

    valued.

            A first offense was usually forgiven. The culprit promised

    not to repeat his crime, and the offended party shook hands with him.

    023      |      Vol_VIII-0359                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    If he failed to do this good naturedly, he was considered an

    evil man, a man who "seeks blood" and sometimes he himself was

    punished. The second offense resulted in a fine, the third in

    corporal punishment - whipping. One of the most serious crimes

    among the usually honest Dolgans was taking someone else's property,

    and this rarely happened.

            Folklore material shows that the Dolgans formerly had elect–

    ed officials "guardians of property," and war chiefs "kosuun."

    Both offices later disintegrated and were replaced by the Russian

    recognized elected officials.

            The following two tales illustrate the origin and the early

    social organization among the Dolgans.

            "Muos Kiris had two brothers, and all three were excellent

    marksmen. One day Muos Kiris went out hunting and left his

    mother alone. He was such a good shot that his arrow could hit

    a wild reindeer in the head and kill it. This is the kind of

    man that Muos Kiris was. The head of a wild reindeer is so

    strong that even a lead bullet can not penetrate it.

            "While he was out on the hunt the Tungus surrounded his

    mother's tent. The second son took a pole from the tent,

    peeled the bark and jumped into the street. Ten robbers sur–

    rounded the tent. He threw the pole at them, and then jumped

    from the cliff where the tent stood and hid. The bandits thought

    that he had fallen to his death, and entered the hut. They

    killed his younger brother and began to eat his flesh, tearing

    his body into pieces. When they got to the brain, they asked

    024      |      Vol_VIII-0360                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    the mother: "Why is your son's brain so unappetizing?"

            "The mother answered: "Ten years ago there was a famine,

    and my son never recovered from it.'

            "Having finished with the corpse, one of the robbers went

    out on the street. Near the tent grew a huge tree. The bandit

    smeared it with the dead man's blood, and said to the mother:

    'My name is Chemtira. I have smeared this tree with blood;

    when your son, Muos Kiris, returns, and is hurt by his brother's

    death, let him seek me out to avenge his brother." Then the

    robbers left.

            "When Muos Kiris returned home and learned the news, he set

    out to avenge his brother. He told his shaman: 'You are a sha–

    man; look into your dream, and tell me, can we take revenge?' )

            "The shaman answered: 'We can subdue Chemtira if we find his

    great soul ( ulakan kutun ). I will set a sail on the river of

    the wild reindeer (soul), of his shaman, and it would be good if

    you could kill him.' Then they set out after the bandits, to–

    gether with the second brother and six other men.

            "On the way the brother grew tired. Muos Kiris became angry

    and threw a stone at him. Muos Kiris thought he had killed

    his brother, but Junki a â i a â abil', the brother, soon caught up with

    them. Again Muos Kiris was angry and said: 'You go no further!'

    He tied the brother's hands and shot three arrows at him. But

    the brother was so adroit in avoiding the arrows that Muos Kiris

    untied him and said: 'You will be a good man.' (i.e., strong and

    skillful).



    025      |      Vol_VIII-0361                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

            "In a little while the shaman told his companions: 'Shoot

    carefully. I have brought Chemtira's soul, do not scare it away,'

    and pointed to a small bird. Muos Kiris missed, but Junki a â i a â bil'

    killed the bird.

            "Then they roasted and ate the bird.

            "Soon the battle began. Muos Kiris was wounded, and several

    others were killed. Chemtira was also killed by Junki a â i a â il'.

    The remaining men ate Chemtira's flesh, and took names from the

    parts of the body that they ate: the Lonoot or Donoot from the

    shoulder blade; the karyntui u û tribe from the one who ate the

    radius bone or kar '; and the one who ate the rump founded the

    Edzheen tribe. (A Noril'sk tale).

            Second tradition:

            " Long ago when the Dolgans lived elsewhere, all the people

    were divided into two groups: the kosuun , and the "guardians of

    property," ( baaj ketebilcittere ) who lived with the reindeer, and

    had all the property. There were few reindeer and they were

    used as pack animals, and not for riding. They had little prop–

    erty - one bow and their clothing. They lived among the rein–

    deer, caught fish and hunted wild reindeer. They did not go to

    [ ?] war because they thought they were weak. The kosuun came

    from their midst. The eldest kossun was the chief of the

    "guardians of property." Every fall, before the advent of the

    Polar night, all the kosuuns gathered and also those of the

    "guardians of the property" who were strong enough to compete.

    All the men stood in a row. The eldest kosuun faced them and

    026      |      Vol_VIII-0362                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    shot a blunt arrow at each one, who in turn had to show his skill

    by avoiding the arrow and thus demonstrate his worth to the

    eldest kosuun . Then each contestant shot an arrow at the eldest

    who bowed each time. If an arrow hit him, the eldest gave up

    his rank to the shooter, and became an ordinary kosuun . He was

    given some reindeer and property, just enough to live on. In the

    next competition, if the displaced eldest kosuun won, then the two

    eldest kosuuns had a contest to the death, this time using iron–

    tipped arrows.

            The future eldest kosuuns were often known from childhood,

    since they would hunt with the eldest kosuuns . Sometimes they

    would kill a reindeer before the older man. When this happened,

    the older man sponsored the younger one until he was about four–

    teen or fifteen years old, and then the two would compete.

            The eldest kosuun lived with the "guardians of property"

    of whom one was selected as the "chief guardian of property." He

    knew the best pasture lands, hunting and fishing grounds, super–

    vised all the civic and military affairs, and had the final word

    in the distribution of property. Even the eldest kosuun had to

    consult him about communal property. The "chief guardian of pro–

    perty" did not go to war but replaced the eldest kosuun at that

    time. The eldest kosuun had a shaman protector whose duty it was

    to predict the coming of enemies at least two days before. He also

    could whet the soldiers' appetites for war, and dull that of the

    enemy. He would hide the soul of the eldest kosuun so that the enemy

    shaman could not find it. Before every battle, the shaman tried

    to steal the soul of the eldest kosuun of the enemy, and he would

    027      |      Vol_VIII-0363                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    shoot an arrow. If it hit, then the enemy eldest kosuun would die

    in battle, but if he missed, then he himself would die.

            The young kosuuns lived alone with their reindeer and property

    which they got from the community. They were the warriors and

    defended the "guardians of property." During peace times they

    would hunt and give their spoils to the "chief guardian of property"

    to be divided among the "guardians of property." They would also

    give warning of the approaching enemy, and then the eldest kosuun

    would pick an army and go off to war.

            The battles were usually in the form of contests in which the

    eldest kosuuns of each opposing force would challenge each other.

    Sometimes the contest would be of a peaceful nature - a race.

    But more often it was a bloody battle in which iron-tipped arrows

    were used. One side might attack without warning, or the two eldest

    kosuuns might agree on the time for the battle to begin. If one

    eldest kosuun asked for more time to prepare, the enemy would usu–

    ally agree to wait.

            The victors would kill all the enemy kosuuns and then seek

    out their relatives among the "guardians of property," and kill them.

    But sometimes the son of an eldest kosuun was left so that he could

    avenge the death of his relatives.

            In those days the Samoyeds (Tavghians) lived at the edge of

    the forest in the north; the Chukchi lived in the tundra, and the

    Dolgans, the forest people, lived in the forest. The forest people

    warred among themselves and with the Samoyeds, but then they made

    peace. Then the Tungus came and captured the forest people. Half

    of them became Dolgans, and the others were the future Lamuts.



    028      |      Vol_VIII-0364                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

            The wars continued and the people died from the stench of

    dead bodies, and then famine came. Those who were living decided

    to move on, or they, too, would die. They killed a bird and divi–

    ded its flesh, and each one took a name according to the part he

    ate. Some came too late, however, and so they had no names.

            There are still relics of the wars with the Chukchi and the

    Samoyeds. Then the Tsar came and took the land and sent some

    people into exile, and killed others. Peasants were brought, and

    they married with the Dolgans and they all lived together in wooden

    huts with little windows through which they could see the approach–

    ing enemy Chukchi.

            The Chukchi came and killed most of the people, but left

    several girls and two men Dolgans. The girls married, but the men

    died. (A Noril'sk tale).

            Some idea of the former life of the Dolgans can be obtained

    from these two legends. Both of them mention the same war and

    speak of shaman protectors. The second legend deals with the social

    structure, the identification of the Dolgans with the Lamuts, and

    gives data on the Chukchi who were conquered in ancient times in

    the present Tavghian territory.

            The second legend corroborates Tretiakov's statements on the

    appearance of the Chukchi in this territory (Turukhanski i ĭ kra i ĭ , ego

    priroda I zhiteli," St. Petersburg, 1869). This is also mentioned

    in the Chukchi folklore, in the "Chukchi graves," and archeological

    remains on the tops of the extinct volcanoes in the northern Ta i ĭ myr

    peninsula. These have not been verified, but there are evidences

    029      |      Vol_VIII-0365                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    of some ancient tribes before the advent of the present inhabi–

    tants: the Tungus, Dolgans and Tavghians.

            Several important traits of the social structure of the times

    are also contained in the second tale. Evidently the community

    was made up of several tribes. Self protection was necessary on

    the one hand, and also the outstanding personal qualities of the

    individual served to divide the community into the braver and more

    skillful people, the warring kosuuns . These people always had to

    be on guard against unexpected enemy attacks, and so the community

    gave them property. They lived a mobile life, and were given per–

    mission to live away from the community proper, and served as an

    "avant guard."

            Two leaders, a civil, and a military leader were mentioned,

    and the military leader was selected annually at a contest where

    his personal qualities were demonstrated.

            All the property, and also the products of hunting and fish–

    ing were communal, and the civil leader was responsible for their

    distribution.

            Survivals of clan organization are found in the role played

    by the group over the individual. Adoption was a communal affair,

    and the consent of the man's brothers was necessary before he

    could adopt a child; otherwise the adopted son could inherit only

    half his share, and the other half went to the brothers of his adopt–

    ed father.

            The father had to consult his relatives and obtain their consent

    before despatching a go-between to seek a marriage agreement for

    his son. When the parents were poor the bride price is was provided by

    030      |      Vol_VIII-0366                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    relatives and friends.

            A widow marrying into another clan received only one quarter

    of her inheritance.

            Actually the bride price was only a symbol, as the bride had

    to bring a dowry equivalent in value to the bride price. Until re–

    cently at the beginning of the marriage ceremony, the most respect–

    ed members of the group and the relatives together with the bride's

    father took the coffer with the dowry outside, opened it, and in–

    spected it to be sure that the value contained was as equal to the

    bride price paid. If it were less it was considered a disgrace.

            When an orphan married, the bride price or dowry was provided

    for by the clan. The fratry designated several well-to-do men who

    had to render help to the impoverished among its members. The

    first time the poor man received twenty reindeer and an arctic fox

    to obtain traps. The second time the help was less. If a third

    assistance was not sufficient, the children of the poor members were

    taken away and given to the richer to be raised until they reached

    maturity when they returned to the real parents who had to support

    them. This help is called ab'rat' . Before the revolution, disputes

    were settled by arbitration by respected members of the group. If

    no peaceful solution could be reached, then the case went to the

    Russian-recognized "prince" (chief).

            Until recent times the Dolgans had no selling and buying. Each

    needy man could ask his neighbour for anything he needed, and this

    is still in practice now. Gradual growth of the clans broke up the

    territorial unity; frequent inner and external quarrels split some

    of the clans, and also mixed the members of the different clans.



    031      |      Vol_VIII-0367                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

            The arrival of the Yakuts, and later the Russians, speeded up

    this process of clan disintegration. The influence of trade ties,

    and the adoption of better hunting methods led to rapid growth of

    wealth, fur animals acquired value which they did not have before,

    as all clothing was made out of reindeer skins. Gradual accumu–

    lation of large herds in the hands of a few, led to herding as an

    occupation for some who hired themselve d s out for their services.

            Marriage : In general, marriage was permitted between rela–

    tives up to the fourth degree removed on either side. Thus, in

    the Noril'sk Region a widow who had no son married her daughter to

    the son of her younger brother saying that "she returns the bone."

    They practice marriage between cousins, and also the custom of levi–

    rate, which permits a younger brother to marry the widow of his

    brother and also gives priority to the first brother who makes the

    proposal. In former times polygamy did exist , (according to folk–

    lore, some had as many as seven wives).

            Most of the Dolgans use the Yakut terms for relationships.

    The terms for step-father ( amiraan ) and step-mother ( ijereen ) are

    exceptions.

            The custom of giving presents, belektehii , facilitates the

    beginning of a relationship between a young man and a girl. This

    custom consists of the exchange of presents in secret during dances

    which are usually held on festive occasions.

            If a young man likes a girl he sends her a present and if his

    attentions are well received, i.e., if the girl likes the young

    man, he will receive a present in return. This exchange was considered

    032      |      Vol_VIII-0368                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    the basi d s for the beginning of intimate relations. The boy came

    to the girl's family tent at night when the rest of the family

    was supposedly sleeping. In most cases the family knew of these

    romantic visits, but accepted them as natural and did not make a

    fuss. If a child resulted from these meetings it did not harm the

    girl's reputation.

            It was not considered unusual for an unmarried girl to have

    lovers or to bear their children. Very often an unmarried girl did

    not bother to conceal the names of her children's fathers. Once

    a woman became engaged, however, such romantic interludes were

    frowned upon. Intimate relations between the young people were in

    no way considered as indications of a desire to marry.

            Until recently one of the greatest sins was for a man or woman

    to remain unmarried. The souls of these persons became "heretic."

    If a woman remained unmarried but bore children, her soul did not

    become "heretic." It was also considered sinful for a widow or a

    widower to remarry.

            Childbirth : It was never considered necessary to keep pregnancy

    a secret. A pregnant woman had to adhere to certain restrictions

    and taboos in order to insure the birth of a normal child. For ex–

    ample, a pregnant woman was forbidden to eat " gagara " in order to

    prevent the baby's feet from being wide, she was forbidden to eat

    a hare's head in order to prevent protruding teeth and eyes, and

    she could not eat a hare's heart lest the baby become a coward, etc.

            As soon as outward signs of pregnancy appeared the woman was

    considered unclean and was forbidden to cross the road to the sunny

    side where the shaman's attributes or household sacred objects were

    033      |      Vol_VIII-0369                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    carried. It was believed that if she walked there, the "saints"

    would be offended, and the woman's labor would be difficult or

    the baby would die.

            When the labor period approached, a special reindeer skin tent

    was prepared for the mother. Two " turu ," young fir trees with a

    small cross piece, were placed at either side of the entrance. A

    " turu " is a young branch with a cross stick (about 3 m. long),

    which is a representation of a Dolgan shaman " turu ", i.e., the tree

    connected with the soul and life of an individual. The soul of

    the mother rises after the birth of the child, supporting itself

    on the " turu ."

            Before the onset of labor, all rings, knots and belts were

    removed in order to make the delivery easier. All dogs were tied

    so that their barking would not f ir ri ghten the good spirits, ajy .

    The woman remained standing all through labor and delivery. The

    woman gave birth holding on to the horizontally tied poles which

    were tied to the roof of the tent. Above these poles an anthropo–

    morphic image of the Female Spirit Protector of expectant mothers,

    Djakhtar Ajyta , was placed. She was clothed in the furs of an

    arctic fox or hare. Sometimes special incantations were made by a

    shaman over this fur, in which case it was preserved and used from

    generation to generation. Otherwise it was used to make a blanket

    for the baby.

            The tent in which the woman giving birth had been was considered

    unclean, and upon entering it, the woman bade farewell to all, but

    she did not touch them. Only three persons could be inside this

    tent: the woman giving birth, the midwife, and another woman, whose

    034      |      Vol_VIII-0370                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    job it was to clean the tent, wash the dishes, etc. It was neces–

    sary for this third woman to be present since both the midwife and

    the mother were considered unclean and could not touch fire until

    the umbilical cord had fallen off.

            The Dolgans believed that a difficult delivery could be light–

    ened if the name of the father was known. The midwife usually

    demanded this information of the woman, unless she was a widow. If

    this did not ease labor, then the shaman's help was sought. He per–

    formed outside the tent, after ordering an image of the spirit

    Djakhtar Ajyta to be made. This was later placed next to the woman.

    After she was well, the mother kept this image for subsequent child

    delivery. When eating she always fed her protectress by giving

    the image small pieces of food.

            When the child was born, his umbilical cord was tied with a

    string and cut, after which the midwife washed him with water from

    her mouth. If the newborn baby showed no evidence of life, the mid–

    wife took a metal pipe and put a thread through it. She then

    placed the pipe at the anal opening of the child, and closing his

    eyes, ears, and nose , with the p la al m of her hand blew into the tube.

    This was considered as the act of transfering breath to the child.

    The child was supposed to be alive after this procedure.

            A prematurely born child was wrapped in the skin of an arctic

    fox and kept over the hearth for warmth. Ordinarily arctic fox fur

    was not used, since it was believed that the child's teeth would

    be as sharp as those of the fox and these would hurt the mother.

            The crad le was prepared ahead of time. Before placing the new–

    born child into the cradle, a dog was placed into it and rocked for

    035      |      Vol_VIII-0371                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    a while in order to fool the evil spirit and make him enter the

    dog's body instead of the child's. The very name of evil spirits

    ( abasy ) was avoided in the presence of the baby.

            The cradle, 80 cm. long, was made in the shape of an oval

    container from birch bark, with the head raised at a 30 degree

    angle. A willow handle for suspension was attached to the cradle

    with leather. Other leather strips were used to tie the child.

    A birch bark tray 40 cm. long filled with reindeer moss was placed

    on the bottom to absorb the excrements.

            A new mother was well fed with white bread biscuits and meat

    of a young fat reindeer. If the child was born out of wedlock the

    father of the man responsible made him send the mother a reindeer

    when the child was born. This completed the father's responsibility

    to the mother and child.

            On the third day after the birth of the child the mother

    left her bed and after the reindeer sent by the father was killed,

    she was ready to receive guests. It was on this same day that the

    purification ceremony began.

            The midwife herself , purified the mother, the child, and

    everything which had been in contact with them by the smoke of a

    "moshevelnik" (juniper tree), or the light gum of this tree was

    placed in a container with hot coals.

            A short time before this, at some distance from the habitation,

    a conical tent was made ( djukakan ). On the day following the day

    of purification the midwife placed the placenta which was wrapped

    in the skins on which the delivery had been made inside the tent.

    This was done so that "those with fans" asylaktar (dogs, wolves, foxes),

    036      |      Vol_VIII-0372                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    could not eat the placenta and thus cause future barrenness of the

    mother. It was believed that if the placenta was placed under a

    stone the woman would not be able to give birth again until the

    weight was removed.

            Woman who did not want to have any more children used this

    process to avoid conception.

            After the purification process when the women entered the

    mother's tent for the first time, each one gave her a morsel of food

    so that "her nipples would not become closed." On the third day

    a great feast [ ?] was held with dancing and celebrating with

    many guests outside. The child received many presents which re–

    mained its personal property for life.

            After the feast the young mother went visiting the neighbors.

    In spite of the purification ceremony she was still subject to a

    number of regulations for a certain period of time. Thus, until

    the umbilical cord healed she was forbidden to touch fire, or to

    cross the road to get to the side which was used for the transpor–

    tation of family sacred objects from the eastern direction. If she

    did not abide by these regulations her child would become ill or

    she would become sterile. If this did take place the shaman was

    called to perform and pacify the offended spirits. Both the guilty

    woman and her child were smoked with reindeer or fish fat which had

    been placed in a container with hot coals. This container was

    passed under the woman's armpits three times.

            In order to avoid barrenness, a woman had to refrain from

    sitting on the "sacred" sleigh used for faimly sacred objects.

            The midwife was a person who commanded much respect from the

    037      |      Vol_VIII-0373                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    Dolgans. She was called "grandmother , " aba . For a first delivery

    she received a reindeer cow as payment. For all subsequent deli–

    very she received a reindeer cow as payment
    . For all subsequent

    deliveries she received material for a dress, a cake of aromatic

    soap, and each time a copper ring - the symbol of genitalia.

    Poorer people gave less, but she could not refuse help even if

    payment were not given.

            If a newborn child resembled one of his dead relatives it was

    said that the relative's soul had passed into the soul of the

    young one. The child was given the non- c C hristian name of his dead

    ancestor. It is interesting to note here that even though the

    Dolgans were considered Greek-Orthodox, most often they called them–

    selves by their non- c C hristian names. This was especially true of

    the Dolgans of the Nari [ ?] kii District.

            The only food of Dolgan children was mother's milk, and they

    were breast fed up to the age of four or five years. If the

    mother had no milk the child was given to a wet nurse. This nurse

    could either keep the child as her own or return it to the parents.

    If the child was returned a certain sum was paid to the nurse for

    the return of the child.

            After the birth of a child the parents seemed to lose their

    identity and their names. They were known as the father of so-and–

    so, or the mother of such-and-such (child's name).

            The children were very closely protected by the parents

    until they were ready to assume responsibilities such as crossing

    the road alone or walking on the street alon g e , etc. They were

    very rarely punished, and never punished in the presence of strangers.



    038      |      Vol_VIII-0374                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

            Eight or nine year old children were considered adults and could

    have their own reindeer. A 10-12 year old boy had the right to

    hunt for himself and to take part with the other men in discussions

    and family meetings. A 10-12 year old girl helped keep house,

    cook, and sew for her parents. After each morning and evening

    prayer, the children asked for the parents' blessing.

            A wooden image of a man, an iron bow and arrow, a wooden boat

    or spear, served as protective amulets and were placed in the

    cradle to keep all the bad spirits away from the child.

            The toys of Dolgan children were usually small bows and

    arrows, dolls made of deersfootbones dressed in [ ?] male or female

    attire, kites, etc.

            Religion : Our information on the Dolgan religion is very

    fragmentary. The data av i a ilable indicate that they have a typical

    combination of the northern hunting complex with the Spirit Owners

    of various localities, animals and household objects, combined

    with shamanistic practices which are strongly influenced by the

    Yakut P p antheon and dualism. The ancestor worship is markedly

    developed and is on the whole reminiscent of that of the Tavghians.

            Cult of Ancestors : The Dolgans believe in the Cult of

    Ancestors. After their death good people continue to help and

    protect the family while the evil people either send evil spirits

    or themselves come and cause sickness in order to obtain some pre–

    sents through the medium of the shaman.

            If the shaman can not determine the cause of the sickness, he

    makes a trip to the Lower World to the relatives of the patient and

    039      |      Vol_VIII-0375                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    asks them to tell him who among the evil spirits tortures the soul

    of the patient, or whether it is caused by the soul of someone

    dead who is seeking presents. The soul of the dead man is dispatched

    to the Lower World on a reindeer so that he would not lose his way.

    On the second day after the death the shaman performs his incanta–

    tions to separate the soul of the living from those of the dead.

            Shamanism : Every Dolgan shaman is the keeper and protector

    of one or several persons. He has his own tree where he places

    the souls of the people under his care. These trees are protected

    by the spirits of the shaman. If the shaman is very strong, the

    tree is tall and has many branches. If he is weak and does not

    have great prestige, his tree is weak, and is sickly with the bark

    peeled in many spots. The spirits which protect his tree are often

    not strong enough in dealing with the evil spirits who are then

    able to steal people's souls and cause them to be sick or even to

    die. When this happens the relatives of the person blame the shaman

    for being a poor human unable to guard his people.

            When the shaman dies, his tree falls to the ground, and, there–

    fore, it is very important to separate the souls of the living from

    those of the dead. This ceremony is conducted by another shaman.

            The shamans have great prestige. When a new one appears, the

    Dolgans rejoice: "We have a new protector," they say, and provide

    the new shaman with his equipment. Despite all this, the shamans

    have no privileges in every day life and work like the others.

            Every Dolgan family has sacred family protectors in the form

    of amulets made of stones or reindeer horns, or anthropomorphic or

    040      |      Vol_VIII-0376                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    zoomorphic representations of spirits - sajtan . There also existed

    clan spirits and sacred objects.

            Some additional information on shamanistic beliefs among the

    Dolgans may be seen in the following descriptions of wooden images

    used by the shamans in connection with their performances.

            1. Kisil a ä x taba - a reindeer with a rider. Soon after the

    start of a performance to cure the sick, the shaman begins to bar–

    gain with the spirit. He offers him images of reindeer and men

    smeared with charcoal paint or animal blood as a payment for leaving

    the sick man alone. The Spirit does not agree for a long time, but

    finally, having entered into the image, he returns to the Lower

    World accompanied by the shaman.

            2. Kisil a ä x o [?] us - a bull with a rider, used for the same

    purpose.

            3. O [?] us - a bull. In some cases the shaman make a representa–

    tion of one of his helpers, the bull. When the spirit makes all

    sorts of excuses for not going home, saying that sickness rages there

    or that there is great hunger, the shaman makes him enter into this

    image, thus guaranteeing that he will not return to the patient.

            4. Taba - reindeer. Object of exchange with the spirit, the

    same as for No. 1.

            5. Xatys - sturgeon. Used as a place of confinement for an

    evil spirit, to prevent him from bothering people.

            6. Sya l ł ysardar - ells. The same.

            7. Sya l ł ysar and Sordo . Eel and pike. Spirit helpers of the

    shaman.



    041      |      Vol_VIII-0377                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

            8. (no name) - Some animal or fish, which the natives could

    not explain.

            9. Bill a ä r - two Siberian salmons with tails grown together.

    The second object is a perch. The Evil Spirits enter into the

    Middle World through a small opening, abasy ojbono , (the ice hole

    of Evil Spirits). The shamans represent this opening in the shape

    of two salmons or other fish with their tails twisted together so

    that there is an openening between them. After his return from the

    Lower World, the shaman places this image across the path he has

    travelled, and stops up the opening with the image of a perch or

    other fish.

            10. Ij a ä ky l ł - Mother Beast. The most important of the shaman's

    spirits, on whom his life and death depend. It dies before the shaman

    and thus causes his death. The shaman uses it for big illnesses

    ( ulaxan olu ) to bar the path of a returning Evil Spirit.

            11. C Ć y c Ć ypkan - the tool for purification. After his return

    from the Lower World the shaman drags the patient through the o ep pe n–

    ing of this object, thus cleansing him from all remnants of his

    sickness.

            12. By l ł yt - a cloud, used to send home the Spirit of Insanity

    who lives in the clouds.

            13. By l ł yttar , o l ł oxtor - clouds and seat. Wooden representa–

    tions of birds on poles.

            14. T u ü sp a ä t t u ü r u ū (non-falling stand) - The sacred tree of the

    shamans. The following is a tale about the sacred tree.



    042      |      Vol_VIII-0378                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

            "Way up on the ninth sky lives the Master of the World,

    Aj y [ y ?] Tojon , with his wife, Suo l ł ta Ij a ä , and their children. He created

    the world and the people, and in order to provide them with a curer

    of diseases, and a protector against misfortunes, he gave them the

    first shaman.

            "In creating the first shaman, Aj y [ y ?] Tojon grew a sacred tree,

    t u ü sp a ä t t u ü r u ū (non-falling stand) with eight branches on which live

    the Bright Spirits, his children, in his yard opposite the entrance

    to his house.

            "At the same time, on the earth, he grew three trees, and sit–

    ting at their bases, he made for the first shaman all the ceremonial

    paraphernalia which he would need in his struggle with the Evil

    Spirits. In memory of this, every shaman has on the earth his own

    t u ü r u ū (stand), the shamanistic tree, which grows at the time of his

    call for shamanizing and falls when the shaman dies.

            "The t u ü sp a ä t t u ü r u ū does not grow old and is the final destination

    of the shaman's trip into the Upper World where he brings the soul

    ( kut ). Having brought the kut , the shaman leaves it on the sacred

    tree in the care of the children of Aj y [ y ?] Tojon and the sacred birds.

    The soul in the shape of a fledgling is in complete safety from the

    Evil Spirits there. The board on the poles represents the sky, and

    human representations, as well as faces cut on the pole of t u ü r u ū , are

    children of Aj y [ y ?] Tojon , and the birds are the heavenly birds.

            "The shaman recaptures the stolen soul from the Evil Spirit,

    and returns to the Middle World. But the soul, frightened and con–

    taminated by its contact with the Evil Spirit, must first be

    carried to the Upper World to the ninth level. On the road to the

    043      |      Vol_VIII-0379                                                                                                                  
    DOLGANS

    abode of Aj y [ y ?] Tojon , there are eight stops or clouds, with Bird–

    Spirits on each, whose duty it is to prevent the bad (black) shaman

    from entering. No black shaman can penetrate higher than the first

    stop and the Bird-Spirits chase him back. The good (white) shaman,

    after a rest, can proceed. The road is difficult only up to the

    third stop, after which he proceeds without any difficulties.

            "The average shaman can reach only the fifth or sixth level

    and stops there, exhausted. He leaves the soul there in the care

    of the Bird-Spirits, or trusts a stronger shaman to carry the soul

    higher. This is done only at the request of the relatives and at

    a new shamanistic performance."

            The nine stands represent nine levels.

    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0380                                                                                                                  


    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    Bol'shai a â Sovetskai a â Entsiklopedii a â , The Dolgans

    Popov, A. A. Dolgan Folklore

    Popov, A. A. "Materials on the Family Structure of the

    Dolgans." Sovetskai a â Etnografii a â , 1934,

    No. 6, p. 116-139

    Popov, A. A. "Techniques of the Dolgans." Sovetskai a â Etnografii a â ,

    1937.

    Sibirskai a â Entsiklopedii a â , The Dolgans.

    Vasil'ev, V. N. Representations of the Dolgan-Yakut Spirits

    as Attributes of Shamanism. Zhivai a â Starina,

    1909, No. 23, pp. 269-288.

    The Gilyaks


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0381                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    [Eugene A. Golomshtok]


    THE GILYAKS
    Page
    History and Origin 2
    Physical Anthropology 3
    Language 4
    Dwellings 5
    Food 6
    Dress 6
    Tools, Arms, etc. 7
    Transportation 7
    Occupation 8
    Social Organization 10
    Marriage 11
    Birth 14
    Death and Burial 16
    Religion 19
    Clan Dieties 21
    Sky Ceremony 26
    Shamanism 26
    Bibliography 28

            our only office copy



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0382                                                                                                                  

           

    GILYAKS

            The Gilyaks (self-name: nigyyyn , pl., nivukh* - meaning man, owner)

    are a small Paleo-Siberian tribe who live on the northeastern northeastern coast of ?wrong

    Siberia and on the northern half of Sakhalin Island. In 1897 they totaled

    4,649 (2, 556 males, 2,093 females.) Originally they were a larger group,

    but decreased in number. In 1911 they numbered only 4, 298 and later about

    4,000.

            On the continent, the Gilyak are located on both banks of the lower

    Amur River, its estuary, and along the Pacific coast; north of the mouth of

    the Amur to the Kol River, and south to the Choma River.

            On Sakhalin Island they occupy to occupy the western coast from Cape Sakh-kotan

    to the northern extremity of the island to Cape Mary; the eastern coast from

    Cape Levenstern to Cape Delisle de la Croyers; and the interior, the upper and

    middle course of the only large river of the northern part of the Sakhalin,

    the Tym. Several scores of Gilyak are found in the southern part of the island

    at the mouth of the Poronaya River and on Cape Patience, among the Ainu and

    Oroki, where they immigrated about a half century ago.

            The Sakhalin Gilyaks arrived there from the continent, but even their

    present habitat on the mainland is a comparatively recent one.

            The Amur Gilyaks even now make fall trips on their heavy boats across

    the narrow Tartar Straits to the northern portion of Sakhalin to hunt sable,

    which is becoming very scaree on the continent. The present population is

    apparently the result of gradual settling of the seasonal hunters in a new

    habitat where they soon acquired many cultural traits from their neighbours.

            The terrain is full of contrast ranging from the extremely continental

    climate and severe conditions of the Sakhalin to the milder maritime climate

    of the Lower Amur.

            *note by A. M. - "now officially called [Nivkhi ?]" Russian Plural"

    not accepted by [E.A.G. ?]



    002      |      Vol_VIII-0383                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

            On Sakahlin the average temperature yearly is about minus 1.2 degrees

    due to the proximity of the cold stream. Northwest winds bring terrible snow

    storms. Summer is rainy and foggy. The terrain is mountainous up to 4,000

    feet with central ridges and numerous offshoots. Flora on elevated places

    is sub-arctic and temperate, but in lowlands, open to the cold winds of the

    ocean, it is of the arctic type.

            Only inland, in the shel e tered valleys is there soft landscape of abun–

    dant and rich vegetation.

            The term Gilyak may be a corruption of the Manchu term "kile" which

    they apply both to the Tungus and Gilyaks.

            The Gilyak are closely surrounded by alien peoples. On Sakhalin

    Island there is pressure from the south from the formerly numerous Ainu; in

    the east, the Oroki group of Tungus have penetrated to the very heart of the

    Gilyak settlements. On the continent the Gilyak are surrounded by representa–

    tives of Tungus-Manchu tribes: Negidaltzy, Olchi, Goldi, Orochi, Samaghir,

    and Tungus proper.

            History and Origin :

            On the basis of archeological, ethnographical, and linguistic evidence

    most of the authorities believe that the Gilyaks are comparative newcomers to

    their present habitat, where they have lived for the last two-three hundred

    years.

            Most of the evidence, (the extensive use of dogs, mode of dog driving,

    and the use of the arctic type semi-subterranean house) point to some northern

    locality as their original home.

            The Sakhalin Island Gilyaks are undoubtedly related to the continental

    group, as many identical clans exist in both places, and there are many references

    to the appearance of Gilyak clans on Sakhalin Island from the north. The new

    settlers from the mainland apparently reached the island where they encountered

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0384                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

    the Ainu and forced them to move southward. Many tales of bloody wars with

    Ainu are still extant in Gilyak folklore. The Sakhalin Gilyaks have Ainu names

    for the indigenous plants and animals of the island which are not found on the

    continent. Numerous remains of underground dwellings found all over the island

    are called by Gilyaks Kugu-Tulkch - the Ainu pits.

            The first encounter with the Russians took place in the XVIIth century.

    Attempts to introduce Christianity date back to the XVIIIth century. Some

    natives studied in Russian schools, but, in general, the Gilyaks retained their

    native culture. It has been reported that the Soviet Minority policy has made

    rapid progress introducing the alphabet, schools, hospitals, libraries,

    organized cooperatives for fishing and hunting, and disposal of furs.

            Physical Anthropology :

            In the opinion of many authorities the present day Gilyaks represent

    a complex of Mongoloid traits with deviations a) toward the Tungus type; b) to–

    ward the Ainu, and are perhaps the result of a conisderable inter-mixture. The

    Tungus traits with fuller Mongoloid characteristics are more pronounced among

    the Gilyak women while the men have more or less oval faces, straight forehead,

    moderate cheek-bones, slight or totally absent slantiness of eyes, larger

    nose, and profusion of face and body hair - and are inclined toward the Ainu

    type.

            The average height is 150-172 cms for males, and 148-159 for females,

    is greater than among the Tungus. The head is described as disproportionately

    large and plato-brachicephalic.

            There is variation in cephalic index between the continental and the

    Sakhalin Gilyaks: 81.1 and 80.7 for males and females of the former, and 85.7

    and 84.8 for the latter.

            The hair is black, worn in one braid by the males and in two by females.

    The skin is of dirthy-swarthy color with red cheeks among the young. The lips

    004      |      Vol_VIII-0385                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

    are thick, the teeth are usually dark-yellow (due to constant smoking), the

    hands and feet are small.

            The facial index is 85.7 and 82.9 for males and females of continental

    Gilyaks and 86.7 and 84.3 respectively for the Sakhalin group.

            Formerly the Gilyaks suffered from Black pox and small-pox epidemics

    which resulted in a considerable decrease in the original numbers. Lepros

    was found both among the cont [ ?] nent and the Sakhalin groups. A type of

    nervous disorder - which has symptoms of erotic mainia has been reported

    among the island group.

            Language :

            The Gilyak language, in structure, phonetics, and vocabulary is not

    related to surrounding tribes and is customarily grouped with the Paleo–

    Siberian languages. Structurally and grammatically it is closer to the

    languages of the American North Pacific coast, It forms an island among the

    Tungus-Manchu languages.

            A peculair feature of the Gilyak language is a system of counting

    which has twenty-four different sets of forms for various groups of objects,

    according to their shape. This system is based not on the abstract concept

    of numbers but on counting concrete object [ ?]. This geometrical similarity of

    shape, of course, is not always followed through. For example, harpoon

    points are included in the series for living beings, as well as dog collars

    (actually the dogs). They also sometimes include objects in a group to which

    they no longer belong, because previously they did have the shape of these

    objects; for example, an axe is included in the group of round objects, be–

    cause it used to be round in shape.

            This method of counting is strongly reminiscent of the Ts [ ?] mshians of

    the American northwest coast, and in general there is a similarity with the

    American languages in the common tendency for polysynthetism, the extreme

    005      |      Vol_VIII-0386                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

    mobility of phonetic changes, types of duplication, etc.

            There are two main Gilyak dialects: the Sakhalin, and the Amur, and

    5-6 dialects.

            Dwellings :

            The Gilyaks are semi-sedentary and change their abode several times

    during the summer, moving up and down the rivers and to the sea-coast hunting

    seals in the river mouth, and following the migrating fish. They live in

    villages of various size, near the sea-shore or along the rivers. Thus on the

    western coast of Sakhalin in 1891 there were 25 villages consisting of 245

    families (561 men and 480 females) living in 78 houses.

            The houses are set in a line, with srorage places near-by, which serve

    as summer dwellings. The ancient form of winter dwelling is a semi-subterranean

    hut, similar to the Kamchadal-Koriak type, with a pyramid-shaped wooden roof, [ ?]

    covered with earth and grass. An opening on the top serves as a window, and

    smoke hole. While there is a side door leading to a small, narrow, sloping

    passage-way, this smoke hole is used as a means for entrance for ceremonial

    purposes (Bear Festival, etc.) and evidently originally served as the only

    exit. In the center of the hut there is a clay container for the hearth, and

    around the walls are sleeping benches.

            The more recent type of dwelling adopted from the Manchus is a large

    plank cabin without a smoke hole, with a gabled roof, and windows covered

    with fish-skin. There is no ceiling, only several beams.

            From a large fire place there extends a long enclosed pipe out of

    brick or clay - smeared wood or stone. It runs near the ground, all along the

    walls, and leads through an underground passage outside, terminating with a

    tall vertical chimney starting from the ground.

            This pipe is covered, forming warm benches used for sleeping and sitting.

            The center is occupied by a raised square platform on which the dogs

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0387                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

    are fed. Boxes with valuable belongings (Chinese silks, robes, treasured

    spears, furs), bedding, etc., are kept on these benches. A taper of fish fat

    provides illumination. The storage buildings are set on poles with the floor

    three feet above the ground, with gabled roofs.

            It is interesting to note that for ceremonial purposes requiring an

    exit other than through the door, in this type of dwelling the Gilyaks remove

    the fish-skin covering from the windows to be used as an exit or entrance.

            During the summer the Gilyaks use a conical huts or log cabins.

            Food :

            The basic food of the Gilyaks is fish, eaten raw, frozen, or sun–

    dried. The last type with the addition of fish or seal fat is the basic diet

    during the winter. During the seasonal run of salmon, thousands of fish are

    caught in nets, and by other means, and are d i r ied and stored for the winter.

            The meat of seals, dolphins, and other sea animals are eaten and the

    diet is supplemented with various berries, nuts, purchased millet, rye, pota–

    toes, brick tea and sugar. The use of salt is recent. A special dish "mos"

    is made out of a thick syrup of boiled fish skins and seal fat to which are

    added berries, rice and finely cut dry fish, and white clay for color. When

    the mixture is cool l e d, after cooking, the skins are separated, the pieces of

    fish are chewed fine by the cook and spat back into the container, now ready

    to serve.

            Dress :

            In winter both sexes wear fur coats of dog fur with hair outside, fur

    leggings and seal-skin boots of Chinese pattern. Fur pants are worn under

    the coat. In addition, the men wear skirts of seal-skin reaching the knees

    to protect the fur-coat from wear while sitting on snow. A dog or fox-fur

    hat with ear laps and long gloves covering the sleeves are worn in winter.

    Sometimes a cloth coat is worn instead of a fur coat. Women's dress is some–

    what longer, and more decorated.

            I



    007      |      Vol_VIII-0388                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

            In summer time the Gilyaks formerly wore coats of tanned fishkins,

    beautifully decorated with embroidery, applique or painted designs. Now

    these have been replaced by coats of purchased Russian or Chinese cottons.

    Women use shells, and metal pendants and applique decorations. Boots are

    large and filled with hay.

            At h the present time the women wear aprons, copper bracelets, glass

    beads, wooden amulets, and large lead ear-rings. The men wear belts on which

    are suspended a knife in container, iron to strike a light, pipe cleaner, etc.

    Pipe and tobacco pouch are kept inside the coat.

            Tools, Arms, etc. :

            The main hunting and war arms consist of a bow and arrows, and a spear.

    The bow is of a composite type, about six feet long, made of ash and whale bone.

    Arrows are of the same wood with iron points. Now the bone has been supplanted

    by guns. Some ancient iron chain armor is preserved. On Sakhalin there are

    silver incrustated spears with long handles. On the continent both spear-points

    and knives are native-made and crudely forged. Harpoons, cross bows and compo–

    site spears are used for sea-animal hunting.

            Nets are made by women out of thread prepared from wild hemp. Birch

    bark containers are used for storage and dishes. The copper and large iron

    kettles for food and smaller ones for tea are purchased as well as cups and

    saucers.

            Transportation :

            During the winter the main mode of transportation is on foot (snow-shoes)

    and on dog-drawn sleighs. The Gilyak sleigh (somewhat similar to that of the

    Kamchadals, is well made of thin birch blocks with light intertwining near the

    seat. They are two meters long, 30 cms wide and high. The runners are so

    curved that only a part of them touches the ground, thus enabling the sleigh

    to glide smoothly over the hard-packed snow or ice. Although it is light, the

    008      |      Vol_VIII-0389                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

    is sturdy and easily transportable, and it is quite able to carry a quarter

    ton of load. [ ?] On the other hand the Gilyak sleigh is easily upset and

    for this reason the rider rides astride, and keeps his legs in snow shoes on

    the ground, sliding alongside the runners, maintaining in this way the balance

    and changing the direction. In addition he uses an iron-topped pole set

    between the runners and the first cross bar as a brake.

            The lead dog is well-trained and valuable (30-50 rubles in comparison

    with 3-8 rubles for an ordinary dog.) The sleigh of the wealthy Gilyak is

    drawn by 12-13 dogs while that of a poorer man may be drawn by 3-5.

            During the warm time of the year the Gilyaks use a dug-out or plank

    canoe made of poplar. It is about 20 feet long and is extremely light, so

    that even a child can easily lift and carry it. Its bottom is almost flat,

    to permit passage in shallow waters. One short oar is used.

            This dog-sleigh complex was apparently borrowed from the Gilyaks by

    their neighbours the Ainu, Goldi and Orochi.

            Occupation :

            The main occupations of the Gilyaks are fishing, hunting of land and sea

    animals, and dog breeding.

            Fishing is done in teams of 15-20 men with large fish nets, harpoons

    and hooks. Fish traps are also used. During the seasonal run of salmon and

    other such fish, great quantities are caught. Fishing is possible even with a

    sharpened stick. Keta and gorbusha (types of salmon) provide the basic food

    for both humans and dogs. Fish skins are use for manufacturing clothes and

    footwear.

            Sea animal hunting is very important as it furnishes the Gilyaks with fats

    and valuable skins.

            Seal is hunted early in the spring on the ice-dovered shores. Trained

    009      |      Vol_VIII-0390                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

    dogs locate the seal breathing holes into which the Gilyak place specially

    shaprened iron hooks tied to a pole placed across the hole. The snared animal

    is dragged out and killed with the blow of a specially prepared mallet, whose

    handle has the carved image of a seal.

            Later when the shores are clear of ice, the Gilyaks set out to sea in

    large boats with 6-7 sets of oars to hunt seal. The best shot sits in front,

    and the owner of the boat, who is the leader of the party, directs operations or

    steers the boat.

            The eared seal is considered the most valuable as it furnishes material

    for thongs, harness and shoes.

            The fish net, toal-k'e , made of heavy twine, is about 200 feet long, with

    large mesh. The upper rope is called - the back , a heavy stone is tied to the

    sea end and serves as an anchor, while smaller stones along the lower edge serve

    as sinkers, and large wooden blocks as floaters. This is sued for a type of

    eared seal (Eumetropias jubatus.)

            Hunting of land animals is done mostly in the fall.

            When the bears descend to the rivers to get salmon, during the return run

    they are killed with spears or guns. Somewhat later in the season for sable,

    which the Gilyaks hunt with rope snares and traps. The Gilyaks leave their

    homes for several weeks and go to the "inherited" sable springs, live in huts

    and set their traps.

            Dogs occupy an aimportant part in Gilyak economy, for they are used

    as draft animals, and furnish warm fur for clothing. Dog meat is eaten and

    considered a delicacy. The dogs are well taken care of, fed with fish and

    sea fat, or a special soup made of dry fish heads. [ ?] The driving dogs are kept

    During the summer the driving dogs are kept tied near the houses, tied to

    separate poles to prevent fighting. In some places special wind breaks or

    010      |      Vol_VIII-0391                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

    (in Sakhalin) special dog houses) are constructed for them in winter. The

    pregnant bitch gets special care and food. Female pups are fattened up and

    killed for fur and meat, male pups are killed only if they are unfit as sleigh

    dogs.

            Sleigh dogs wear collars, and are trained after they are six month old,

    starting them at the rear (last pair) and gradually moving them to the lead.

    The lead dog must be strong. Mature dogs are castrated for sleigh work, and

    their tails are cut off.

            There are a number of native remedies to cure various dog sicknesses

    or injuries. The mode of harnessing is reminiscent of that of the Kamchadals.

            Social Organization :

            While ethnographically and linguistically the Gilyaks may be divided

    into major groups, the Amur or Continental, and the Sakhalin Gilyaks, they

    undoubtedly once formed one tribal group, inasmuch as branches of one clan

    can be found in both places.

            The clan or kahl is organized along the [ ?] patrilineal, exogamic

    pattern. It therefore includes all the brothers (real and [ ?] classificatory)

    of an individual's father, and their fathers, all of his brothers, and the

    children and grandchildren.

            There is a strong communal feeling among the clan members and clan

    consciousness is very important, because transgression of clan exogamy is an

    unpardonable offense. This feeling of community includes the mutual responsi–

    bility, where, the whole clan, collectively and individually, is responsible

    for a crime committed by one of its members, and may therefore be subject to

    revenge killing or have to pay the necessary fine. Clan vengeance is very

    strong.

            An outsider, on some rare occasions, may be adopted.



    011      |      Vol_VIII-0392                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

            The clan regulated the affairs of the community and decides who among

    the surviving tuvn of the deceased should take the widow and children. Intra–

    clan quarrels, or crimes are settled by a special group of leaders selected

    from the most eloquent and clever people.

            The role of the clan is very important in marriage, inasmuch as the

    father-in-law of a clan members is considered the father-in-law of the whole

    clan.

            Only men form the permanent element of the clan. Women either leave

    the clan or come to it from another.

            It is the clan responsibility to care for widows, orphans, the sick

    and crippled.

            The "common fire" is the symbol of the unity of the clan, and only a

    clansman has the right to kindle a fire on the hearth of a fellow clansman

    or to take fire out of his hut. A special firebrand is kept by the elder of

    the clan, and used for ceremonial fires.

            There are also a group of clan spirits, and clan worship of the bear

    is observed in the bear festival.

            The clan has a common burial ground.

            Marriage :

            Marriage regulations among the Gilyaks are based on a complex system

    of relationships which are mianly reckoned along paternal lines, where whole

    groups of people are classed together. Basically, they distinguish agnatic

    relationship referred to as khal - nih'v'n , members of the same clan, and cognatic

    relationships of two types: a) All members of the clan into which the women

    of the first clan may marry, are referred to as ahmalk , a common father-in-law,

    and b) all these members refer to the first clan, from which they take wives

    as ymhi , common sons-in-law.



    012      |      Vol_VIII-0393                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

            In addition, there is an age group classification. The most important

    is the concept that all the speaker's brothers and sisters - tuvn (or ruvn)- meaning sibling,

    belong to the same class, and include not only the children of one father,

    but all the children of the father's brothers, and male cousins. According

    to this idea, one's wife and the wives of a husband's brothers are also tuvn .

    No sexual relationships among the members of this group is permitted.

            Consequently, the class of the generations preceding that of the

    speaker consists of the class of grandfathers and grandmothers, fathers and

    mothers, uncles and aunts. Thus fathers and paternal uncles ytk includes not

    only one's own father, but all the father's male tuvn , - and mother ymk

    includes not only one's own mother but all her female tuvn . The same classi–

    ficatory relationship applies to one's children and grandchildren.

            In accordance with this, within the husband's clan, the woman applies

    the term husband - pu - to her real husband, and to all his [ ?] male tuvn .

    Conversely, a man applies the term anhey - wife - to his real wife, to all her

    female tuvn , to the wives of all his older brothers and their female tuvn .

    Therefore, the terms pu - husband - and the term anhey - wife - include a

    whole category of people of different sex who not only may actually marry, but

    have the right to sexual relationship despite the fact that an individual may

    be married. While this gives a woman license to sexual relationship with any

    man whom she may call pu , relationship outside this class is severely punished.

            The actual rules of marriage among the Gilyaks are based on the concept

    that every woman from her birth belongs to the sons of her father's sisters,

    who are her pu , and therefore a man must marry the daughters of his mother's

    brothers. Although considerably modified in modern times, the original

    Gilyak marriage functions according to the following scheme which includes

    a cluster of three clans forming a phratry which have a reciprocal marriage

    013      |      Vol_VIII-0394                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

    relationship.

            Clan A. Male A marries female B (sister of male B.) Their sons marry

    daughters B; and their daughters marry sons C.

            Clan B. Male B marries female C (sister of male C.) Their sons marry

    daughters C; and their daughters marry sons A.

            Clan C. Male C marries female A (sister of male)A). Their sons marry

    daughter A; and their daughters marry sons B.

            The basic manner for obtaining a wife is by purchase. The bride price

    includes boats, kettles, guns, spears, fur coats, pieces of silk material,

    dogs and money. The size of the bride price is proportional to the wealth of

    both families, the age of the bride and her domestic talents. In some cases

    an orphan (male) may serve a family for several years in lieu of the bride

    price. Originally, this bride price was paid to the whole clan, but now only

    to the bride's father, or, in his absence, to the nearest of his male tuvn .

    Occasionally, a very young girl may be acquired as a wife, and the groom

    makes annual presents to his future father-in-law and pays the balance when

    she moves in.

            If no satisfactory arrangement can be made, marriage by capture takes

    place.

            The marriage ceremony is very simple. The bride is dressed in festive

    garments and carrys with her expensive fur coats and decorations as a dowry.

    This dowry remains her possession and in the case of a dissolution of the

    marriage, she can take it back. This is burned together with her at her death.

    Just before the bride leaves her father's house, a large four-eared cast iron

    kettle brought by the groom as a part of the bride price, is placed inside at

    the very door. Outside is placed another small kettle belonging to the bride's

    family.



    014      |      Vol_VIII-0395                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

            When leaving the hut, the bride and groom must first step on the inside

    kettle then on the one outside. The first kettle remains with the bride's

    family and the second is taken to the groom's house.

            After one year the young couple visit the father-in-law, and the same

    is repeated. A cup is placed beside the kettle, and these objects are ex–

    changed. This symbolizes the custom of mutual feeding and hospitality which

    from now on exists between the two clans, and is especially strong for the man's

    father in law.

            There is a strong bond between the clans who either give or take wives,

    and is expressed in mutual hospitality, participation in communal summer and

    winter hunting, and often very close friendship among the members.

            Divorce is simple. A husband may return an unsatisfactory wife and

    receive the bride price, or a father may return the bride price and demand his

    daughter.

            Polygamy is restricted and occurs when a brother acquires his brother's

    widow, or when one's wife is sterile, or one desires an additional worker. With

    the greater proportion of men (about 55%) and the existence of polygamy, there are many

    bachelors among the Gilyaks.

            Birth :

            The Gilyaks understand the biological reasons for pregnancy, yet the

    concept persists that [ ?] pregnancy is the result of the penetration of a

    child's soul into the woman.

            There are many taboos during pregnancy: e.g., salt, and certain fish.

    The woman continues to work if she can t until the time for delivery. It is

    believed that the child is tied to the mother, and, therefore, during her

    pregnancy she should avoid any kind of tying, as it may make delivery more

    difficult. In order to facilitate the delivery, everything in the household

    015      |      Vol_VIII-0396                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks:

    should be untied. The prospective father unbraids his hair, unties his belt

    and shoestrings, unloads his guns and unties his boats. During his wife's

    pregnancy the husband must also avoid such tying actions, and work on iron

    or skins. During the actual delivery and until the umbilical cord heals he

    does no work at all.

            Since the woman is considered unclean during delivery, childbirth

    takes place in a specially constructed conical hut, covered with canvas or

    pine branches, built by the husband and some of the older women of the clan.

    No men are present at the delivery. A woman's brothers must not enter the

    hut; since one drop of the pregnant woman's blood would make them deathly ill.

            Many amulets are used during birth and afterwards. At the entrance

    to the birth hut an axe is placed to prevent the evil spirits from causing

    any misfortune. The relatives also sacrifice different foods to a specially

    carved wooden figure representing a woman in the act of delivery, hoping thus

    to placate the evil spirits.

            The mother, herself, cuts the umbilical cord with a special curved

    knife, leaving a part of the cord with the newborn child, and ties it with

    wild hemp string. Until the umbilicus heals, the child's life is in danger

    from evil spirits. After it falls off, it is wrapped in the specially prepared

    willow shavings from a stick whose upper part has been carved into the image

    of a man. This is kept until the child grows up, when he must throw it away

    in the forest.

            The placenta, called "child's food" is wrapped in similar shavings

    and hung outside the birth hut on a pole. Later, it is placed in a hollow

    of a birch ba tree together with the blood-soaked shavings and moss.

            The newborn infant is not referred to as a boy or girl, but for a

    female as "tail-less child" and for male "one with a penis."

            If the mother has lost many children in infancy, in order to prevent

    the newborn child's death, she bites off and swallows the tip of her little

    016      |      Vol_VIII-0397                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

    finger, thus fooling the evil spirits. Or the infant may be brought home

    through a special opening dug under the lower log of the back wall of the hut.

    The mother, who is still in the birth hut, places the child on a shovel which

    the father has pushed inside. This is then dragged into the house through

    the special entrance and then dragged to the door, where a specially invited

    girl (the father's sister's daughter, or the daughter of the father's younger

    brother) enters the hut and steps over the threshold and the child at the

    same time. This is done to confuse the evil spirits.

            Actions designed to guard the child from evil include the smoking out

    of evil spirits from the cradle. The milk teeth of the child are collected,

    and with a piece of dried fish are given to a special dog (male for boys and

    female for girls) which then becomes the property of the child and can not

    be sold or given away. When this dog gets old it is ceremoniously strangled

    by its owner. During the lifetime of the owner, the dog's hair can serve as

    an amulet, also the dog's teeth.

            About ten days to two weeks after delivery, the mother returns home.

    There are no purification ceremonies.

            Death and Burial :

            Death, according to the Gilyaks, is not the result of natural causes

    but occurs because of evil spirits. It is imagined as the separation of

    soul from the body. The soul is either in the blood, or in the hair at the

    very top of the head, which is always left uncut with children. The Gilyaks

    believe in the existence of two souls: a large one the size of the man's

    body, and the other the size of an egg and located in the head of the first

    soul. After death, this second soul is transformed into a large soul and

    becomes a double of the deceased and goes to the "country of shadows". The

    souls of some people are transformed into plants or birds, and their teeth

    017      |      Vol_VIII-0398                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

    into the roots of bulbous plants.

            It is believed that som p e place on earth there is an opening, leading

    to this abode of the dead. There everything is the same as on earth: sky,

    sea, rivers, forests, only the sun shines when there is night on earth and

    fice-versa. The dead peoples continue to live there as on earth with the

    usual occupations, festivals, families, etc. Only the rich become poor, and

    the poor become rich.

            The soul of a man who did not die a natural death but was killed can

    not go there. Unless the death is avenged, the soul can not leave the earth,

    and in the shape of a grey, red-beaked, aven f g ing bird, it roams over the earth

    with terrible cires. Its end is terrible: decaying gradually it falls on

    the ground. Over the grave of the killed person, as a terrible memento, is

    placed a tree stump with roots upwards, which are shaped as a bird, sometimes

    with iron teeth and human feet.

            When the murder is settled by payment of a fine, an additional sacrif–

    ice of a dog is necessary to pacify this terrible bird.

            The Gilyaks do not fear their dead. When death is near, the relatives

    gather and support the dying man on a bench. After death, they blow smoke

    into his face to give him pleasure. His braid is untied and his body is

    placed on its back with the legs flexed so that the soles are flat. It is

    allowed to become rigid in this position, and tied with thongs under the knees.

    The body is left in the house for several days.

            All the relatives help in the preparation of the funeral and the

    funeral feast. The women prepare funeral clothing out of pieces of silk.

    Special footwear is prepared as nothing made out of seal may be taken with

    the dead man.

            The men gather fir wood for the cremation ceremony. The funeral pry,e

    in the shape of a rectangle has three layers of wood for man, and four for women.

    018      |      Vol_VIII-0399                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

    The body is tied to a sleigh which is taken inside the hut, and is carried

    out feet first.by four people. Several dogs are led before the sleigh t and

    are killed during the cremation and on the day of the farewell ceremony.

            One dog is tied to the sleigh or placed on top of it until the sleigh

    is carried around the fire (three times for men, four for women). Then it is

    taken into the hut and put in a special place. It will be the temporary abode

    of the man's soul and is treated as a human, given the same food from the

    vessels of the dead man.

            The sleigh is carried around the pyre in the direction of the sun be–

    cause the abode of the dead is in the south. The body and legs are untied.

    Shavings are prepared by the men and placed near the pyre, which is lit from

    the head side, then near the legs, and then wood is piled to cover it comple–

    tely. Each one places some wood or shavings to express his participation. The

    special fire "live" is obtained by friction.

            During the ceremony the sl i e igh is broken and several dogs are killed

    by a blow on the head with a pole. If the special dog-companion is still

    alive, it is also killed. The meat of these dogs is cooked there, and then

    the feast follows. None of the remains may be carried inside the house.

            Several days after the cremation, the farewell crer ceremony takes

    place. A small figured dressed in the same silk as the funeral dress, (repre–

    senting the deceased,) is placed inside a miniature hut together with supplies

    for traveling - tobacco, food, etc. Other supplies are placed outside the

    hut. Thus fully equipped the soul departs for the abode of the dead.

            Some Gilyaks bury their dead in a shallow grave into which they place

    a house shaped wood coffin. The body is placed, head to toe south. All his

    personal effects, which are broken, are placed with him. The coffin is covered

    with two thick boards, with a space between, which is covered by another board

    019      |      Vol_VIII-0400                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

    referred to as a "boat". The grave is then closed leaving a bit of the third

    board exposed. Four handsomely carved boards, "the oars", are placed outside

    the grave. Between the "oars" is a large image of the deceased, and on a pole

    near the head, a pail, cup, sable trap, and other supplies are hung.

            After death the sould continues to lead an existence similar to its

    life on earth. If the remaining spouse remarries, the soul does too. The soul

    continues to live with its clansmen. A married woman's soul goes to her hus–

    band's clan.

            If a man dies away from his clan, his body is brought back to the clan

    for the funeral ceremony. If he is cremated elsewhere, at least one bone is

    carefully preserved and sent to the clan cemetery.

            The clan cemetery, thus, is a regular arrangement of these miniature

    houses, and each Gilyak must be buried in his clan cemetery.

            As a symbol of mourning both men and women unbraid their hair for a

    certain length of time.

            A child's corpse is not buried, as it is believed that the child's

    sould does not wander after death.

            Religion :

            The ancient religion of the Gilyaks was as little affected by the

    Christianity introduced by the Russians as by the Chinese beliefs which so

    greatly influenced their neighbours.

            In its native form, the Gilyak beliefs are characterized by a strongly

    developed cult of clan dieties and beliefs connected with their fishing and

    hunting economy. Shamanism is much less developed than among their neighbors

    and it is the clan elder and not a shaman who officiates. in T t he clan religious

    ceremonies.

            The Gilyak cosmogenic concepts lack definition.



    020      |      Vol_VIII-0401                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

            The Gilyaks refer to the world as kurn . The island where they live is mif

    (earth). It is a live being whose "head", the Cape of Mary, and chin ( Pvtkiry )

    reach the Sea of Okhotsk; two peninsulas in the Korsakov region from its "legs".

            The sky is inhabited by whole tribes of tly-nivukh - the heavenyl people

    who only seldom interfere in Gilyak life and then only for fun; thus, sometimes

    one of the spirits lowers to the earth his fishing rod with hooks to snatch a

    Gilyak.

            The hunting-fishing complex is characteristic of the typical Siberian

    concept of spirit owners.

            Strongly anthropomorphic, the Spirit Owners are numerous and include

    Spirits in charge of important localities, animals, and phenomena of nature.

            Spirit Owner of Mountains and Taiga - Pal'm-y' lives on the highest

    mountain, together with may of his relatives. He uses bears as his dogs, and

    is in charge of all the forest animals whom he distributes at will among the

    Gilyaks. Thus he "orders" the sable to "wear a rich fur coat" and hurry into the

    trap of the Gilyak, or tells the bear to allow the hunter to deal a mortal blow.

            Spirit Owner of the Sea: Tajrndaz or Toll'zy' lives at the bottom of

    the sea. He is an old man with a grey beard, and lives in an underwater house

    with his wife. He has many boxes with the roe of various fish which the old man

    scatters over the sea from time to time thus sending out innumerable schools of

    salmon, which form the foundation of the Gilyak economic lfe. He sends out car–

    niverous fish ( kasatka ) to keep order in the sea and drive all kinds of sea

    animals toward the Gilyaks. He also created rivers by holding a rod in his hands

    and going from the gulf toward the mountains making tributaries to the rivers

    formed by the passage of his reindeer. His reindeer runs unevenly turning from

    side to side thus forming the uneven course of rivers. This work was so hard

    that near the river of Liarvo the animal died and was transformed into a white

    stone which still is being pointed to by the Gilyaks.



    021      |      Vol_VIII-0402                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

            An important concept is that the outward form of an animal is only an

    apparent one and not the real one. In reality every animal is an anthropomorphic

    being, the same as the Gilyaks, and endowed with intellect and strength not

    rarely exceeding that of men. Transformation of animals into men and vice versa

    occurs very often.

            An important, but loosely defined concept is the use of inau . This is

    a small stick one end of which is pared to form a cluster of shavings around it.

    Sometimes inau is identified with the Spirit, or serves i o nly as its abode. [ ?]

    Inau are profusely used in various ceremonies. (See Ainu for great development

    of the inau cult.)

            There are also numerous amulets and Spirit representations. Many unusual

    objects can serve as amulets. The majority of them, however, are made out of

    wood and represent c u r udely carved figures of various animals often in anthro–

    pomorphic form. Thus, there are human figures with heads of the sea-lion, owl,

    wolf, double half-man half-bear images, etc.

            These amulets serve to protect the wearer from Evil Spirits and are

    also placed on the breast of the sick. In every Gilyak hut there is a large

    human figure placed on the cross beam furtherest from the entrance.

            Every animal captured by the Gilyaks is venerated. The heads of captured

    seals are decorated with inau and ceremoniously lowered into the sea. The heads

    of belukha or white whale and other sea animals are set on poles on the sea shore.

            Among the land animals the bear and among the sea animals the " Kasatka "

    the toothes whale, is the most venerated. Kasatka is never hunted and when the

    dead body is thrown on the shore it is ceremoniously burried in a specially

    constructed hut and decorated with inau .

            Clan Dieties:

            The clan deities or spirits - pal ' nivukh - the forest people, or tol ' nivukh -

    022      |      Vol_VIII-0403                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks tol' nivukh -

    the sea people, form a special category of important spirits to whom the Gilyaks

    most frequently give offerings, both individually and as a clan.

            There are also less important Spirit Owners befriended by the more impor–

    tant Spirit Owners of Mountain, Water, Fire, etc., which are the former souls of

    people who met their death in an unusual way; for example, a man killed by a

    bear during a hunt, a man who drowned, a man killed accidently, or burned to

    death due to his own carelessness, a woman who died, according to the shaman, be–

    cause a bear fell in love with her; all these do not go to the usual County of

    Shadows after death but become clan deities.

            Sacrifices to these clan Spirits are made periodically when special

    elaborate feasts are prepared: in spring with the appearance of the seal - to

    the Sea or River Spirits, when food is lowered through holes in the ice. On the

    Amur River this festival is celebrated right after the ice breaks - boats are

    decorated with "inau" and gay races take place.

            The whole community, rich and poor alike, take part in these festivals

    and preparations.

            Connected with these clan Spirits are objects of cult and clan taboos

    obligatory for all clansmen but not for outsiders. The whole clan has the common

    responsibility of maintaining these taboos and their transgression by outsiders

    is punishable by a fine - thusind . This may be the result of quarrels with the

    members of other clans who may accidently damage the fire fence, drop a bear bone

    during the bear festival, commit transgression of the inviolability of all attri–

    butes of Bear Festival, i.e., the poles to which bear is tied, stakes with bear

    head, storage house where the festival dishes and bear bones are kept, etc.

            Spirit of Fire is a clan deity and is imagined as an Old Woman (or an old

    couple with children) who is considered the clan ancestor and benevolent Spirit.

    She commands the respect of other Spirits and therefore serves as the protector

    023      |      Vol_VIII-0404                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

    of the clan and an intermediary between them and other Spirits. Consequently

    before starting anything of importance the Gilyak gives her an offering by throw–

    ing into the fire a leaf of tobacco, a sweet root, and a drop of vodka asking

    the Fire Spirit to fulfill his wish, who, in turn, conveys this request to the

    appropriate Spirit.

            Only a clansman can start a fire in a fireplace, or take the fire outside.

    [ ?] member of another clan, therefore, can not leave the hut without finishing his

    pipe which he lighted from the fire of the other clan's member. Transgression

    of this may result in bad luck for the owner of the fire, and it is punished.

    The oldest member of the clan is the keeper of the clan fire-making apparatus,

    which must be used to produce the fire for the bear festival. If the clan is divi–

    ded, the fire apparatus is broken in two.

            In addition of offerings of food there are also blood sacrifices, usually

    of dogs which are killed ceremonially by strangulation, and is a symbol of a

    messenger,the soul of which after death reaches the Spirit.

            The most important clan ceremonial is the so-called Bear Festival, which

    actually has an inter-clan character. While the clan which organizes the festival

    bears the cost and care, the i m ost important role is played by the other clans

    invited to participate. The native term - chkhyk-lekhernd - means bear's play.

    The women are forbidden to be present.

            Usually this ceremonial is arranged in memory of a deceased relative.

    A bear cub is captured or bought, and brought with expressions of gaiety and joy

    into the village, where it is placed in a separate hut made of logs and decorated

    at the corners with sacred trees.

            For several years the cub is fed and cared for in turn by every family of

    this clan. The festival takes place usually in February, the month when the

    Gilyaks are least b y u sy, and lasts several days. Many guests arrive, with most

    024      |      Vol_VIII-0405                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

    important role played by the narkhi - the representatives of the clan to which

    the host's clan give its women in marriage.

            Narkhi are the honored guests and they are given the honor of killing

    the bear as well as the whole meat and skin of the animal.

            Several days prior to the festival a special arena is prepared, surroun–

    ded with sacred poles decorated with carving and "inau".

            On the day of the killing, [ ?] na-khan-ku , the bear is taken out of

    the cage and ceremoniously led thrice around the master's hut, and tied between

    two sacred posts. The oldest of the clan, or the host, feeds the bear and thus

    adressed the animal: "Good-bye. I feed you for the last time. Go to your

    Master. Go well. May your Master love you very much."

            Much prepared food is placed on the arena and the guests led by the host

    and narkhi approach the animal. One of the narkhi kills the bear with a bow and

    arrow.

            A definite ritual governs dividing the bear's meat: the skin and head

    are brought into the hut through the smoke opening (which formerly served as

    the main entrance). The head is placed on the place of honor and surrounded

    with various delicacies.

            On the third day a feast takes place, but only the narkhi can eat the

    bear's meat, it being forbidden to the host and his clan. Games, dog races, and

    dances mark this day, and it is a point of honor for the host to provide the

    best food regardless of how difficult it may be financially.

            The festival ends with the sacrifice of dogs also on the arena where the

    bear head and all offerings are brought. The dogs are fed for the last time and

    admonished: "Go to your Master. Go to the highest mountain; climb up, change

    your fur. Do this, come down. Good bye. Go well." The dogs are strangled and

    their meat is cooked and consumed but only by members of the host's clan.



    025      |      Vol_VIII-0406                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

            Next day the bear's head and bones, dishes, leather straps, etc., are

    taken into a special storage hut. From this moment on the bear's soul departs

    to his Master, carrying all the presents, and accompanied by a dozen or so

    gaily running dogs and souls of inau until they reach the highest mountain - the

    abode of the Master - the Spirit Owner of the Forest.

            A somewhat abbreviated ceremony takes place each time a bear is killed

    in the hunt. The body of the killed animal is met with triumphant music. Its

    head is placed on a sacred platform, fed and given presents, dogs are sacrificed

    and the bear's remains are placed in the same sacred hut.

            Another type of clan ceremony is the prayer given to water, which takes

    place in spring and fall, apparently addressed to the Spirit Owner of Water or

    Sea. Special types of wooden bowls - "the water vessels" are used for this

    purpose only.

            These elongated bowls prepared under the direction of the shaman represent

    various fish and water fowl, one end representing the head and the other the

    tail. Before the ceremony they are arranged on the sleeping benches and filled

    with various offerings: a dry fish tail, beans, cooked fish, tobacco, etc.

    Any fishing gear belonging to the clan should be taken out of the water.

            Only men participate in the ceremony. Toward evening the vessels are

    placed on a sleigh and drawn toward the river. A hole is cut in the ice and two

    poles forming a gate are placed near it. Food is then thrown into the water

    and pushed under the ice with a ceremonial stick by the eldest of the men. If

    the offerings continue to float it means that the Spirit Owner of Water does not

    "love and will not give much fish."

            After a sacrifice a piece of ice is placed into each bowl and brought

    home. A similar ceremony takes place in the spring after the ice has passed:

    the "gate" is placed on the shore, and instead of ice, pebbles are brought home.



    026      |      Vol_VIII-0407                                                                                                                  
    Gilyak

            Sky ceremony :

            This winter ceremony takes place in December among the Amur Gilyaks

    and is addressed to the Spirit of Sky. All traps and snares are taken off. A

    pig (bought) or a dog is ceremonially stabbled in the heart by the oldest of

    the clansmen. Women are excluded from the ceremony. The blood is sprinkled upwards

    and a tree and images of Spirits are smeared with it and the Spirit of the Sky

    is addressed: "Sky, give me luck to capture many animals."

            A similar libation of vodka is given to the Sky and images.

            The meat is cut and cooked. A feast follows. The remainder of food is

    divided into portions and carried to other homes.

            Shamanism :

            The main function of the Gilyak shaman is to cure. While he may be

    present during the Bear Festival he can not perform his incantations. There is

    a definite lack of specialization inasmuch as may Gilyaks can dance, beat the

    drum and sing like a shaman or even own shamanistic paraphennelia.

            The real shaman, however, is thought to have several souls, while the

    ordinary Gilyak has one, and the rich Gilyak has two. He also has special

    H l e lpers and Spirit Protectors of two kinds: kenkh and kenchkh . The first cate–

    gory: wolves, reindeer, heavenly hares, birds, are his helpers, they expel

    evil spirits from the sick, and carry the shaman's soul in his quest of a

    stolen soul. During the cure a piece of material is spread so they may rest, a

    cup with sugar d and choice food for them to eat, and a leather strap, a kettle,

    and a nail are prepared. These last three articles serve the Kenkh for strapping

    the body of the dead while carrying it from the village of the dead into the

    hut where it is placed in the kettle and pricked with the nail. Otherwise, if

    the body is placed on a bench or a floor, the soul can run away.

            Evil spirits are of a variety of shapes and appear in the form of

    various animals, e.g., bear or toad, etc. They live on the earth, sea, under the

    027      |      Vol_VIII-0408                                                                                                                  
    Gilyaks

    ground and in the sky. Some are evil by nature, others are the bastard children

    of Good spirits, who become evil.

            Some evil spirits steal stuff from storage places, traps and snares,

    or cause various troubles. Others cause sickness and even death. Such are the

    Evil Spirit of the Forest, Evil Spirit of the Fields, Evil Spirit of the Sea, etc.

    The shaman learns the cause of the sickness in his dream and suggests a sacri–

    fice as a cure. Another method is an actual incantation ceremony which follows the

    usual pattern. The third method is the cure from a distance. When a man gets

    sick in a place where there is no shaman, he goes outside, gives an offering

    to the Spirits and shouts loudly "Hey, shaman, I am ill; help me!" This

    causes the shaman far away to start his incantations. He sends out his spirit

    helpers and the sick man hears the sound of the drum and images of the Spirit.

    Returning home he relates his miraculous cure.

            Some home methods of cure may be used without the help of a shaman.

    Thus a hysteric woman was placed on the platform for cleaning fish, and a

    bon-fire of rags, dog excrements and foul-smelling garbage is made under her.

    The evil spirit that entered the woman is driven away [ ?]

    by the terrible smell of this fire.

    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0409                                                                                                                  


    Bibliography

    Czaplicka, M.A.

    Aboriginal Siberia , Oxford 1914

    Gmelin, J.G.

    The Trip Through Siberia from 1733-1743 , Gottingen 1751-1752

    Jochelson, Waldemar

    Peoples of Asiatic Russia , Amer. Mus. Of Nat. History,

    New York, 1928

    Kreinovich, E.A.

    Dog Breeding and its Relation to Religious Ideology .

    Ethnography, Vol XII, No. 4. Leningrad, 1930

    Kreinovich, E.A.

    Gilyak Numerals , Inst. of Peoples of the North,

    Research Assoc., Vol. I, No 3., Leningrad 1932

    Kreinovich, E.A.

    Sea Animal Hunting Among the Gilyaks of the Kul' Village

    Soviet Ethnography. No 5, pp 78-96, Moscow, 1934

    Kreinovich, E.A.

    The Cosmogony of Sakhalin Gilyaks .

    The Ethnography., Vol. VII, No 1, Moscow, 1929

    Levin, M. G.

    The Giliaks (in a volume) Religious Beliefs of the Peoples

    of the USSR. pp. 67-82, Moscow 1931

    Piludski, B.

    Leprosy among the Gilyaks and Ainu Peoples - Lemberg 1913

    Birth, Pregnancy, Miscarriage, Twins, etc. among the Natives

    of Sakhalin
    .

    Zhivaya Starina, Vol. 73-74, Part I-II, Moscow 1910

    Schrenk, P.L.

    The Trip and Exploration of the Amur Region in the Years 1854-1856

    (Kaiserliche Akademie der Wisseschaften, 4 Vol, St. Petersburg,

    1858-1881

    Schrenk, P. L.

    The Natives of the Amur Country . Ibid. Vol. 3, 1903

    Sternberg, L. J.

    The Gilyak. Ethnographical Review ,

    Vol. 60-63, pp. 1-131, Moscow, 1905

    Sternberg, L. J.

    Family and Clan in North-eastern Asia .

    Institute of Northern Tribes, Leningrad, 1933

    The Kamchadals


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0410                                                                                                                  
    EA O - Anthropology

    [Eugene A. Golomshtok)


    THE KAMCHADALS
    Page
    Country and Population 1
    Physical Anthropology 1
    Language 2
    History 2
    Occupation 4
    Dwellings 5
    Dress 7
    Food 8
    Tools, Utensils, and Weapons 9
    Transportation 10
    Social Organization 12
    Birth 13
    Religion 14
    Shamanism 18
    Bibliography 20



    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0411                                                                                                                  

    Form for receipt of article "The Kamchadale"



    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0412                                                                                                                  
    EA O - Anthropology

    [Eugene A. Golomshtok)


           

    THE KAMCHADALS

    Page
    Country and Population 1
    Physical Anthropology 1
    Language 2
    History 2
    Occupation 4
    Dwellings 5
    Dress 7
    Food 8
    Tools, Utensils, and Weapons 9
    Transportation 10
    Social Organization 12
    Birth 13
    Religion 14
    Shamanism 18
    Bibliography 20



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0413                                                                                                                  

           

    THE KAMCHADALS

            Country and Population :

            The Kamchadals - ( self-name Itelmen meaning the living one - man ), -

    a small Paleo-Siberian group now almost extinct , - represent the remnants of

    a once numerous tribe which inhabited the southern part of the Kamchatka

    peninsula, formerly a part of the Primorskaya Province , from the Amanino village

    to the west , to the and Oz i ernaya River to the east.

            At the present time they live only in the southern part two-thirds of the peninsula,

    from the mouth of the Uka River to the Kurilian Kuril Islands, and on the first of

    these islands. To the south their neighbors are the Kurilians and to the north

    the Kor i y aks.

            The Kamchadals are strongly Russianized. They number about 5,000 (1924)

    but only about 800 of them may be considered as Kamchadal proper, while the

    rest are Russianized Kamchadals.

            The term Itelmen may be applied to the Itelmen proper and to the

    mixed sedentary group of Russianized natives who live along the coast of the

    Sea of Okhotsk.

            Physical T A nthropology :

            The present-day Kamchadals are so mixed with the Russians that many

    of them have lost their former for the most part the original physical type, in which they resembled that of the

    Kor i y aks . has disappeared. Some influence of mixture with the Kurilians was also noted, while

    a small group remained more or less pure. Thus, the measurements made by Mrs.

    Jochelson among this a group of 158 men and 170 women showed little mixture with the Russian s.

    meticisation.

            The stature for males was 159.7 cm. , and 149.5 cm. for females. Width

    of head was 14.9 cm. for males, 14.4 for females, and length of head 18.8

    for males, and 18.3 for females.



    002      |      Vol_VIII-0414                                                                                                                  
    The Kamchadals

            The cephalic index for males was 78.9 and for females 78.5. Width

    of face was 14.4 and 13.7 cm. respectively. Cephalic facial index was 96.5

    for males, and 94.9 for females. The F f ew measurements on arch a eological material

    are smiliar to these. In general, the cheekbones are less pronounced than

    among their neighbors. The lips are thick full and the mouth is wide.

            Language :

            The Kamchadal language occupies a special place in the Paleo-Siberian

    group and is markedly different from that of the Kor i y aks. It is guttural

    and characterized by the presence of unchangeable roots, whose meaning is

    changed by the addition of prefixes.

            While originally there were at least four different dialects, at present

    there are but two: a) the northern, spoken by the natives of the Sedanka

    Village of the Tighil river, which contains many Koriak words; and b) the

    western - spoken by the inhabitants of seven villages between Amanino and

    Sopochnoye on the western coast.

            Both dialects contain a great number of Russian words and are spoken

    only by a small portion (less than one quarter) of the population. The

    remainder have been so Russianized that the native tongue has been completely

    forgotten and they speak a variety of a much corrupted Russian.

            The vigorous measures taken by the Soviet authorities in the intro–

    duction of a native alphabet, native schools, and other means of encouragement

    for the preservation and study of the Itelmen language may contribute to the

    growth of the native culture.

            History :

            The Kamchadals, formerly an energetic and talented group, greatly

    suffered through Russian penetration. In 1696 the Russians invaded the fur–

    rich Kamchatka peninsula, and in 1697 began settling there under the leader-

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0415                                                                                                                  
    The Kamchadals

    ship of the Russian Cossack, Vasillij Atlassov.

            The Russians began the subjugation of the Kamchadals, forcing tirbute

    from them, and built the Upper Kamchatka Ostrog fortress. After two unsuccess–

    ful uprisings by the natives, the Bolsheretsky and Lower Kamchatka Ostrogs

    were formed in 1700, and by 1704 the Russians had conquered all of the Kamchadals,

    who, however, continued to offer fierce resistance in their attempt to free

    themselves, often using cunning. In 1712 an attempt by Antzyferov and a party

    of 25 Cossacks to collect tribute ended in disaster, when the Kamchadals pre–

    tended to acquiesce, feted them, and made the invaders so confident of their

    loot that at night when the enemy were asleep, the natives burned the wooden

    house destroying them and unfortunately also some 'prisoner-Kamchadals.'

            In 1731 a rebellious group of Kamchadals took by storm the Russian

    fortress on the lower Kamchatka and proceeded to Upper Kamchatka, killing all

    the Russians in their path. The last two towns were saved by the sudden

    appearance of the Russian ship, Gabriel, whose sailors helped the Russians hold

    the towns and cruelly suppress the revolt.

            The Kamchadals were a very proud group and during the early 17th and

    18th centureis, when attacked by the Russians, would kill their wives, children,

    dogs, relatives and themselves, preferring suicide to capture or subjugation.

    This suicidal tendency was so strong that the Russians issued orders specific–

    ally prohibiting this. The Russianization process, including all these

    stern measures, transformed the Kamchadals into cringing, begging creatures,

    ready to carry out the bidding of any Russian.

            There are some evidences of sporadic contact with the Japanese, whose

    boats were occasionally wrecked on the Kamchatka shores, from about the

    beginning of the 18th century.

            In addition to their battles with the Russians, the Kamchadals

    frequently had wars with neighboring tribes as well as with their own groups.

    004      |      Vol_VIII-0416                                                                                                                  
    The Kamchadals

    The purpose of these wars was to obtain spoils - the men were captured as slaves,

    and the women for concubines. They used many cunning means, night attacks,

    and often the male prisoners were tortured and killed. These quarrels with

    their neighbors facilitated their conquest by the Russians.

            About the middle of the 18th century the Kamchadals numbered about

    14,000 according to Krasheninnikov, but the punitive expeditions of the

    Russians, plus much illness (in 1799, - 5,000 Kamchadals died of various epi–

    demics), caused a sharp drop in population.

            The disintegration of the Kamchadals continued during the 19th century.

    Chastity and fidelity were not necessarily virtues among this group and the

    Russians took advantage of this, spreading syphilis and other contagious

    diseases. According to the Jochelson investigation and census in 1911, almost

    10% of the population of 26 villages of the western Kamchatka coast, (approxi–

    mately 2,500 people), were crippled; almost half the population suffered from

    eye diseases and in some places as many as 5% were blind.

            After the Revolution of 1917, the Soviet Minority policy helped to

    stimulate the nationalism of the Kamchadals. In 1926, the population was 4,207.

    Writing in the native language, national schools, medical help, and collectivi–

    zation of the native hunting and fishing groups were established and an

    increase in the population was observed.

            Occupation :

            The Kamchadals are mainly a fishing group. They did not adopt the

    domestication of reindeer from their Koriak neighbors, although wild reindeer

    was hunted.

            They catch a variety of salmon which come up the Kamchatka Rivers in

    great numbers, and other fish, as well as some sea animals such as white whales,

    and some sea-lions which follow the salmon.



    005      |      Vol_VIII-0417                                                                                                                  
    The Kamchadals

            The fish are often captured with a wooden trap placed in midstream,

    to which is attached a special tool - a long pole with an iron hook at one

    end.

            Only those whales which can be captured from the shore are hunted.

            The seal are caught with leather thong nets, in the form of a sack,

    30-35 feet long, with a 20 foot opening. The mesh gradually diminishes

    toward the bottom of the sack. It is placed on poles across the river to

    capture the seals which follow the salmon.

            Seals are also killed by spearing and shooting.

            Fish and sea animals are caught in the spring, when the rivers are

    free from ice, and this is continued throughout the summer. In fall, they

    hunt birds, geese, swans, and ducks, and in winter, fur-bearing animals,

    mostly sable, foxes and mountain goats.

            The cleaning and preparation of fish for storage is the work of the

    women, who, in addition, gather berries, grass, and roots in spring; in the

    fall they gather the Siberian nettle used for thread and cord making and also

    the roots of sarana (a Siberian wild lily).

            While the dog is the only domesticated native animals some horned

    cattle and horses were imported from Siberia. Horses are used as riding and

    pack animals in summer, and are turned free to graze in the winter.

            Gardening has been introduced in recent times, and some vegetables

    including potatoes are grown.

            Dwellings :

            The Kamchadals live in clan settlements, placed in naturally protected

    localities, forming a sort of fortified village.

            In the south these settlements are at least 20 kilometers from the

    sea. Along the eastern shore they are sometimes located on the shore.



    006      |      Vol_VIII-0418                                                                                                                  
    The Kamchadals

            The huts are usually arranged in groups, and several families live

    in one hut. The winter settlements are surrounded by tents, one for each

    family, which are used as storage places to protect the food against animals,

    and serve as dwelling places in summer

            The winter dwelling is a semi-subterranean hut, rectangular in shape,

    built about six feet into the ground. The framework is made of four main

    poles connected by cross poles, leaving a square opening at the top for light

    and smoke, and entrance. The outside of the hut is covered with earth. Near

    the longer wall, between the poles, is a fireplace with another opening in

    the roof to provide a draft. There are benches alongside the walls for sleeping

    and sitting, except along the wall opposite the fireplace, which is used for

    keeping utensils and for cooking. Very often, there is no ceiling. Grass

    mats are hung on the walls.

            Entrance to the hut is by means of a ladder over the fireplace leading

    to the ceiling hole. This ladder is a log with notches or holes. In addition,

    an underground passage in the shape of a narrow channel was made for the draft,

    starting from the hearth, leading to the outside, and this is the passage used

    by the women, children and Koekchuch (transformed men).

            The summer tent is constructed on poles about 15 feet high, with a

    floor of poles and grass placed at a certain distance from the ground. The

    tent is in the shape of a high four-sided pyramind and is covered with grass,

    and the whole structure is bound with ropes for sturdiness. There are two

    doors at opposite ends, with a long notced log serving as a ladder as in the

    winter dwelling.

            Sometimes a special platform for drying fish is built under the floor

    of the summer tent.

            Seal or bear-fat lamps made of hard-rock material, usually a variety

    of quartz, are used for illumination. They are flat-bottomed, and need no

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0419                                                                                                                  
    The Kamchadals

    support. When in use they are placed in a slanting position so that the

    tallow or blubber will run down to the wick, made of dried grass or moss.

    At present wicks are made of twisted nettle thread, and lamps have no bridges

    or grooves for wicks. The lamps are used only for illumination and not for

    heat or cooking, as the Kamchadals have sufficient wood for these purposes.

            At the present time a tin can, an iron frying pan, or clam shell

    may be substituted for the stone lamp. A birch bark funnel is placed upside

    down over it, with the tube leading toward the ceiling to collect the smoke

    and soot.

            Originally the Kamchadals were a semi-nomadic group, which remained

    in one spot until the supply of animals and fish was exhausted, and then

    the whole settlement would move elsewhere.

            At the present time, the Kamchadals are almost completely sedentary,

    have become quite Russianized, and live in Russian type block houses.

            Dress :

            Two types of slipover, hooded fur coats are worn by the Kamchadals:

    1) with an even edge; and 2) with a small cut in front and a tail-like appen–

    dix at the back. The coat is made of reindeer skins, and reaches below the

    knees. The round head opening is trimmed with dog fur, forming a collar

    which protects the face. The ends and sleeves and hood are trimmed with white

    sable. The back is embellished with an applique of dyed skins, leather

    thongs, and other decorations.

            In winter two coats are worn, one with the fur inside, and the other

    over it, with the fur on the outside. Apparently these reindeer-skin coats

    were obtained from the Koriaks, for the real Kamchadal coats are made of dog,

    sable, and fox skins sewn in the same manner.



    008      |      Vol_VIII-0420                                                                                                                  
    The Kamchadals

            Another type of dress coat is also used, about the same length but

    wider in the body and with narrower sleeves. Formerly the edges were decorated

    with embroidery of reindeer hair, dyed wool and dog's fur, and later with

    designs executed in silk.

            The underclothing for women consists of a combination skirt with a

    draw-string collar, and pants, made of tanned skins for summer, and of sea–

    animal skins for winter. The men wear a leather belt with a clout piece in

    front and fringes in the back. In the winter the men wear wider pants with

    draw-strings at the bottom. The men carry a knife suspended from the belt.

            Their footwear consists of shorter boots for the men and longer ones

    for the women. For summer daily wear they are made from seal skin. In winter

    they wear dried fish - skin boots, or boots of reindeer-skin fur outside, soled

    with pieces of long-haired reind d e er fur, to prevent seepage. Dress shoes are

    made from white seal skin, with the shoe-tips of white fox, and the tops of

    dyed seal or raw-hide, and are tied to the belt.

            Stockings are made from dog fur. Sometimes soft grass is used to

    wrap the feet and legs.

            The summer hats were formerly made from bird feathers or birch bark.

            The women comb their hair into tiny braids and smear them with seal fat,

    thus forming a "wig." The men arrange d their hair into two braids.

            The women use white and red pigment on their faces, as well as rouge.

            The Kamchadals love to dress up and their best costumes are very

    costly.

            Food :

            The basic food of the Kamchadals is dried fish - Ukola . The fish is

    cut up and the sides and tail are hung to dry to make the Ukola . The backs

    prepared separately, the heads are placed in pits and allowed to "pickle."

    009      |      Vol_VIII-0421                                                                                                                  
    The Kamchadals

    The bones are dried and fed to the dogs. Fish eggs are prepared in several ways,

    dried, and kept ready for hunting and traveling rations; sometimes they are

    pickled.

            Sometimes the fish is half-roasted, half-smoked at the fire-place.

    For this the hut is completely covered, thus transforming it into an oven, and

    the fish is arranged in rows on a platform, which is several feet above the

    ground.

            The dried fish is also pounded into a powder in mortars. Salmon is

    dried and smoked for winter use. The dried fish can not be kept more than a

    year without rotting.

            Sea-animal meat is boiled with roots and sarana to make soup. Whale

    and seal fat is boiled and cut into strips, and then eaten. One end of such

    a strip is taken into the mount and the remainder is cut off near the lips with

    a knife.

            Sarana, the root of various lily-like plants (Lilium Margagon), forms

    an important item in the Kamchadal diet. Several species of Kamchatka mice like

    the bulbs of this plant, gather and keep them in their nests, where they are

    found and collected by the Kamchadal women.

            A special dish, Selega , is prepared fro j m a mixture of sour berries and

    sarana , or from various roots and berries pounded into a mass to which seal fat

    and boiled fish are added.

            A special narcotic drink is prepared from fly agaric.

            In recent times the Kamchadals have adopted many of the Russian foods.

    They grow some vegetables - potatoes, carrots, cabbage, and beets, and purcha d s e

    other foods. Cow's milk is now an important item of their diet.

            Tools, Utensils, and Weapons :

            We know, on the basis of archeological investigations, that Kamchadals

    made crude clay pots, but it is difficult to say whether these were purposely

    010      |      Vol_VIII-0422                                                                                                                  
    The Kamchadals

    fired or simply had burned in cooking. Apparently they were solid and water

    tight, and made of a mixture of clay tempered with sand, gravel, and the hair

    of sable tails. Two types of vessels were found: a) with loops inside and

    holes near the upper rim, and b) elaborately made pots with outside ornamentation,

    resembling the pottery of the Ainus and probably borrowed from them. n A type

    of gloss was developed when this mixture was smeared with fat.

            At the time of Krasheninnikov, the Kamchadals were still living almost

    in the Stone Age, although they did have some metals (from the Japanese or

    the Kurilians) and knew the art of cold forging. The possession of an iron

    object was a sign of wealth. An iron-tipped stick was used for digging roots.

            The Kamchadals used bows and arrows, lances, spears, and armor.

            The bow was made from fir wood and birchbark, and the string from

    whale sinews. The arrows were sometimes three feet long with bone or stone

    points. Krasheninnikov indicates the use of poisoned arrows. Lances and

    spears had stone or bone points.

            A vest of raw whale-hide strips with a wooden board tied in front

    and another board in back, placed higher so as to protect the head, was worn

    by the Kamchadals.

            Transportation :

            Formerly dug-out boats in summer and dog-drawn s l e ighs in winter were

    the only modes of transportation, in addition to snow shoes and skis. The

    Russians introduced horses and a different type of sleigh.

            The ancient Kamchadal dog sleigh - msan - was 15-17 feet long. The

    birch-wood runners were 3-4 inches wide and curved in front. They were placed

    on 3-4 birch stanchions and co j n nected with cross pieces and leather thongs.

    Sometimes pieces of whale jaw bone were inserted into the lower surface of

    the runners to facilitate running over the snow in the spring. Some connect–

    ing pieces were made out of bone.



    011      |      Vol_VIII-0423                                                                                                                  
    The Kamchadals

            The dog harness was made from wide soft leather which crossed the left

    shoulder of the right dog and the right shoulder of the left dog in fan fashion.

    Dogs were hitched in pairs to a central leather thong consisting of two or

    three parts, connected with rings. Short leads connected the dog harness to

    this ring on both sides of the main line, to the front end of which the lead

    dog was hitched.

            The male Kamchadals rode the sleigh with their feet on the right side,

    and never astride. This mode of riding was for females only. Dogs were driven

    with the aid of a 5 foot long curved pole to one end of which were tied rattling

    or jingling objects. The same pole was used as a brake.

            When the snow is too deep, the driver makes a path for the dogs by

    going ahead on his snow shoes, made of oblong wooden frames interlaced with

    leather. Long skis were also used.

            The Kamchadals use three types of boats: a) Koyakhtakhtym - a wide

    boat, which is fast and light, made of poplar wood, the front higher than the

    back, used on the Kamchatka River; b) Takhtu - a narrower, symmetrically built

    boat, easily filled with water, used along the eastern shore; and c) the third

    type, a variation of Takhtu - with additional boards sewn on, and used among

    certain groups in hunting sea animals. In makeing these dug-out boats, the

    bottom is purposely split and joined again with whale bone, and packed with

    soft grass to prevent being split by the impact of high waves.

            Boats are used for both hunting and transportation. Two people, one

    at each end, guide the boat, using poles when going upstream. Two boats

    joined by a platform are used to transport the fish caught on the Kamchatka

    River.

            The Kamchadals do not venture out into the open sea, for, unlike their

    neighbors, they do not have any skin-covered boats.



    012      |      Vol_VIII-0424                                                                                                                  
    The Kamchadals

            Social Organization :

            Unfortunately the data on social organization of the ancient Kamchadals

    are very scant. Early travellers, either because they lacked interest or had

    no knowledge of the language, left fragmentary information. Apparently small

    groups formed geographical units with chiefs or military leaders in charge of

    major communal undertakings. After the Russian conquest, chiefs were appointed

    by the Russians and this office became hereditary. When there was no heir, a new chief was

    appointed. Reference is made to the group ownership of stretches of river

    as common fishing or hunting territories.

            A geographical exogamy evidently prevailed, as Krashenninikov observed

    that wives were seldom chosen from the same village. Actually only marriage

    between close relatives (father and daughter, mother and son) was forbidden.

    Marriage of first cousins and in-laws was permitted and polygamy was practiced.

            Most authorities report that there was no insistance on chastity at

    marriage, and pre-marital and extra-marital relationships were permitted.

            The prospective groom worked for the bride's family for a certain period

    of time and then asked permission to marry the girl. If he was refused, he

    had to be compensated for his labors.

            The actual marriage must be preceded by the groom's capture of his bride.

    She is dressed in several heavy garments and protected by all the village

    women. When the groom finds her alone, he must strip her of her clothing,

    untying innumerable strings until she is naked and then place his hand on her

    genitalia as a symbol of possession. Then he leaves, and she calls after him.

    He returns at night and, after he sleeps with her, he can then take her to his

    home.

            The bridal party with the groom and a group of naked men ride in boats

    to the groom's home. Some food is taken along. At a short distance from the

    house a shamanistic performance takes place and the head of a dry fish is given

    013      |      Vol_VIII-0425                                                                                                                  
    The Kamchadals

    to the oldest woman of the group.

            The journey is then resumed and the bride is carried into the house by a

    young man of the groom's family, preceded by the old woman who has placed the

    fish head on the threshold for everyone to step on, after which it was thrown

    into the fire.

            The extra garments worn by the bride and some gifts were distributed

    among the groom's relatives. The next day the father-in-law entertains his

    guests, and on the third day the ceremony ends.

            This particular ceremony takes place only for the first marriage, and

    does not apply to the remarrying of widows. A special purification ceremony

    is necessary for the widow before she can remarry. She must have intercourse

    with someone else other than her future husband, usually a stranger. The fulfil–

    lment of these rites was rather despised, and according to Krashenninikov, in

    the past this prevented some widows from remarrying. However, since the

    Russian Cossacks settled nearby, they were quite willing to perform this pre–

    marital purification.

            The woman gives birth in the usual dwelling in the presence of all the

    members of the settlement. She is attended by an experienced older women and

    gives birth in a kneeling position. During her intense labor her husband must

    be busy building sleighs or bending wood for runners. The infant is wrapped in

    soft grass, the umbilical cord is cut with a stone knife, and the placenta is

    thrown to the dogs.

            Although no special ceremony takes place, the occasion is reason for

    rejoicing in the whole village. They believe that in order to induce pregnancy

    a woman should eat spiders or the umbilical cord of a recently born child with

    a special grass called kiprei .

            Abortion was induced by a shock, or artificial methods, in which some

    women were specialists; however, this often caused the death of the mother.

    014      |      Vol_VIII-0426                                                                                                                  
    The Kamchadals

    Undesired children may be strangled by the mother or thrown alive to the dogs..

    A special drink made of a type of grass called konkakhion is used to induce

    sterility.

            When twins are born one of them must be killed, as well as a child born

    during a storm, although here incantations may be used to avert the impending

    evil.

            After delivery, for several days the mother was fed with a special soup

    made of fish and a plant called halg , after which she returns to work. The

    father then names the child for one of his ancestors.

            The women use head bands to carry their children on their backs. The

    baby is placed in a combination garment with a flap covering an opening on the

    back. Moss is used for the excretions.

            The great fear of the dead among the Kamchadals is expressed by the

    custom of deserting the house in which a person had died and moving the whole

    settlement elsewhere. The throat of the body is bound by leather thongs and

    dragged out of the hut some distance from the house and is left to be eaten by

    the dogs. In his future life the dead man's soul, it is believed, will be able

    to drive these animals. All clothing of the deceased must be thrown away, as

    it would bring misfortune to anyone who wore it. Anything which had been in

    contact with the dead man must be purified. Children were burried in tree

    hollows.

            This lack of burial may be a reason for the scarcity of ostiological

    material in Kamchatka archeology.

            Religion :

            The scant information left by early investigators indicates that the

    religion of the ancient Kamchadals was a combination of the primitive animistic

    concepts of the hunting-fishing type, loose cosmogonic myths, and a family

    type of shamanism.



    015      |      Vol_VIII-0427                                                                                                                  
    The Kamchadals

            A multitude of good and mostly evil Spirits inhabit the world, which

    consists of the Upper World - the sky, and the Lower World - the earth.

    Almost every geographical locality has its own local spirit. Volcanoes and

    hot springs are the abodes of the evil Spirits.

            The creation of the world was attributed to Kukht (Kutkhu or Kutchu) –

    The Raven, who combined the features of a tribal ancestor, a cultural hero,

    and reformer of the world with those of a humorous, lustful, and obscene trick–

    ster.

            Kukht lived in the sky with his wife, Ilkhum, his sister Xutlizik, his

    two sons, and a daughter. One of the brothers married his sister, and their son

    and daughter also married, and their children are the present Kamchadals.

    According to another account, one of Kukht's sons with the help of his sister

    brought the earth from the sky and fixed it securely and permanently in the

    ocean.

            Another legend tells how Kukht lived two years on each river, producing

    children who remained there and formed the Kamchadal clans. When Kukht traveled

    the earth bent under him and valleys and mountains were formed. But Kukht

    is not clever; he often commits blunders; when so disposed he can give a great

    deal of riches to the lucky one. Even as late as 1901 the raven was considered

    dedicated to Kukht.

            The origin of the spots on the moon is explained by the story of a young

    girl who was so mistreated by everyone that one day she complained to the moon

    about it. The moon descended to the earth. The girl was frightened and took

    hold of a bush, whereupon the moon seized her and took her up together with the

    bush. This is why one can see a girl and a bush on the Moon.

            The custom of cutting off the bear's paws and head from the rest of the

    hide is explained by the following story:

            "Kukht and his wife lived in one place and had children. Somehow Kukht

    016      |      Vol_VIII-0428                                                                                                                  
    The Kamchadals

    was frightened and wanted to go away and leave his children. Then hiw wife

    cut off her breasts and left them for children to suckle. But both bear and

    man were fed on the breasts and became brothers. An involved adventure

    follows. When the bear is finally killed, his human brother refuses to eat

    his meat and simply asks for the bear's head, because it is his brother. From

    this hear's head, later, another human is born."

            The Forest Spirit - (Bikhliakhch or Pikhliach) is a dwarf; he lives in

    the forest, rides on a tiny sleigh that is dragged by sables or partidges, the

    tracks of which can be seen.on the snow. This Spirit Owner of the Forest

    later, under Russian influence, acquired the characteristic of the Slav Forest

    Spirit, the Lieshii , and instead of being a protector of game, he became a

    mischievous trickster.

            According to another story, he is the Spirit of Thunder, and during

    thunder and lighting he enters the body of a shaman.

            Another important concept is that of the Water Spirit in charge of

    the sea animals and fishes.

            In connection with the hunting and fishing economy, the taboos for

    killing and eating developed. Thus the "kasatka", (the killer-whale), is never

    shot; the flesh of wolf, fox, and flounder is also not eaten.

            When the Kamchadals kill an animal they give in exchange for its meat

    a bag of edible grass to its Spirit Owner, so that the animal will not complain

    to its relatives. Upon starting on a seal hunt, the Kamchadal promises a

    certain number of seal skins to the Spirits. Later these skins are not used

    for clothing but only as bedding, and are given to the spirits during the

    yearly purification festival.

            A number of special magic formulas or incantations exist as protection against

    the evil spirits. These include incantations against the whale or the walrus,

    inducing them to spare the members of boat crews. The bear and the wolf are

    017      |      Vol_VIII-0429                                                                                                                  
    The Kamchadals

    venerated, and the names of these animals are never uttered. Special sacrifices

    of fire are made at the holes of foxes and sables.

            The Kamchadals believe that both humans and animals continue to exist in

    another world after their death.

            A multitude of lesser evil spirits inhabit the world. To guard against

    their influences special amulets are worn and incantations are recited.

            An old alder tree was considered the abode of Evil Spirits and the

    Kamchadals would sicharge their arrows into it annually.

            Lizards were symbols of hate and were considered as the spies of Evil

    Spirits, sent by the underground deity to find and predict death to the man

    predestined to die. To prevent this they were ruthlessly exterminated, and

    when failing, the Kamchadal often became melancholic and some actually even

    died.

            They believed in the existence of a special marine insect which pene–

    trates the body through the proes, causing severe sickness, which can be cured

    only by cutting out this insect.

            Often deadly diseases were called by animal names: a local endemic

    illness manifested in the form of heavy scabs under the breast was called lizard;

    another endemic illness covering the whole body - eagle.

            To expiate the transgression of a taboo, the Kamchadals made an image

    of the spirit and placed it in the forest as an offering.

            In order to insure the propogation of game such as seals, a piece of

    animal is cut off, one half thrown into the sea to create others, and the

    second half placed on the rock where seals were killed so that others would e

    emerge on the same shore rock.

            Mice were not killed, but protected, because the Kamchadal women

    robbed mice holes of stored sarana .

            Each house had two spirit images: one, representing the human figure

    018      |      Vol_VIII-0430                                                                                                                  
    The Kamchadals

    with a fish body was placed near the fireplace, another, in the form of a pole

    with a human head - near the cooking utensils to safeguard them from evil spirits.

    During the annual tribal purification ceremony men and women wore wreaths made of grass

    and similar wreaths were placed on the heads of wooden images. A large number

    (more than 50) of these images were especially made for the occasion and set

    in a row. Their faces were smeared with crushed red bilberry as an offering,

    and three dishes with powdered root of sarana were set before them. After the

    ceremony the food was eaten by the participants.

            Seal images were made of seal skulls and jaws tied with edible grasses.

    These images were well fed, amused by rocking to imitate light waves, invited

    together with their relatives for a visit, and finally sent home, by being

    taken outside and thrown into the sea.

            During the festival the bodies of killed sables are stripped of skins,

    and passed three times through the smoke of the fireplace, and only then burried

    in earth or snow.

            Shamanism :

            Early writers assented that the Kamchadals had no professional shamans,

    and that any old women or koekchuch (trans o f ormed man) could pronounce incanta–

    tions and practice divination. No special shaman's dress existed, they used

    no drum. However, the annual tribal fall ceremony was conducted by [ ?] old men

    who may be considered professional rather than family shamans.

            All writers stress that only women and the koekchuch can practice

    shamanism. The koekchuch is the Kamchadal ve s r sion of the widespread Siberian

    phenomenon of sex transformation when men begin to wear female dress, do woman's

    work, and act as women in general. Occasionally he takes a lover or a husband.

    Among the Kamchadals the koekchuch were treated with the same lack of respect

    as was shown to the women; they were permitted to use the inside draft channel

    for entrance, were kept as concubines, practiced women's occupations, such as

    019      |      Vol_VIII-0431                                                                                                                  
    The Kamchadals

    making clothes, etc.

            Shamanistic ability was ascribed to the entrance of spirits into the

    body. Thus, during thunder and lightning, Biliukaj - the Spirit Owner of

    Thunder, enters the shaman's body.

            During the yearly purification festival, large numbers (up to 50) of

    other Spirits - Kamuda - enter the shaman's body through his mouth. It is

    believed that Kamuda live on clouds and are as big as three year old children.

            The main function of these "wise and able" persons was to prophesize and

    cure illnesses, which were considered as caused by the intrusion of an evil

    spirit, or foreign object, into the body of the patient.

            Early Kamchadal folklore deals with creation and stories of cultural heros,

    and is characterized by a strong sex undercurrent, which seems to have been

    quite prominent both in their songs, religion, and dances.

            Much of the later oral traditions and folklore shows g great deal of

    Russian influence in modified and distorted versions of Biblican and Slavic

    motifs.

            The Soviet government is said to have taken definite steps to preserve

    and record the remnants of the native folklore.

    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0432                                                                                                                  


    BIBLIOGRAPHY - KAMCHADALS

    Czaplicka, M. A. Aboriginal Siberia . A Study In Social Anthropology.

    Oxford University Press, 1914.

    Dittmar, Carl von Reisen und Aufenthalt in Kamtschatka in den Jarhen

    1851-1855
    . St. Petersburg, 1890, Part I.

    Gapanovich, J.J. The Native Population of Kamchatak.

    North Asia, Journal of Social Science, No. 5, Moscow.

    1925

    Jochelson, Waldemar Archeological Investigations in the Aleutian Islands.

    Carnegie Insituttion of Washington, Washington,

    October 1925

    Archeological Investigations in Kamchatka .

    Carnegie Institution of Washington, Washington, 1928

    Die Riaboushinsky Expedition nach Kamtschatka .

    Globus, No. 14, 1908

    Letters of the Leader of the Ethnological Division

    of the Kamchatka Expedition to the Secretary of the

    Imperial Russian Geographical Society
    .

    Bull. Imp. Russ. Geogr. Society., Vol. XLV., Part IX,

    1909, and Vol. XLVII, Part I - IV, 1911

    Past and Present Subterranean Dwellings of the Tribes

    of North-Eastern Asia and North-Western America
    .

    Int. Congr. Americ. Quebec, 1906

    Peoples of Asiatic Russia. American Museum of Natural

    History, 1928

    Present and Ancient Kamchadals and the Similarity

    of their Culture to that of the Northwestern American

    Indian.
    Proceedings of the 23rd Congress of

    Americanists, New York 1928

    The Riaboushinsky Expedition under the Auspices of

    the Imperial Russian Geographical Society to the

    Aleutian Islands and Kamchatka
    . Proceedings,

    18th Internatioanl Congress of Americanists, London

    1912

    Krasheninnikov, S.P. Description of the Country of Kamchatka.

    St. Petersburg, 1818.

    Spassky, G. Vladimir Atlasoff, the Conqueror of Kamchatka .

    [ ?] Journal, Imp. Russ. Geog. Society,

    Vol. XXIV, 1858



    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0433                                                                                                                  
    BIBLIOGARPHY - Kamchadals

    Steller, G.W. Beschreibung von dem Lande Kamtschatka .

    Frankfurt und Leipzig, 1774

    Sergejer, M.A. "The Kamchatka Region." Soviet Asia ,

    Moscow, 1934

    Sternberg, E. The Kamchadal Woman , Moscow, [ ?] 1928

    Timofeevskij, F. Kamchatka and its Inhabitants .

    Morskoj Sbornik. Vol. CCXV, No. 7, St. Petersburg

    1886

    Tjushov, V. N. Along the Western Coast of Kamchatka. Zapiski of

    the Imp. Russ. Geogr. Society on General Geography,

    Vol. XXXVII, No. 2, St. Petersburg, 1906

    Koryaks


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0434                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    [Eugene A. Golomshtok]


    KORYAKS
    Page
    Physical Anthropology 2
    History 3
    Dwellings 4
    Clothing 6
    Food 8
    Tools and Techniques 9
    Occupation 10
    Social Organization 14
    Soul 18
    Burial 18
    Religion 19
    Shamanism 22
    Ceremonies and Festivals 24
    Bibliography 26



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0435                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    [Eugene A. Golomshtok]


           

    KORYAKS

            The Koryaks, a Paleo-Siberian native group closely related to the Chukchi,

    live in four districts of the northern part of the Kamchatka peninsula and farther

    north along the basin of the Penzhina River. They are divided into two groups:

    the nomadic Reindeer Koryaks (numbering 3,800 in 1900) who inhabit the tundra;

    and the sedentary Maritime Koryaks (numbering 7,400 in 1936) who subsist by

    fishing and live in villages along the seacoast.

            The Reindeer Koryaks confine their wandering mainly to the Gizhiga and

    Kamchatka districts. They move in small groups of a few families through the

    treeless tundra, ascend high mountain slopes in summer to escape mosquitoes, and

    during the winter descend into valleys where trees protect them from severe winds.

    The Maritime or fishing Koryaks' settlements are situated along the shores and

    near the bays of the Okhotsk and Bering seas in the Gizhiga, Petropavlovsk,

    Okhotsk, and Anadyr districts.

            The Koryak territory is chiefly highland formed by the spurs of the Stanovoi

    and Nalginski ridges, reaching heights of around 300 meters. Beyond this line is

    an area of lichen-covered tundra. All the rivers in the area spring from the

    Stanovoi Mountains and are short and rapid. Even the largest river, the Gizhiga,

    is navigable only for a short stretch. There are a few small lakes abounding in fish.

            The principal trees of the region are larches, dwarf cedars, birches, poplars,

    aspens, and two types of alders. The forests on the eastern slopes of the Stanovoi

    002      |      Vol_VIII-0436                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

    ridges are scanty and become more so closer to the Bering Sea. The scarcity of

    timber is partially alleviated by the availability of driftwood, which is used for

    fuel and other purposes.

            The fauna of this area consist of arctic types represented both in Arctic

    America and in Eurasia. Elk, wild reindeer, brown bear, musk deer, mountain

    sheep, wild goat, arctic fox, red fox, squirrel, sable, grey wolf, ermine, otter

    and wolverine are the main land mammals, and among the sea mammals there are sea

    lions, walruses, four varieties of seals, and nine types of whales. The most

    abundant fish are salmon and cod.

            There are also ducks, geese, swans, sea-gulls and other types of water–

    fowl in the rivers and along the [ ?] sea shore.

           

    Physical Anthropology

            The Koryaks are comparatively well built, with good bone structure, broad

    shoulders, and well-developed muscles. They are of average height (men 159.6 cm.

    and women 149.1 cm.). The cephalic index of the male is 80.3 and that of the

    female 80. The breadth of the face is 146.2 mm. for men and 139.5 mm. for women.

    Their hair is straight and predominantly black.

            Their eyes, which have a well-developed Mongolian fold, are usually dark

    brown, but about 2% have gray eyes. The Koryaks have scant hair on their faces

    and the color of their skin ranges from light brown to copper red, women

    being usually a shade lighter than men.

            Some data on [ ?] child mortality is given by Jochelson, who established that

    out of 278 births 42% die in infancy. The Koryaks had various types of diseases

    such as: stomach disease, tape worm, tetter, and eye diseases, especially con–

    junctivitis and cataract. They also suffer fromtypes of nervous disorders.

    Measles, smallpox, and syphilis were introduced by the Russians.



    003      |      Vol_VIII-0437                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

            The origin of the name "Koryak" is not clear. Some, like Bogoras, derive

    it from qura'ki (being with reindeer). The Koryaks themselves do not have a

    common tribal name. The Maritime Koryaks call themselves namalan (an inhabitant

    of a village) and the Reindeer Koryak chauchu ( chaucheni in plural). The Yukaghir

    call them Kereke , and the Chukchi Ta'nnitan . There are also a number of terri–

    torial or regional self-names.

            The language of the Koryaks is closely related to the Chukchi and Kamchadal

    languages and is part of a large group of Palaeo-Siberian languages. The Koryak

    language is divided into four main dialects: North Kamchatka, Reindeer, Alutor,

    and Kerek, with some variations within the larger subdivisions.

           

    History

            Prior to their contact with the Russians late in the 17th century, Koryak

    territory extended almost to the southern tip of Kamchatka. The Russians tried

    to force them to pay tribute, but the Koryaks refused, and, in 1712, 70 adults

    and 200 chld ren were killed during a battle between Koryaks and Russian Cossacks.

    Koryak resistance continued until 1767 when the Russians finally built a fortress

    at the mouth of the Gizhiga River. At that time the sea route from Okhotsk to

    fur-rich Kamchatka was not yet discovered and the only available route was by

    land. It was necessary to pass through the territory of the unsubdued Koryaks,

    who ambushed and killed Cossacks. After the discovery of the sea route and sub–

    sequent exploration of Bering Sea, the bloddy battles with the Koryaks continued.

    One of the biggest battles was against the Shestakoff expedition in 1729. The

    expedition subjected the Koryaks to inhuman atrocities by setting fire to the

    villages and burning alive those who refused to pay exorbitant tribute. The

    Shestakoff expedition was soon defeated by angry natives who rebelled and anni–

    hilated several small garrisons in various places. In 1732 a punitive expedition,

    consisting of 225 Cossacks and native volunteers led by Pavlutsky, stormed Korya,

    fortifications and defeated the Koryaks who preferred to kill their wives and

    children rather than surrender. The revolt continued until 1757, and was

    004      |      Vol_VIII-0438                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

    marked by numberous local encounters. The Koryaks, however, were finally forced

    to pay tribute.

            Russian missionaries met with little success, and those Koryaks who were

    baptized adopted the orthodox creed only formally. The Koryaks came in contact

    with American traders during the first half of the 19th century.

            After the revolution, the Koryak National District was organized by the

    [ ?] Soviet Government, which introduced hospitals and schools in accordance

    with its general policy, and tried to develop the culture as well as raise the

    standard of living of the Koryaks.

           

    Dwellings

            Reindeer Koryak tents consisted of two tents, an outside tent from 8 to 9

    meters in diameter and an inner sleeping tent. The characteristic feature of

    the Koryak tent was that its lower part was cylindrical and the upper part or

    roof was conical. The frame of the outer tent was formed by three foundation

    posts, from 3.5 to 5 meters high. Around this tripod were placed strong stakes

    at intervals of 1 or 2 meters, which together with horizontal crossbars formed

    the cylindrical part of the tent.

            The conical part of the frame was made of slanting poles running to the

    crossbars from the top. [ ?] The tent cover was sewn from wornout reindeer skins,

    hair side out, the ends overlapping to form an entrance. Several sleeping tents

    (not less than 3 or 4, one for each family) were placed in the main structure;

    these were in the form of a rectangular box placed upside down and were made

    of reindeer skin with the hair side in. The floor of the sleeping-room was

    strewn with willow branches and then covered with reindeer skins.

            The semisubterranean dwelling of the Maritime Koryaks was a permanent octago–

    nal-shaped wooden structure varying in size and capable of accommodating as many

    005      |      Vol_VIII-0439                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

    as twenty-five people. The house was set in an excavated area about 1 to 1.5

    meters deep. Eight poles, connected with crossbeams, and two rows of vertical

    split logs between them formed an octagon-shaped double wall. All spaces and

    crevices were filled with dry grass and the whole wall was completely covered

    with earth on the exterior.

            Inside the structure four main posts 5 to 7 meters high were firmly driven

    into the ground and connected with crossbeams to support a double roof which

    was flat on top and slanting on the sides. The upper [ ?] entrance consisted of

    a ladder (a log with footholes) leading through a 1-square-meter opening at the

    top of the roof. A semisubterranean passage, covered with logs and fitted with

    doors, served as an entrance room leading into the main structure from the ground.

    The roof was also packed with dry grass and earth. Four high posts, supporting

    a [ ?] protective roof in the shape of a wide funnel over the roof entrance, were

    placed along the walls on the exterior of the house. One side of the funnel

    above the entrance room was lower and a ladder was placed against it connecting

    the protective upper roof to the roof over the entrance room.

            The roof entrance was used when the entrance chamber was covered with snow.

    The ground door was used only from May until the end of October, and its use was

    forbidden during the rest of the year, when it was sealed with grass, dirt, and

    logs. In the summer the ladder was removed and the upper entrance was not used

    until the regular entrance was sealed. The upper entrance also served as a

    chimney; when there was no fire, it was closed with a plug from the outside and

    opened only when the fire was burning or when a person wished to enter or leave

    the house.

            The master of the house occupied the right side of the house and his brothers

    and other relatives occupied the left side. Opposite the door was a platform

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0440                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

    30 to 60 cm. high, serving as a seat and bed for visitors. The floor was

    strewn with willow branches covered with dry grass, over which were placed seal

    and reindeer skins. Sleeping tents were pitched on the skins. These tents re–

    sembled the inner tents of the Reindeer Koryak.

            Clothes, shoes, and other household goods were hung on crosspieces con–

    nected to the main poles. Above the hearth, across the entire width of the house,

    several stout beams formed a grating upon which clothes, shoes, and wood were

    placed to dry. Hooks of wood, iron, or reindeer antlers were fastened to the

    beams to hold pots and kettles over the hearth.

           

    Clothing

            All clothing was made by women out of young [ ?] reindeer skins sewn with

    reindeer sinew. The warmest clothing was made from the skin of six- or seven–

    month-old fawns. Skins of other an i mals were used for trimming.

            Both sexes wore similar coats. The winter coat was a pullover fur shirt

    with full sleeve s and tight wrists. In extreme cold the hands were pulled into

    the sleeve. A woman's coat was longer than the man's, reaching to the calves

    instead of just above the knees. The [ ?] man's traveling garment consisted of

    two shirts, the inner one with the hair side to the body and the outer one with

    the hair side out. The shirts could be removed singly or as one unit. A fur

    flap sewn to the breast of the woman's coat served to protect her face from

    severe cold. The man's traveling coat and the woman's coat were hooded. The

    summer coats differed only in that they were made out of curried and smoked

    reindeer skin. Other shirts worn in summer and autumn were made of winter reindeer

    skins with shorn fur or the dressed summer skins of adult reindeer killed just

    after shedding.

            Under the coat, women wore a step-in combination suit consisting of a broad

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0441                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

    bodice joined to wide Turkish trousers gathered below the knees. In winter this

    garment was double, like the man's traveling coat, and trimmed with long-haired

    fur. The summer garment was made of leather. Men's trousers were tight fitting,

    cut low in front (covering the lower part of the abdomen) and higher in the back.

    A string passing through a hem at the top served as a belt. The trousers were

    tied a little below the calf with drawstrings. In winter the trousers were

    double, the inner ones being made of young animal skins; in summer they were made

    of curried leather.

            Winter footgear consisted of fur boots made of reindeer leg-skin and knee–

    length stockings. Boots were either short, reaching just above the ankle, or

    knee length. Both styles had leather straps just below the ankle with which the

    boots were tightly tied. The soles of the boots were made of walrus or seal

    skin to prevent slipping on the ice. Stockings were worn with the hair inside.

    When traveling in very cold weather the Koryaks wore hare-skin socks under their

    stockings. In summer, boots were worn without stockings, which were replaced by

    a grass lining. Men wore winter capts caps of reindeer fawn fur but women usually

    used their hoods. Mittens, made of reindeer leg and fawn skin trimmed with dog

    fur, were worn by men and women, respectively.

            Until the [ ?] age of six or seven children were dressed in a combination suit

    similar to that of women. It had a slit at the crotch and a fur flap stitched on

    at the back which passed between the legs and tied around the waist. A lining of

    dry moss and powdered rotten wood absorbed the child's excretions and could be

    changed like a diaper.

            Snow goggles of birch bark or wood with a slit for the eyes were used. Short

    snowshoes made of willow frame plaited with reindeer thongs were used for walking

    on hard snow. Another type of snowshoe was long and made of a thin ashen board

    008      |      Vol_VIII-0442                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

    with horizontal ends; these were lined with reindeer skin and used for walking

    on soft snow. Koryak women wore their hair in two braids and men cut or shaved

    their hair in the form of a tonsure. Tattooing was formerly widespread among

    women and was done by means of passing under the skin a needle and a thread,

    coated with coal mixed with grease.

           

    Food

            Fish, reindeer, and sea animals were the principal sources of food among

    the Koryaks. They consumed some vegetable food but only as a supplementary diet.

            The Maritime Koryak's staple diet consisted of fish and sea animals. Reindeer

    meat was considered a delicacy and they bartered fish for it. Since the Maritime

    Koryaks considered sun-dried fish much more palatable than frozen fish, this was

    the method of preservation most often used. When weather was unfavorable for

    drying, the Koryaks suffered from lack of sufficient food even though their catch

    was large. Fish heads were dried separately from the remainder. The fish was

    cut into strips and its skeleton, with some flesh still clinging to it, was

    dried and used for feeding dogs in winter. During the plentiful season fresh

    fish were eaten raw, boiled, or broiled on spits. The Koryaks ate sea mammals

    as long as the supply lasted. Seal meat was dried, frozen, boiled, or eaten raw.

    White-whale meat was highly valued; walrus and sea-lion meat was rare and con–

    sidered a delicacy.

            The Reindeer Koryaks depended on reindeer meat for their main supply of food,

    but they also [?] consumed large quantities of fish, since they rarely owned

    enough reindeer to be slaughtered without dangerously reducing the herd. They

    fished on a small scale and bartered reindeer skins and meat to the Maritime

    Koryaks for fish.



    009      |      Vol_VIII-0443                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

            Both the Reinde r e r and Maritime Koryaks prized eggs highly as food, and during

    the nesting season of the sea birds they consumed great quantities of eggs. During

    periods of food scarcity both Reindeer and Maritime Koryaks resorted to eating

    mollusks, but did not consider this food very tasty. They also ate small quanti–

    ties of berries and roots, eating them raw or mixed and cooked with fish, fish oil,

    and reindeer meat. Willow-herb was one of the most widely used vegetable foods.

    During periods of scarcity the Reindeer Koryaks ate partially digested reindeer

    moss, found in the stomachs of their slaughtered reindeer.

            The Koryaks were very fond of tea, and also of tobacco, which they smoked and

    chewed. Almost every adult used tobacco in one form or another. They disliked

    salt, but were very fond of sweets and fats in all forms (fish oil, reindeer fat,

    the blubber of sea animals, etc.).

            The Koryaks also used a great deal of crimson fly-agaric, a narcotic

    similar to opium. They dried this fungus before using it, because consumption of

    the fresh fungus would prove fatal. This drug produced intoxication, delirium,

    and hallucinations. Many shamans used fly-agaric before beginning their seances.

           

    Tools and Techniques

            The Koryaks worked in stone before they learned the use of metals, making

    stone hatchets, spear heads, harpoon points, scrapers, ear ornaments, and stone

    lamps. They learned the blacksmith's art before their contact with the Russians,

    probably from the Tungus. By the 19th century they used a seal skin to build

    a bellows lying on the ground. Their furnace was built in the ground, and the

    smith sat on a low block at a low anvil. Their tools consisted of hammers and

    tongus bought from the Russians. They made axes, adzes, knives, sharp-pointed

    chisels, and ornaments (iron bracelets and ear pendants).



    010      |      Vol_VIII-0444                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

            Coiled and twined baskets were made of willow, wild rye, nettle, and other

    grasses , with threads of reindeer sinew. Some were so tihgtly woven that they

    were watertight, and were decorated with symmetrical designs in various colors —

    black, dark blue, white, red, green, light blue, coffee, and yellow.

            The Koryaks computed numbers on the basis of five (the fingers on one hand)

    and twenty (the total number of the digits of hands and feet).

            Distances were computed in terms of travel time (on foot, with good driving

    dogs, etc.). Years were divided into twelve lunar months, the first month

    starting at the time of the winter solstice. Different names were given to months

    in various localities.

            Carving in wood, bone, walrus and mammoth ivory, and reindeer antlers was

    practiced widely by the Maritime Koryak. Bone materialswere first placed in

    boiling water for softening and to make carving easier. The subjects were

    usually representations of animals and human beings and the carving was in minia–

    ture. While the animal representations were extremely accurate, with well–

    executed heads, the [ ?] human figures were carved with little attention to

    the accuracy of heads and feet; however, great pains were taken to reproduce

    the lines of motion of the body. The female figure was rarely depicted. Very

    few good figures of reindeer exist, and it is thought that the art of carving

    began before the advent of reindeer breeding and that later artists continued

    to follow the models of their predecessors. Some carvings on one base had

    [ ?] several figures of a hunting expedition, or a dog sled with team and [ ?]

    driver. I

            It is interesting to note that Koryak carvings for religious purposes did

    not reach the high degree of quality attained in those made for purely esthetic

    purposes.



    011      |      Vol_VIII-0445                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

           

    Occupation

            The main occupations of the Maritime Koryak were hunting sea animals and

    fishing; those of the nomadic Reindeer Koryak were reindeer breeding and hunting

    of land animals. In recent times hunting fur-bearing animals became an important

    industry, but due to the relentless destruction of these animals, their number

    rapidly decreased.

            The Koryaks did not ride their reindeer, and even considered it a sin to do

    so. The Koryak reindeer was one of the least tame of those domesticated in

    Siberia, and was surpassed in wildness only by the Chukchi reindeer. Therefore,

    the number of animals which could be used for driving and carrying pack was small

    compared to the size of the herds. The Koryak reindeer felt little, if any,

    connection with the men, and capture of the driving animals after night grazing

    was always a difficult job. In the summer the herds feed on grass, and the leaves

    of birch, willow, and poplar trees, and in the winter they subsist on lichens.

            The Koryak sleigh had arches instead of stanchions and was similar in struc–

    ture to that of the Chukchis ( q.v. ). There were five main types of sleighs: racing

    sleigh, driving sleigh (men and women's types), family sleigh, freight sleigh,

    and a sleigh for carrying tents and tent poles. The Koryaks used two reins

    for their team harness, one for each animal. The halters of both animals were

    connected by a line. A rod was used as a whip.

            Jochelson estimated that there were 200,000 head of reindeer among the

    Koryaks (as of h about the year 1900) consisting of the largest herds 2,000 to

    5,000 head. These animals were used primarily for slaughter, and provided meat

    for food, skins for tents and clothing, and a s barter for trade with the Maritime

    Koryaks.



    012      |      Vol_VIII-0446                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

            The Koryaks used dogs for drawing sleighs and used the East Siberian harness

    with a double loop made of thong [bearded] seal or bear hide. Dogs were harnessed

    in pairs, one on each side of a long main line. The dog sleigh was the same type

    used elsewhere in northeastern Siberia, with three or four pairs of vertical

    stanchions and a horizontal front bow tied to the upturned runners, a vertical

    bow at the first pair of stanchions, and a netting of thongs on the sides and in

    the back. Dogs were fed meat and fish, and were well treated. They were kept in

    kennels during the winter. Dogs were used as sacrifices and in hunting, and their

    skin a was used to trim clothing. The average house had about ten dogs.

            The Maritime Koryaks used both large and small nets and hook and line in

    fishing. The most important fish caught were several varieties of salmon. These

    were caught during their seasonal migration for spawning up the Gizhiga and other

    rivers with small scoop nets made of nettle fibre and sinew thread. Instead

    of a weir, another type of net, consisting of a large closed bag within which was

    sewn a small triangular bag with a small opening at the lower end, was used in

    swiftly moving waters. This net was placed with the open end facing the on-rushing

    current. A fish entering the funnel-shaped small net was forced by the

    current through the small opening and into the large net from which it could not

    escape. Large open nets requiring the work of several men and held in position

    by sinkers and floats were stretched in swiftly moving water. When the net was

    full it was drawn in slowly; the catch was either removed with dip nets, or the

    entire net was dragged on shore.

            Winter fishing for cod was done through the ice with hook and line. The fish–

    ing tackle consisted of a wooden rod with a wooden or bone handle, and a curved tip

    carved out of reindeer antlers, an iron hook, and a line made of whale sinews.

    013      |      Vol_VIII-0447                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

    The fish line with hook and sinker was passed through a hole made in the upper

    bone end of the rod. The other end of the line was wound around a projection

    on the handle, and was paid out as needed.

            In hunting sea animals, the Koryaks used two types of skin boat: large

    skin boats, 29 feet in length and 7 to 9 feet in width, and small kayaks, 9 feet

    in length and from 2 to 3 feet in width. The skin boats were constructed of a

    wooden frame which was lashed together and covered with split walrus skin or seal

    skin. Oars were used with a special primitive type of oarlock. [ ?]

    [ ?] A rectangular sail of reindeer skin on

    a simple mast was used. These boats were also used for transportation.

            The Koryaks hunted the seal mostly from September 1st until early October

    when the animals followed the spawning salmon into the rivers. Seals were hunted

    with nets when they filled the rivers in large numbers. During the major portion

    of the year seals were hunted with harpoons, and in modern times to some extent

    with guns. The harpoon was most effective because the line allowed the hunter

    to retrieve his kill. The more modern harpoons had iron heads, but formerly bone

    and ivory heads were effectively used . effectively. The back of the harpoon head

    was slightly keeled, and the barb was sharply curved and provided with a notch.

    The harpoon head was attached to the line by a loop tied firmly to the foreshaft.

    The barb of the harpoon head was held to the foreshaft by a loop which passed

    over the harpoon head and over the l thong loop with which the harpoon head was

    attached to the harpoon line. The latter loop was attached to the foreshaft, which

    was perforated for this purpose near its lower end. When the harpoon struck the

    animal, the small loop which holds the barb to the foreshaft would slip off and

    the toggle-head would come off, without, however, being disengaged from the fore–

    shaft, to which it was held by the small loop passing through the perforation near

    the base.



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    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

            The harpoon line, about 60 feet long, was made of the hide of thong seal.

    It was coiled up and kept in a small round basket woven of grass and nettle

    thread. Before throwing the harpoon the hunter would loop the free end of the

    line around his left hand, and then hurl the shaft like a spear or with a

    throwing board.

            Formerly whales were occasionally attacked from boats, with stone-headed

    harpoons and spears. The bulk of the whale a catch was, however, provided by

    animals washed on shore after attacks by killer whales.

            Wild reindeer and mountain sheep were the land animals hunted by the

    Koryaks for food. There were, however, few wild reindeer in Koryak territory,

    so they were hunted only when a herd was reported in the vicinity and not as

    a regular practice. Both reindeer and mountain sheep were formerly hunted with

    bow and arrows, but in more recent times with guns.

            The bear, red fox, arctic fox, otter, ermine, sable, and gray wolf were all

    hunted in small numbers for their fur. Before the arrival of Russians the Koryaks

    did not set traps for these animals but hunted them almost exclusively with the

    bow and arrow.

            Ducks, geese, and swans were only occasionally hunted for food, because the

    Koryak felt that the difficulty involved in shooting such rapidly moving targets

    was too great, considering the reward. They did, however, catch waterfowl in

    snares during the nesting season, and with clubs during the molting period when

    the birds cannot fly.

           

    Social Organization

            The family was the basic social unit among both the Reindeer and Maritime

    Koryaks, and there was a marked antagonism toward outsiders, who were not ad–

    mitted to the family hearth, which was the chief protector of the family.



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    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

            The ancient settlements of Maritime Koryaks consisted of related families,

    with the elder as the head of the settlement. He was usually the strongest

    person in the settlement or the founder of the settlement, and assumed leader–

    ship in time of war and other crises. During the Czar's time he gathered and

    paid tribute to the Russian officials.

            In the absence of clan divisions and exogamy, the rules for marriage were

    based on the following premises:

            One's father's sister or mother's sister is in the class of one's mother.

    A father's brother and mother's brother are the same as one's father. As is the

    rule almost throughout the world, incestuous relationship with one's mother,

    sister, and daughter was prohibited. Therefore among the Koryaks this group

    included paternal and maternal aunts, first cousins, and nieces as being in the

    same class with one's sisters or daughters. These prohibitions extended to

    relatives by affinity: the stepmother, stepdaughter, sisters, or cousins of

    one's living wife, brother's wife, as well as the sisters or cousins of a

    brother's wife. Neither could one marry the widow of a younger brother or a

    nephew, or the older sister of one's deceased wife. Two brothers or an uncle

    and nephew consequently could not marry two sisters, two cousins, an aunt and

    her niece. On the other hand, a widow had to marry the younger brother, cousin,

    or a nephew of her deceased husband, and a widower had to marry the younger

    sister or cousin or a niece of his wife. Polygamy existed, but was not widely

    [?] practiced.

            Courting (with or without a matchmaker) consisted of the suitor's coming

    to stay and work for his future father-in-law. He was told to leave if the

    match was not desired. The length of this service depended entirely upon the

    wishes of the father-in-law, or, in his absence, of the l elder brother, and

    ranged from six months to three years.



    016      |      Vol_VIII-0450                                                                                                                  
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            The service was both a severe test of the qualities of the bridegroom and

    a form of payment for the bride. The bridegroom could not have intercourse with

    the bride during the period of service in the bride's house. There were no

    special marriage ceremonies. Consummation of the marriage took place when the

    service ended, but not without a struggle on the part of the bride and groom,

    symbolic of the bride's chastity. On the day of the marr agxe iage she would tie

    thongs around all the openings of her combination suit and run from the groom.

    He had to chase her until he captured her. He then cut the combination suit

    open and touched her sexual organs, to symbolize the marriage, at which time she

    would surrender and become his wife. Sometimes she was assisted in her flight

    and struggle by other women. Formerly stealing of the bride was practiced.

    Marriage residence in the majority of cases was patrilocal, though the married

    couple could remain at the bride's house. In the former case the bride took only

    her clothes and tools with her, and in some cases she brought a few presents for

    the groom's [?] family.

            The family was organized along patriarchal lines, with the father as the

    head of the family. The principles of seniority and mal domination were important.

    Marraiges were rarely forced upon the girls, and therefore affection between

    married couples was frequently found, and such extreme cases as suicide upon the

    death of one's spouse have been recorded. Divorce was rare, and was simply a

    separation, with the hayd boys remaining with the father and the girls with the

    mother.

            Articles for hunting and fishing were considered communal property, while

    clothes and ornaments were considered to be personal property. The houses, nets

    skin boats, spirit guardians and amulets, and household utensils were family

    property and inherited from father to son. In the absence of a son they belonged

    to the owner's brother. A married brother of the head of the household received

    017      |      Vol_VIII-0451                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

    part of this family property and shared the use of the skin boats, if he re–

    mained in the same village.

            Reindeer belonged to the whole family, but were under the father's juris–

    diction. Each new member of the family received his own animals, which were

    marked with a special sign on the ears. The original herd was divided among the

    sons, and daughters received a share of the original herd at their marriage.

            The concept of reincarnation was expressed in the belief that the soul of

    a newborn baby was the soul of some dead relative which had been sent into the

    mother's womb by the Supreme Being. During her confinement the mother observed

    a series of restrictions and food taboos. An experienced woman acted as mid–

    wife and cut the umbilical cord with an ordinary iron knife, which was not use e d

    again until the child was able to walk.

            The newly born child was rubbed with moss and immediately put into a combi–

    nation suit which served as a cradle. For one year after the child was born,

    the mother could not eat the meat of the ringed seal, white whale, raw thong

    seal, or fresh fish. She could not eat whale meat in the fall, but she was

    permitted to doso in the winter. Other taboos were observed for the protection

    of the infant. Since their souls were very timid they could not be taken out

    of the hut during the winter, and had to remain there until after the spring

    equinox. The child was given the name of the dead relative with whose soul he

    was born. The name was determined by the father by divination.

            Infants were nursed until about three years old, unless another pregnancy

    prevented this. At an early age they were given pieces of reindeer or seal fat

    to suck on. Children were well treated and generally well-behaved. They began

    helping the adults with their work at the age of ten or twelve years.



    018      |      Vol_VIII-0452                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

           

    Soul

            The multiple soul concept was not well defined among the Koryaks. The

    term uyicit applied to the main soul, but there was also a "secondary soul,"

    or shadow. It was the principal soul which was the subject of attacks by evil

    spirits, and when frightened by them left the body and rose to the Supreme Being.

    After a man's death his soul would soar high above him, appearing in the shape

    of a small fire. During an illness it would leave the body, staying close by

    if the illness were minor but moving farther away as the sickness took on

    greater proportions. Some great shamans could cause the soul to return even

    after a man's death. The body and the secondary soul were thought to depart into

    the world of shadow, the country of ancient people. The entrance to this world

    was guarded by dogs, and therefore those who mistreated dogs on earth would

    not be admitted. The guardian dogs could be bribed by placing fish fins in the

    mittens of the dead person before burial. The underworld people lived in villages

    with their families.

           

    Burial

            The usual method of disposing of a body was cremation. However, some groups

    living along the seacoast where there was no timber for funeral pyres used sea

    burial. The corpse was attired in funeral dress, tied to a long pole, towed

    out to sea, and pushed into the water with poles.

            Formerly on the day of a funeral all work in the settlement was stopped;

    but later this applied only to the house of the deceased. The body was clad in

    special richly embroidered clothing, mostly of white fawn skin, white being the

    funeral color. As it took a long time to make the funeral dress it was prepared

    in advance, but not completely finished, as that might cause the future owner to

    die soon. For the same reason the preliminary work was done in secret. The dress

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    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

    was finished, with the assistance of neighbors, only after the death, while men

    entert [?] ain ed the deceased by playing cards on his body. Among the Maritime

    Koryaks, the body, fully dressed, was taken for cremation on a sleigh pulled

    by men or dogs. The Reindeer Koryaks used a team of reindeer, which were later

    killed to serve the deceased in the other world, and their meat was eaten by

    relatives.

            The remains of the funeral dress materials, bedding, personal belongings,

    and food were placed on the pyre along with some gifts which those present wished

    to send to their deceased relatives.

            Some Koryak groups dissected the bodies before burning to find out the cause

    of death; among i other groups a survival of this custom consisted of piercing

    the abdomen with a knife while the body was on the funeral pyre and stuffing

    the wound with some rags.

            For ten days after the funeral someone constantly occupied the place used

    by the deceased to fool the evil spirits and make them believe they had failed

    in their "hunt" among the inhabitants of this household. Ceremonial beating

    of the drum took place after the funeral, and for some time brothers of the de–

    ceased wer wore amulets to guard them against the spirit of the dead. The

    anniversary of the dead was observed among some groups of Reindeer Koryaks by

    killing reindeer at the place where the body was burned and piling the antlers

    there. Occasionally small wooden representations of the deceased were

    made and kept among the sacred objects.

           

    Religion

            The Koryak religion was characterized by the development of animism, tribal

    deities, family spirits, family shamanistic practices, and hunting festivals.

    They conceived of all visible objects and natural phenomena as animate beings,

    usually with vague anthropomorphic characteristics. Every [?] object had two

    020      |      Vol_VIII-0454                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

    forms, the natural, external form, and the supernatural, anthropomorphic form,

    and could change its form at will. Thus a little ermine could become a man,

    a spider turn into an old woman, Big Raven into a small bird or even into a

    reindeer hair. Their cosmogony was ill-defined.

            The most important among the benevolent spirits was the Creator known

    under various names (Grandfather, Universe, Supervisor, Strength, The Maker on

    High, and Dawn) who would not interfere much with the affairs of men. However,

    the abundance of everything depended on whther or not he would look down on

    the earth. His wife (Supervisor-Woman, Sea-Woman) sent souls into the womb from

    the house of the Creator where they were hung up on beams; the span of each

    life was measured by the length of the string on which the souls were suspended.

    Sometimes the Creator was identified with Big Raven, or credited with creating

    this important spirit.

            Big Raven, who sometimes turned into a raven by putting on a raven's coat,

    was the founder of the world. He had a wife and children, lived in an under–

    ground house, and kept a herd of reindeer. Big Raven(or, in some versions,

    the Creator), created all natural phenomena — plants, animals, and heaven.

    He introduced order, taught the people to fish and hunt, and gave them the

    drum, fire drill, and protection against evil y spirits, as well as incanta–

    tions against disease. He waged constant war against the Malevolent spirits.

    The most important among these were the Kalau , who were sometimes invisible and

    at other times w visible and could change their size at will. They lived in

    families. Some lived in the underworld, where everything was the opposite of

    what it is on earth — day occurred during night on the earth, and so they

    slept when people were awake. Kalau made themselves invisible and entered

    human houses through the hearth. They hurt people with their hammers and axes,

    021      |      Vol_VIII-0455                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

    and thus caused headaches; their bites caused swellings, and they killed

    people with invisible arrows. They could also tear off pieces of human flesh

    causing wounds and sores.

            Other Kalau lived on the earth in a valley far to the west, and entered

    houses from above and could be visible. The Maritime Kalau kept bears instead

    of dogs while the Reindeer Kalau herded reindeer and mountain sheep. The usual

    North Siberian concept of the "Owners" was not much developed. There were however

    the Owners of the sun, moon, and stars which were anthropomorphized and were

    sometimes identified with the Creator.

            In addition to these tribal spirits each family, individual, or an entire

    village might have for protection a group of objects endowed with the ability

    to care for man's welfare and keep away all evil. The most important among these

    were the sacred implements for fire making, which consisted of a fire board

    with holes in it, and shaped like a human being, with a head; a small fire bow

    drill; and a small a leather bag with little pieces of coal in it. Among the

    Maritime Koryaks the fire-making tools were considered the master of the under–

    ground house and helper in the sea hunts, while among the Reindeer Koryaks they were

    the master of the hearth.

            In addition there was the sacred drum owned by every married couple, which

    was the master of the sleeping compartment, where it was kept.

            Among the Maritime Koryaks, the left side of the house, near the door, was

    reserved for the sacred objects, and the altar was decorated with sedge grass.

            There were, besides, a large number of kamaks — charms and guardians: (a)

    Guardian of the Habitation which was a post tapering at the top, sometimes forked,

    set near the village by the one who erected the first house. It was given

    offerings of fat, blood, and antlers. (b) Others of the same shape on rocks

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    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

    overlooking the sea, erected after a whale hunt by the owner of the boat whose

    crew killed the whale. (c) Net kamak . (d) Little kamak , an image on a string

    which protected against misfortunes. (e) Baby protectors. (f) Skin boat pro–

    tectors. Other protectors were in the form of a ladder used for entrance into the

    winter house, sacred arrows, shaman's guardian amulets, diving stones, and other

    amulets.

           

    Shamanism

            Among the Koryaks, shamanism took two forms, family shamanism and profes–

    sional shamanism.

            The family shaman was connected with the hearth, whose welfare was under

    his care. The family shaman had charge of the celebration of family festivals,

    rites, and sacrifices and the use of family charms, amulets, and incantations.

    Professional shamans ( enenalan — one inspired by spirits) had their own

    guardian spirits, who selected them for this vocation. These spirits usually

    appeared in the form of animals or birds, which protected the shaman from evil

    spirits, helped him in his fights with other shamans and attacked his enemies.

    The receiving of a call was accompanied by great mental struggle against it;

    sometimes the chosen one sweat blood on the forehead and the temples.

            Professional shamans were not attached to any one group, and the stronger

    they were the wider the circle in which they could operate. The Koryak profes–

    sional shaman seemes to have developed from the family type, as he had no drum

    of his own, and used drums belonging to the family in whose house he performed

    the incantations. He wore no special dress.

            Even at the time of Jochelson's travels (early 20th century) few professional

    shamans were found among the Koryaks. Usually, nervous young men subject to

    023      |      Vol_VIII-0457                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

    hysterical fits were selected for this vocation. They performed in almost

    total darkness, beating the drum, singing incantations, imitating sounds of

    wild animals, using ventriloquism, and performing conjuring tricks, self–

    stabbing, etc.

            The shamans were called to cure serious illnesses, tell the future, etc.

    According to Koryak tradition, the powerful shamans were able to change their

    sex at the command of the spirits, and they wore the clothing of their acquired

    sex. Usually this change was accompanied by homosexual practices. The women

    shamans transformed into men were considered especially powerful.

            The Koryak drum was both a musical instrument and a sacred household object.

    It was oval in shape and covered with reindeer hide on one side only, with a

    handle formed by a double nettle cord off-center on the inside. The drum was

    held in a slanting position and struck on the lower part. Each Korya , k family

    had one or more drums which any member could beat. The power of the drum lay

    in the sounds it emitted, as they were capb capable of summoning spirits, and

    placating them. The drum could be beaten by either sex during the festival

    for proitiation of the spirits or as a musical instrument for as amusement.

            Some women knew not only family incantations but many others besides, which

    they could use outside the family circle when requested, and thus they developed

    into semiprofessional shamans. In every family there was a woman who knew some

    of the secret magic formulas used in the treatment of diseases and the conse–

    cration of amulets and charms, and for attracting game animals and drif driving

    away evil spirits. The contents of these formulas usually consisted of dramatic

    narrative in which the Creator and his wife figured prominently, and when recited

    the actions described were enacted by the narrator. Upon receipt of payments,

    which varied in size, good formulas could be said for the benefit of an outsider

    by a skilled and wise woman.



    024      |      Vol_VIII-0458                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

           

    Ceremonies and Festivals

            Besides occasional sacrifices, the Koryaks had several sacrificial

    ceremonies which were regular or seasonal, all connected with the cult of the

    animals on which their livelihood depended. Thus the Maritime Koryaks worshipped

    sea animals, and the Reindeer Koryaks their herds. Among the Maritime Koryak

    ceremonies were the whale festival, and the ceremony of putting away the skin

    boat for the winter and of launching a skin boat. Among the Reindeer Koryaks

    the ceremony on the return of the herd from summer pastures and the fawn festival

    were the most important. Ceremonies commong to both groups were the bear festival,

    the wolf festival, and the ceremonial practices in connection with fox hunting.

            One of the most important ceremonies among the Maritime Koryaks was the

    whale festival — encountered in some form also among the Central Eskimos, Aleuts,

    and the Kamchadals. This was a communal celebration held after the killing of

    each whale and especially in October after the capture of the white whale. It

    was based on the concept that the slain whale made his annual visit to the village

    and, if treated right, would go back to his "tribe" and induce them also to visit

    the hospitable people.

            The hunters were met by women clad in festive garments and grass masks who

    danced in honor of the "honored guest." An offering of sacrificial grass was

    given to the whale and while the whale was being cut, its head was covered with

    grass to prevent it from seeing who was doing the cutting. A dog was sacrificed

    to the Spirit of the Sea.

            In the evening a ceremony was held at the house of the man who owned the

    boat responsible for the kill. A wooden image of the whale and offerings of

    whale's meat for it were placed on the altar with the family's sacred objects.

    The cemerony began with loud and gay shouts of women: "Welcome dear guests!

    025      |      Vol_VIII-0459                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

    Come often! We have many berries!" Offerings to the household deities were

    made and a piece of fat was thrown into the hearth. In the evening prophecies

    were made by means of a charred reindeer shoulder blade. Three days passed

    in festivities and feasting. On the third day, in the evening, there was again

    a communal gathering with the beating of the drum, and the next morning the

    "guests" were sent back home. During this ceremony a sign was sought to deter–

    mine if the "guests" were satisfied and willing to depart. If they were not

    it meant famine and misfortune.

            The beaching of boats for the winter and launching them in the spring was

    accompanied by celebrations of a family character, when the fire was lighted

    by means of sacred fire-making tools, and sacrifices of fat were made to the [?]

    sacred boat.

            The main festival of the Reindeer Koryaks was held at the time when the

    herds returned from summer pastures. They were met with firebrands from a new

    fire made with the sacred fire board. Several reindeer were sacrificed to the

    Supreme Creator and the fire-making board was smeared with their blood.

            Another ceremony was held in the spring after the fawning period of the

    reindeer to insure fertility, and was accompanied by ceremonial fire making,

    beating of the drum, and feasting.

            Both Maritime and Reindeer Koryaks held ceremonies in honor of killing a

    bear or wolf, which mainly consisted of feasting "the guest," and sending his

    soul back to his tribe.

            Sacrifices played an important role in the religion of the Koryaks, and were

    made either by individuals or by families. Dogs and seals were sacrificed to

    placate the evil spirits. Bloodless sacrifices consisted of offering tea, tobacco,

    and fat to the family spirits, accompanied by short incantations.



    026      |      Vol_VIII-0460                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Koryaks

            Koryak folklore is rich in imagery and humor. Jochelso , n , who made an ex–

    haustive study of this subject, feels that [?] there are great similarities

    with the tales of the North Pacific coast tribes of America and detects, as well,

    some Eskimo, Slav, Ostiak, Tungus, and Mongol-Turk elements. The bulk of the tales

    are concerned with the everlasting struggle of the Big Raven with his enemies —

    evil spirits, cannibals, and wolves. Other tales of a humorous character depict

    the various tricks Big Raven played on others or vice versa. A number of tales

    describe the adventures of a cultural hero in quest of a wife, rivalry between

    lovers, etc.


    Bibliography

    Bogorodski: A Medico-Topographical Description of the Gijiginsk District , Peters--

    burg, 1853.

    Czaplicka, M. A. Aboriginal Siberia , Oxford, 1914.

    Diachkoff, G.T.: The Country of the Anadyr . S.S.A.C. Vladivostok, 1893.

    Dittmar, C. Uber die Koraken und die innen sehr nahe verwamdten Ischuktschen . (Ac–

    ademy of Sciences St. Petersburg, Beitrage zur kenntnissdes Russischen

    Reiches (1839-1900) 1856)

    Jochelson, Waldemar: The Koryak (Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History,

    Vol. VI, New York, 1905-1908)

    ----. Peoples of Asiatic Russia . American Museum of Natural H [ i ?] tory, 1928.

    Kennan, George: Tent-life in Siberia and Adventures Among the Koryak and Other

    Tribes in Kamtchatka and Northern Asia
    . London, 1870.

    Krasheninnikoff, S.P. Description of the Country of Kamchatka , Petersburg, 1755.

    de Lesseps, M. Reise durch Kamtschatka und Siberien . Berlin, 1791.

    Orlova, E. The Koryak of the Kamchatka Peninsula. "Northern Asia," No.3 (27), pp.

    83-113, 1929.

    Steller, G.W.: Beschreibung von dem Lande Kamtchatka , St. Petersburg, 1774.

    Yelistratoff: West Coast of Kamchatka, 1742-1787.

           

    Eugene A. Golomshtok

    Ostyaks


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0461                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Eugene A. Golomshtak)


    OSTYAKS

           

    Contents

    Page
    Number and Distribution 1
    Divisions 1
    Habitat 2
    Origin and History 3
    Physical Anthropology 4
    Houses 4
    Clothing 5
    Food 6
    Reindeer Breeding 6
    Hunting and Fishing 7
    Transportation 8
    Tools, Arms and Household Utensils 9
    Language 10
    Art and Knowledge 10
    Social Organization 11
    Family 12
    Marriage 12
    Birth and Attitude toward Women 15
    Death and Burial 16
    Religion 18
    Shamanism 20
    Bibliography 22



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0462                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Eugene A. Golomshtok)


           

    OSTYAKS

           

    Number and Distribution

            The Ostyaks, ( Khante ), a Finno-Ugric group numbering 18,591 in 1911

    and 22,272 in 1926, occupy, together with the Voguls, the Ostyako-Vogul

    National Region in northwestern Siberia. The Ostyaks inhabit the Tobol

    and Narym regions along the Ob, Irtysh, Kondo, and Vasugan rivers.

            Their self name is Khante or As-yakh , (the people of the Ob). Some

    derive the name Ostyak from the self name, As-yakh , and others believe it

    to be a modification of the Tartar term Ushtyak , (the barbarian).

           

    Divisions

            The Ostyaks are subdivided into three major groups: (1) Northern

    Ostyaks — in the Berezov region, along the Sosva, Kyzym, and Nyzym rivers;

    (2) Eastern Ostyaks — in the Surgut and Narym areas; and (3) Southwestern

    Ostyaks — on the Irtysh and its tributaries.

            From the point of view of occupation we may distinguish three divisions:

    (a) fishermen and horse breeders, who live along the Irtysh and Ob rivers

    and are sedentary; (b) nomadic reindeer breeders and hunters, who constitute

    the bulk of the Ostyaks; and (c) the Sosva Ostyaks who do not have reindeer

    or horses and are exclusively hunters.



    002      |      Vol_VIII-0463                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ostyaks

            The neighbors of the Ostyaks to the north are the Samoyeds, on the

    west are the Voguls, and on the south are the Russians, some of whom,

    together with Zyrians, live among the Ostyaks.

           

    Habitat

            The region is uniform in relief with small hills and knobs. It is

    dotted with numerous small lakes and nearly one-third of the territory is

    covered with water. The principal rivers are the Ob and its right tribu–

    tary, the Irtysh, which, with their tributaries, form the main arteries of

    transportation. The Ob River has six navigable tributaries from the right

    and five from the left. The Konda River (12,000 kilometers in length), which

    is one of the large left tributaries of the Irtysh, is navigable for 700 km.

    from its mouth.

            The climate is severe and cold with relatively warm summers and strong

    frosts in the winter, and increases in continental character toward the east.

    The amount of atmospheric precipitation decreases toward the north, with half

    of it occurring during the summer. The snow cover reaches its maximum during

    the month of March and remains for an average period of 198 days. North of

    the 63rd parallel permafrost is encountered.

            Forests, mostly pine, cedar, fir, and birch cover 21% of the area. The

    river valleys are covered by various grasses and wild berries. The fauna

    is rich and plentiful. The forests abound in squirrel, fox, ermine, river

    beaver, otter, brown bear, wolf, and reindeer. The birds include a variety

    of geese and ducks, grouse, woodcock, field hen, etc. Fish are abundant

    throughout the Ob basin system and are the most important source of natural

    wealth. Amont the most important fish are the Siberian sturgeon, Ob herring,

    nelma, moksun, taymen, carp, perch, pike, and salmon.



    003      |      Vol_VIII-0464                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ostyaks

           

    Origin and History

            It is believed that the Ostyaks, together with some other Finno-Ugric

    group, originated in the Altai region and moved northward following the

    course of the Ob and Irtysh rivers.

            The Ostyaks, together with Voguls, Votyaks, and Samoyeds were first

    mentioned under the name Ugra , in Russian annals, as early as 1114. The

    first definite account, written in 1499, states that Russian troops of Ivan III

    met a crowd of peaceful Samoyeds, killed 50 of them, took 200 reindeer, and

    made all the natives (including the Ostyaks) pay tribute.

            In the 16th century the Ostyaks traded with the Russians, but were cheated

    more often than not. In 1572 the Ostyaks, together with the Cheremias, Bashkir,

    Votyaks, and other participated in an unsuccessful uprising against the

    Russians. The Ostyaks continued to resist the Russian attempts at conquest,

    but they were finally subjugated after many bitter battles. The remains of

    Ostyak towers and fortresses testify, also, to the former bloody wars with

    attacking Samoyeds. The Russians levied heavy tribute, and in 1753 each

    Ostyak had to supply ten ermine and each locality 500 fish.

            Even in later times trade was unfavorable to the Osytaks. One sack of

    flour was exchanged for 100 squirrels or two best grade arctic fox skins,

    1 pound of tea for one fox, and 1 quart of diluted vodka for 2 or 3 fox skins.

    Early in the 18th century Ostyak boys and girls were sold into lifelong slavery

    for as little as 25 kopecks each. Russian pressure and economic exploitation

    resulted in a decline of the native population.

            The Soviet revolution brought the establishment of the Ostyako-Vogul

    National Region, and the introduction of schools, an alphabet, hospitals,

    cultural centers, fishing and hunting cooperatives, etc.



    004      |      Vol_VIII-0465                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ostyaks

           

    Physical Anthropology

            In general the Ostyaks are short and brachicephalic, with dark hair

    and eyes. Some have blue eyes, perhaps the result of intermarriage with

    Russians. The facial index is 79.6, the cephalic index 79.23, cephalic

    module 161, mean stature 1579, and cephalic module stature index 10.2.

            Ostyaks are very closely related to the Voguls, and in a number of

    physical characteristics occupy an intermediate position between Voguls

    and Samoyeds. Some investigators place them, together with the Voguls, in

    a special Ugric group, which differs from the Finnish or Samoyed type because

    it stands closer to Mongoloids of Siberia. It is also suggested, partly on

    the basis of skeletal material, that this Ugric group were the most ancient

    inhabitants of northern European Russian and western Siberia.

           

    Houses

            In former times the Ostyaks lived in semisubterranean earth huts which

    have new almost completely disappeared. The foundation of the earth hut

    was three feet deep in the ground, and the upper portion was surrounded by

    poles and stakes and half filled with earth. It had no windows, and an

    opening in the roof served to let in light and as a smoke hole for the hearth.

    The hut was entered through a side door with steps leading down to it.

            In later times, during the winter, the Ostyaks lived in Russian-type

    log cabins or skin-covered conical tents ( q..v . Samoyed). The Russian type

    of winter log house had a slanting roof of wood or birch bark, one or two

    windows with either ice or glass panes, and often had no ceiling. Near the

    entrance was a hearth( chuval ) made of long thin poles covered with mud.



    005      |      Vol_VIII-0466                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ostyaks

            During the summer the Ostyaks lived in conical tents covered with birch

    bark (q.v. Yukaghir). During the summer and fall migrations to the Ob and

    back, small, square birch-bark tents were used for shelter. The framework

    for these tents was always prepared ahead of time and carried from place

    to place.

           

    Clothing

            Until the 20th century, Ostyak clothing was made exclusively of furs

    and skins. The basic garment consisted of a long shirt or coat, often with

    an attached hood, made of reindeer skin or cloth. Women wore crude nettle

    fiber shirts embroidered with colored wool and decorated with metal pendents.

    A cloth coat was worn over this shirt. At the present time many Ostyaks wear

    Russian-type costumes consisting of coats, shirts, and pants. During the

    winter they wear long reindeer skin coats with attached hoods.

            Today, most of the Ostyaks wear boots and long-boots purchased from the

    Russians, but some still use reindeer boots ( kisi ) during the winter. A

    knife is worn on the belt, as are fire-making tools.

            After maturity women wore leather pants and special chastity belts

    ( vorop ) which cover the sexual organs. After childbirth women wore a string

    on the calf of the left leg as a talisman against evil spirits.

            Beads and metal pendants were used to decorate clothing. These orna–

    ments represent animals and plants. Certain ornaments were embroidered with

    reindeer or horse hair.

            Both men and women wore their hair in braids; the men wore it shorter

    than the women and tied their braids with red or blue woolen strings or

    braided a ribbon into their hair. Women wore two braids, and either tied

    them with string or ribbon, or twisted them near the ears into coils which

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0467                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ostyaks

    were held in position with strings.

            Children were dressed like their parents.

           

    Food

            Ostyak food consisted of meat, fish, and berries. Fish and meat were

    eaten raw, dried, roasted, and smoked. Reindeer meat and blood formed the

    bulk of the diet, and bear and squirrel meat were considered delicacies.

    In the summer, fish and berries were eaten in great quantity, and one of the

    favorite dishes was berries mixed with fish fat. During the migratory season

    ducks and other waterfowl were killed in large numbers and formed the basic

    part of the diet.

            Small fish, and the heads of large fish were sun-dried and pounded to

    a powder in large troughs, to be made into fish cakes during the winter.

    These cakes were widely used as provisions during hunting trips. Fish were

    smoked on poles which are placed near a fire, in a slanting position. Bread

    was baked in the Russian manner, in round loaves, in a clay stove standing

    on four poles. On festive occasions fish fat and berries were added to the

    dough.

            Tobacco was smoked by all the men, about half the women, and many

    children from the age of fourteen on. Many also chewed tobacco. Vodka was

    introduced by the Russians.

           

    Reindeer Breeding

            Reindeer breeding was the basis of the economy of many Ostyak groups.

    The herds move three or four times a year to definite grazing regions. In

    June the Ostyaks would move to their summer grazing places in the open areas

    and along rivers. The entire family, often assisted by dogs, participated

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0468                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ostyaks

    in tending a large herd and a special herdsman guarded the reindeer from

    wolves and bears.

            Small herds of reindeer were tame, but larger herds were quite wild.

    The horns of old bucks and those animals given to fighting were b f r oken to

    prevent them from injuring each other. The herdsmen caught their reindeer

    with a leather lasso, with a bone plaque which slides and gets entangled

    in the animal's horns. During the summer special sheds of branches were

    made for the reindeer. Smoke fires were kept burning in these sheds to

    protect the animals from the insects which pl agued them during the summer.

            Domestic reindeer were killed by a blow with the back side of an axe

    on the forehead. When the animal fell the Ostyaks would turn toward the

    west and bow. The warm blood of a freshly killed reindeer was considered

    a special delicacy.

            Though the herds were large they were often decimated by diseases and

    famine. Reindeer were subject to many diseases: pregnant cows would catch

    cold and die; the animals developed severe sores on their hooves during the

    winter from breaking the crust of ice over the moss; in hot weather they

    were subject to lung diseases and epidemics. If the grazing of the herd

    was not controlled, the moss and grass could be stamped out and the animals

    would then die of starvation. Thu [ ?] , in the Ural-Tasovsk area 15,000 rein–

    deer died in 1924 from various causes.

           

    Hunting and Fishing

            The most important animals hunted were the elk, reindeer, fox, brown

    bear, sable, squirrel, ermine, and kolinsky. Birds, primarily waterfowl,

    were hunted in great numbers.



    008      |      Vol_VIII-0469                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ostyaks

            Reindeer and elk were hunted in the summer during the seasons of mos–

    quitoes and other insects. Birds and fur-bearing animals were hunted with

    guns and bows and arrows, and also caught in traps. Self discharging bows

    were used to trap fur-bearing animals by placing them in the animal's path.

    A special type of trap was used for wolves. Ducks were hunted with nets

    set in narrow passages on the shores of lakes and rivers. Traps were also

    used to catch forest birds.

            Nets of various sizes, traps, and hook and line were used in fishing,

    and during the summer conical weirs of willow twigs were used. The weirs

    were attached to a dam of poles and birch bark built across a river. In

    more recent times most of the fishing gear has been purchased.

           

    Transportation

            During the winter, sleighs, drawns either by reindeer or dogs, were

    used for transportation, and skis were used for traveling over the frozen

    ground. During the summer, boats were the principal means of transportation.

            The man's reindeer sleigh was long and narrow, while the woman's was

    wider and shorter with a back-rest. Dog sleighs were smaller. The reindeer

    was urged on with a long pine pole, 2 to 3 meters in length.

            Skis were made of pine, birch, or cedar, either plain or lined with

    reindeer hide. The lined skis were used for hunting or traveling long dis–

    tances, while the unlined skis were for short trips and for teaching children

    to ski.

            There were two types of boats; (a) wooden boats, with a wide bottom,

    and two sides, of boards fastened together with fibers of cedar tree roats

    and cemented with pitch; (b) dugout canoes made of cedar logs. A paddle or



    009      |      Vol_VIII-0470                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Geolomshtok: Ostyaks

            single-bladed oar was used. The handles were often decorated with carved

    figures.

           

    Tools, Arms, and Household Utensils

            About half the guns used by the Ostyaks were of the flint-lock type.

    The bow and arrow was not only considered as good for hunting, but was

    preferred bymany.

            The bow was of a composite type and made of three plies (pine or

    cedar, birch, and "cheremukha"). Each part was soaked in pitch and the

    three layers were tied together and covered with thick strips of birch

    which were fastened with fish g lue. The whole bow was then tied tightly

    with cedar roots. The bowstring, either of purchased string or nettle

    fibers, was four or five inches shorter than the bow. It was first soaked

    in water, and then dried and soaked in hot glue. In some regions reindeer

    gut was used for the bowstring.

            The arrows were from 62 to 80 cm. in length and were of several kinds.

    Some, tipped with iron heads of various types and forms, were used for

    hunting fox, geese, eider, and fish; for hunting ducks, spear or fork

    points were used. Another type of arrow, blunt and thickened on the end

    instead of having an iron head, was used for hunting squirrels and wood hens.

    Still another type had a hollow arrow head which caused a whistling sound to

    be emitted during flight.

            All arrows were feathered with eagle feathers. Bone bow guards were

    used to protect the left hand of the hunter from the backlash of the bowstring.

    Children used a simple bow and were instructed early in the use of this weapon.

            Another important weapon was an iron knife worn in a wooden or birch-

    010      |      Vol_VIII-0471                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ostyaks

    bark sheath attached to the belt.

            Household utensils were made of birch bark, which was boiled to soften

    it and make it workable and sewn with reindeer sinew thread. Ostyaks used

    buckets with round handles, tall containers for berries, storage boxes, and

    cradles, etc. These objects were decorated with stylized representations

    of reindeer horns, bears, ermine, tents, etc. Baskets of cedar roots and

    bags of tanned rindeer skin were also made. Cups, plates, baskets, kettles,

    and teapots were bought.

            A wooden needle was used for making and repairing nets, and iron scrapers

    with wooden handles were used to scrape reindeer skins.

           

    Language

            Although 17 dialects of Ostyak are recognized, most scientists divide

    the Ostyak language into four major groups: (1) Obdors — Ob; (2) Beresovo —

    Ob; (3) Surgut — Kondin; and (4) Vakhake — Narym. Many Russian, Zyrian,

    and Samoyed words are incorporated in all of these dialects.

            There is no native form of writing, and the only method of indicating

    ownership was the tamga , a special mark which was cut out on each man's

    implements, tools, etc. This mark was considered equal to a man's signature.

    Only the father or head of a family had his own tamga , and after his death

    it was used by his family, which was now headed by his wife or son. When

    a son separated from his family he made his own sign which he cut on his

    most valuable reindeer, sleighs, boats, etc.

           

    Art and Knowledge

            The Ostyaks had a simple device for counting, the jukh-pas, which

    was a small wooden stick, 10 cm. long, 2 to 3 cm. wide, and 1 to 2 cm. thick.

    011      |      Vol_VIII-0472                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ostyaks

    Notches, usually based on the decimal system, were cut on this: a vertical

    cut was equal to one, two horizontal lines equalled 5, X equalled 10,

    crossed X equalled 100, and an eight-pointed star was equal to 1,000.

            The Ostyak year contained 12 months for which they had descriptive

    names which reflected their occupational cycle; e.g., April (month which

    brings ice), May (leaf month), June (fish month), etc. They also had names

    for days of the week.

            The Ostyaks had musical instruments of their own invention. A five–

    stringed violin ( nary-syukh , dombra ), with strings made of reindeer sinew,

    was reserved for men. An eight-stringed harp called chotuing (swan) had

    metal strings. A wind instrument made of bone was used by women. There

    was also a two-stringed violin. Songs were monotonous and sung in a minor

    key to the accompaniment of these instruments. Dances imitated the movements

    of various animals and contained pantomimes which enacted the incidents of

    daily life.

           

    Social Organization

            The Ostyaks were formerly divided into clans, each of which was a com–

    bination of a large family and an independent political unit. They never

    exhibited a tendency to unite into a nation or an organized tribe, but were

    always grouped in independent clans, each having its own chief, which formed

    alliances only in case of war against another tribe.

            The clans were headed by military leaders and shamans. The elder of the

    clan was called urt and was the real ruler in ancient times although on certain

    important occasions there was an assembly in which the oldest members of the

    clan were able to participate in discussion. The chiefs and their families

    012      |      Vol_VIII-0473                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ostyaks

    formed an aristocratic caste, a warrior class which defended the land from

    foreign foes. Some of the princes or chiefs succeeded in conquering a con–

    siderable amount of territory, thus creating a tribal or feudal type of

    society with nobles, common people, and slaves. These slaves were usually

    Samoyed prisoners of war and were considered to be private property. The

    office of urt was abolished after the Russian conquest.

           

    Family

            The Ostyaks had a patriarchal type of family organization with women

    in a subordinate position. The family consisted of parents, their children,

    and the paternal grandparents. Other members could be children of destitute

    families which remained in the new family group until they reached maturity.

    The father's power, however, was nominal, as sons could marry or set up

    separate residences whenever they wished. Daughters were more restricted.

    They were trained in household duties from early childhood and often by the

    time they were 8 to 10 years old they were placed in the family of their

    future husband where they participated in the family work. Father and sons

    hunted together and if a son hunted alone he brought the catch to the family.

    All sons inherited equally.

           

    Marriage

            The Ostyaks formerly practiced polygamy. Marriage within the clan was

    permitted for couples not nearer than the fourth generation removed if they

    bore the same family name, which was handed down along the male line. Fathers

    and sons or two brothers could marry two sisters. Levirate and solirate were

    permitted, but not enforced.



    013      |      Vol_VIII-0474                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ostyaks

            In selecting a bride her health and industriousness were very important.

    The usual mode of acquiring a wife was by purchase. The bride price ( kalym )

    consisted of reindeer, dogs, copper vessels, etc. Its size depended on the

    wealth of the groom's family. The bride brought a dowry approximately equal

    in value to the purchase price.

            A matchmaker, receiving five reindeer from rich prospective grooms or

    only one or a large kettle from poor ones, would visit the tent of the bride's

    parents and give a traditional speech which varied according to the season.

    When an agreement was reached, the parents received gifts of cups or a

    kettle and the bride received earrings, a dress, or other trinkets.

            On a given day the matchmaker and the parents would meet and the groom's

    parents would bring gifts for the bride's family. The groom was not present

    so that often his parents erred and brought a sister of the bride instead.

            After the feast the bride was dressed in her best clothes, reindeer

    boots, furs, etc., and, seated on the first sleigh of the train, her brothers

    or the matchmaker would take her to the groom's home. Upon arrival there

    they would circle faster and faster from west to east with loud cries, with

    the object of throwing the bride off the sleigh. If she fell it showed that

    she would be unfaithful, but if she held fast she would be a true, loyal wife.

    A similar ceremony with boats was substituted in the summer.

            Feasting, when the best of foods and tea with sugar were served, lasted

    2 to 3 days (less with poorer grooms). There was no dancing but singing was

    permitted. No special songs existed. If the shaman lived nearby he attended

    but his presence was not required.

            Formerly matrilocal residence was practiced until the full bride price

    was paid. In such a case, when the agreement was reached the groom went to



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    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ostyaks

            the bride's tent and paid part of the bride price. He then directed the

    father to prepare a bed for him and have his daughter ready. At night

    the bridegroom would lie in the appointed spot while the bride lay near

    him on a separate bench covered with a particular fur, until the fires

    were put out. Next morning the girl's mother would ask if the bridegroom

    was satisfied with her daughter. If satisfied, he had to give the mother

    a garment and a reindeer and she would cut to pieces the reindeer skin on

    which the couple had lain. If not satisfied, the mother would give him a

    reindeer. After this the bridegroom would sleep with the bride but could

    not take her home until the whole kalym was paid. The bridegroom had to

    observe avoidance customs with his father-in-law until the kalym was paid.

    The dowry was provided from the kalym which was paid for the bride and

    consisted of garments, bedding, etc.

            Bride stealing was prominent, usually by agreement between the young

    people. Relatives of the brids would try to return her by force, but were

    opposed by the groom's relatives. Usually after a year or so both parties

    made peace.

            Customs of avoidance were carefully observed. A wife had to cover her

    face and head by means of a kerchief or her hands from her husband; the

    wife of the older son from her father-in-law and from the husband of her

    husband's sister; the wife's mother from her son-in-law; the older sister

    from her younger sister's husband; the stepmother from the husband of her

    stepdaughters. A woman neglecting this rite brought reproach upon herself

    and could even be excluded from the family and clan. She had to acknowledge

    her guilt and punish herself by leaving. Her relatives would not persuade

    her to stay but would drive her out, condemning her. She could not join

    015      |      Vol_VIII-0476                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ostyaks

    another family or clan until she had repented.

            The custom signified respect for the person to whom it was addressed.

    A wife not covering herself from her husband thereby indicated she did not

    wish him well, and actually desired his death. He would then run away from

    her and her family whom he would not visit until she was banished, and she

    herself had to ask forgiveness through some member of her family. If she

    did not ask forgiveness, the husband had to protect himself from death with

    a sacrifice to the spirits, a ceremony in which the shaman participated.

            No married woman could appear before her father-in-law, and the bride–

    groom had to avoid his mother-in-law until he had children. If they chanced

    to meet, they had to cover their faces. The woman did this in the case of

    all male connections on her husband's side. There were also restrictions

    on the relations between a girl and her brothers; she could not eat with

    them or talk to them after she had reached the age of thirteen.

            Avoidance customs seem to have been borrowed by the Ostyaks from their

    former neighbors, the Tartars.

           

    Birth and Attitude toward Women

            Women were considered "unclean" from the time of their first menstrual

    period. They could pollute not only fishing and hunting gear but the owners

    of the gear, and were forbidden to cut or clean certain types of fish.

    During mentrual periods and during childbirth the woman lived in a separate

    hut and had to be purified afterward. A few days before the delivery of

    her first child the expectant mother had to confess all her bad deeds since

    childhood, to women she herself selected. She told in detail any instances of

    faithlessness to her husband, even to unfulfilled desires for another man.

    016      |      Vol_VIII-0477                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ostyaks

    She also confessed thefts, swearing, etc. Before subsequent births she

    confessed only for the period since the last birth. For six weeks after

    birth the woman had to keep her face covered with a kerchief and could not

    go visiting or venture far from her hut.

            The newborn child was washed and placed in a cradle lined with lichen

    or powdered bark. The child was breast fed.

           

    Death and Burial

            The Ostyak graveyard was usually in a forest and burial generally took

    place on the day of death. The body, fully dressed, was taken out of the

    house through a window or a specially made opening and carried to the grave

    by hand or on a reindeer. The reindeer had to be killed at the spot of

    burial by placing a loop of rope around its neck and tying the other end to

    a tree. The animal was then beaten with sticks, and in attempting to escape

    it would choke itself with the rope. Only then was a wooden spear driven

    into its heart. The flesh was eaten at the grave, the bones placed with the

    corpse, and the skin buried close at hand.

            Among the Ostyaks of the upper Ob, the graves were no deeper than three

    or fout feet and the sides were lined with wooden planks or branches of trees.

    The body was placed in the grave either in a small boat with flattened ends

    and covered with branches, or, if no boat was available, in a coffin made

    somewhat in the form of a boat. Above the grave a small roof formed of

    interlaced birch branches was erected. The roof was slightly sloping, with

    its sides about a foot from the ground, and three or four feet above this

    another similar roof was erected. The small belongings of the dead man were

    placed in the grave, and the larger ones, such as oars, boat, and skis,

    017      |      Vol_VIII-0478                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ostyaks

    outside it. After the burial the relatives held a feast, some of the food

    was placed on both sides of the grave, and then a cooking vessel with a

    pierced bottom was placed inside the grave.

            Among the Ostyaks of the lower Ob, similar funeral ceremonies were per–

    formed, but no grave was used. They placed the body on the ground and

    covered it with inverted skis. The wife of the dead man made a figure which

    represented her husband, from portions of the boat, skis, branches, etc.

    This figure, which was d r essed and adorned like the deceased, and whose features

    were sometimes made by a careful widow to resemble him, was treated as the

    husband for six months after his death; it was placed in the most important

    seat, was fed by the wife who would sleep beside it.

            No widow was permitted to marry during the period of mourning. To show

    their mourning men wore their hair loose for five days, and the women for four

    days; or they wore the hair in plaits in front of the face, the women for four

    months and the men for five months. The men sometimes also wore a cord with

    hanging ornaments around the neck.

            A man, according to Ostyak ideology, consisted of three parts: body, soul,

    and shadow. The soul of the deceased passes into the body of a newly born

    child of the same stock, or at least of the same clan or nation. The shadow

    had to climb high mountains and cross streams of fire. To assist it, one had

    to burn the portions of hair and nails which were cut and preserved during

    its lifetime together with a few feathers of spring birds. The implements

    placed in the grave, and the food which was taken thither from time to time,

    were also destined to assist the shadow on this terrible journey. Sometimes

    the shadow of the deceased took with him the shadows of some relatives who

    would therefore die soon. The land of the future life was situated under the

    018      |      Vol_VIII-0479                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ostyaks

    ground in the Arctic Sea beyond the mouth of the Ob. It was ruled by the

    underground god, Kul-Odyr . Here the shadow lived as long as the man lived

    on earth, and followed similar occupations: if the man were a fisherman,

    his shadow was the same in the shadow land. Toward the close of its life

    the shadow would diminish in size and become as small as a black beetle

    ( ker-khomlakh ), and, according to some natives, it actually would become a

    black beetle and finally disappear. People who had lived evil lives had

    to work continually in the other land, but their work would not be successful.

           

    Religion

            The spirits which influenced hunting and fishing constituted the most

    important element of the Ostyak religion. Images of these spirits were kept

    in every family, but they were respected only if they brought luck. The ven–

    eration of some animals, such as the bear, was a part of this aspect of the

    religion. Another element was the worship of clan deities which was usually

    officiated over by the shaman, and a third aspect of the religion was the

    worship of tribal spirits headed by the Creator Torum, and the cult of dead

    leaders and heroes.

            Torum ( Turym , Torm ), whose name means "bright, clear," was formerly

    a spirit of thunder and lightning and later, perhaps under the influence of

    Christianity, assumed the character of a creator. He was visualized as a

    small wooden or cloth doll which grew when one went away. He was the owner

    of the earth, rivers, lakes, seas.

            Weak dualism was manifested by the existence of Kul (or Lunk ) who was

    exiled by Torum for his cupidity and interference and became the chief evil

    spirt.



    019      |      Vol_VIII-0480                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ostyaks

            Neither of these personages took a very active part in human affairs,

    but worked through helpers, the numerous spirit owners of animals, localities,

    etc., who inhabited the forest. These spirits each owned small lakes, rivers,

    and valleys. They behaved very much like humans, quarreling among themselves,

    and interfered with human activities, usually by demanding sacrifices. They

    were dealt with by shamans who by their incantations and ceremonies could

    demand the cessation of this interference. Innumerable small evil spirits,

    menk, interfered with man's normal activities as contrasted to unkhu , benevo–

    lent lower spirits of the forest.

            Sacrifices were the most common method of placating the spirits. Both

    Torum and his adversary Lunk demanded blood sacrifices but bloodless sacri–

    fices were often made to the smaller spirits. It was even possible to promise

    blood to the small spirits and then fool them and substitute bloodless offering.

            Formerly great altars and sacrificial places were erected to the tribal

    deities deep in the forest. Pallas describes one such altar some 70 miles

    below the town of Obdorsk, where stood two large images, one male and another

    female, having silver bands on their heads, dressed in fur coats decorated

    with copper and iron pendants, representing various animals. Each image

    stood in a wooden box near a tree, and the trees were covered with numerous

    offerings in the form of pieces of multicolored materials, pieces of tin, and

    bells. On the tree of the male figure were hung a great many bows and quivers,

    and on the tree of the female image there were many animal skins, household

    utensils, cups, kettles, tobacco, horns, etc.

            Offerings and sacrifices to the hunter's spirits were placed in the

    hollow of a tree and consisted of skins, clothes, and copper and silver coins.

    Small idols were kept at home and carried from place to place.



    020      |      Vol_VIII-0481                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ostyaks

            Each forest spirit ( Unkhu ) was the protector of the hunters in his

    territory, and did not like trespassers. He was responsible for any

    misfortune which took place during the hunt. He could be benevolent

    toward strange hunters if they got permission to hunt from the local

    people and made a sacrifice to him. A black stallion was always given to

    Unkhu . Before the hunt a feast was held at which Unkhu was present, although

    invisible, and wine was drunk in his honor. When setting out on the hunt,

    each Ostyak (or the group collectively) carried a long black coat, similar

    to that used by the shaman, to the place of sacrifice. Bread, butter, sugar,

    and dry fish were left in a special vessel near a sacred tree. Three or

    four shots (blanks) were fired. Women were forbidden to participate in

    the ceremonies either at home or at the sacrificial place. The hunter

    would ask the spirit to make his aim good.

           

    Shamanism

            Both men and women could become shamans. The shaman chose one of

    his sons as his successor, not necessarily according to age but according

    to ability, and to the chosen one he gave his own knowledge. If he had

    no children, he could pass on the office to a friend or to an adopted

    child.

            The Ostyak shaman occasionally sold his familiar spirit to another

    shaman. After receiving payment, he divided his hair into tresses, and

    fixed the time when the spirit was to pass to his new master. The spirit

    having changed owners, made his new possessor suffer; if the new shaman

    did not feel these effects, it was a sign that he was not becoming proficient

    in his office.

            Among Ostyaks of the Turukhansk region, the future shaman spent his

    021      |      Vol_VIII-0482                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ostyaks

    youth in exercises which stimulated his nerves and excited his imagina–

    tion. At the consecretion the novice had to stand with his face toward the

    west, while the officiating shaman would ask the Dark Spirit to help the

    candidate and to give him a spirit to serve him. At the end of the cere–

    mony, the shaman would sing a hymn in praise of the Dark Spirit, and the

    novice would repeat it after him. The beginner was tested by the spirits,

    who required certain sacrifices from him and also from his wife or son,

    and he had to promise them various other sacrifices.

            The Ostyak shaman's drum was round in shape, broad-rimmed, covered

    on one side only, and had a diameter of from 30 cm. to 50 cm. Some drums

    are reported to have had the same division of the drum into lower and upper

    parts representing lower and upper worlds, as among the Tartars of Chern.

            The practices of the Ostyak followed the usual pattern of travel into

    the underworld, divination, and showing tricks.



    022      |      Vol_VIII-0483                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ostyaks


    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    1. Ahlquist, A. Unter Wogulen und Ostjaken. Helsingfors, 1885.

    2. Castren, M. A. A Trip to Lapland, Northern Russia and Siberia.

    N. Florev's Geographical Anthology, Vol.6, Moscow, 1860.

    3. Czaplicka, M.A. Aboriginal Siberia . Oxford University Press, England,

    1914.

    4. Gondatti, N. Traces of Paganism among the Natives of North-western

    Siberia.
    Moscow, 1888.

    5. Jochelson, W. Peoples of Asiatic Russia . American Museum of Natural

    History, N.Y., 1928.

    6. Patkanov, S. The Ancient Mode of Life of Ostyaks and Their Cultural

    Heroes in Stories and Folklore.
    Zhivaya Starina, Vol.1,

    St. Petersburg, 1891.

    7. Peredol'sky, V. Shamanism Among the Ostyaks. Protocols of the

    Russian Anthropological Society, 1896-1898, pp.56-57.

    8. Startzev, G. The Ostyaks. Leningrad, 1928.

    9. Tokarev, S.A. Ostyaks and Voguls. In a volume, "The Religious Beliefs

    of the Peoples of the USSR," Vol.1, Moscow-Leningrad, 1931,

    pp.202-216.

           

    Eugene A. Golomshtok

    Samoyeds


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0484                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    [Eugene A. Golomshtok]


    SAMOYEDS
    Page
    Origin and History 2
    History 3
    Language 3
    Physical Anthropology 4
    Houses 4
    Dress 6
    Occupation 7
    Food 9
    Transportation 10
    Tools and Implements 11
    Knowledge 12
    Social Organization 13
    Marriage 15
    Birth 17
    Death and Burial 18
    Religion 20
    Shamanism 21
    Ceremonies 23
    Amusements 24
    Fol d klore 25
    Bibliography 27



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0485                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    [Eugene A. Golomshtok]


           

    SAMOYEDS

            The Samoyed (Nenets), a large and varied native group numbering about

    16,000 in Europe and Asia, inhabits a vast territory stretching from the

    Archangel region in European Russia, across the Urals and along the northern

    coast of Siberia and its islands as far east as the Khatanga River between the

    Yenisei and the Lena.

            The European Samoyeds are considered newcomers. They live in the northern

    portion of the Archangel province and number about 4,000. The Siberian Samoyeds

    are divided linguistically into three major groups: (1) the western branch,

    the Yurak Samoyeds, numbering 5,377 (census of 1926), who live in the Tobolsk

    and north Turukhansk region as far east as the Yenisei River; (2) the eastern

    branch, or Yenisei Samoyeds, who number 1,326, including a small [ ?] group

    of Tavghians, and live in the tundra between the Yenisei and the Khatanga rivers

    and in a portion of the Taimyr Peninsula; (3) the southern branch, the Ostyako–

    Samoyeds or Forest Samoyeds, who wander south of the other two groups in the

    Tobolsk, Yenisei, and Tomsk provinces and numbered 5,805 in 1887 and 1,630 in

    1926. Many of these have turned to a sedentary life and now have horses and

    cattle instead of reindeer.

            The Eastern and Taz Samoyeds call themselves nenec or xasovo , which mean

    "man," and some Samoyeds add a word pya (forest) — pyan-xasovo . The Yenisei

    002      |      Vol_VIII-0486                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

    Samoyeds call themselves madu , the Tavghians use nganasan , and the Ostyako–

    Samoyeds call themselves sel'kup .

            The area occupied by the Samoyeds is inside the polar circle bordering the

    Arctic through which run the Pesha, Nesa, Pechora, Usa, Ob, Taz, and Yenisei

    rivers. Most of it is treeless or stony tundra, with short scrubby birches,

    willows, and mosses; there are some pines and birches in the valleys. The lower

    slopes of the mountains in the Northern Ural, Pai Hoi, Yamal, and Yenisei regions

    are covered with pine, cedar, and fir forests.

            The average yearly temperature is minus 4 degrees Centigrade. During the

    winter months cold northern winds bring frequent snow storms.

            Rivers and lakes abound with a variety of ducks, geese, and swans in the

    spring. Wild reindeer, arctic fox, wolverines, hares, and bears inhabit the

    tundra, while the shores are populated by seals.

           

    Origin and History

            Castren concluded on the basis of linguistic evidence that the Samoyedic,

    Finnic, and Turkic tribes all originated in Central Asia. These tribes migrated

    from Central Asia to the upper Yenisei River and the Sayan Mountains, and from

    there northward along the Yenisei; then some went west, across the Urals, and

    some went east, as far as the Khatanga River. The Soyot, Koibal, and Karagass

    tribes are believed to be Mongolized and Turkicized Samoyeds who remained behind

    during the migration.

            Strahlenberg believed that the Siberian Finns and Samoyeds came from Lapland,

    but more modern Finnish investigators believe that they came from the Ural dis–

    trict. Their well-developed reindeer culture shows that they have lived in

    Siberia for a long time.



    003      |      Vol_VIII-0487                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

           

    History

            The first accounts we have of the Samoyeds are found in 12th century

    Russian annals, and in the writings of a Franciscan monk [ ?] Plano Carpini,

    dated 1246. The Samoyeds were conquered by the Russians in the 15th century

    and paid tribute to Moscow. They engaged in wars with the Ostyaks and the

    Tungus tribes at various times. Little was done by the Czars to raise the

    standard of living of the Samoyeds, who were treated as curiosities, groups of

    them being brought to St. Petersburg occasionally to be exhibited at reindeer

    races. Christianity was introduced by the Russians only in the 19th century,

    and 3,300 Samoyeds had been converted by 1830. They absorbed this new religion

    into their own, however, becoming, to a great extent, Christian in name only.

            The Samoyeds were the victims of exploitation by Russian and Zyrian

    merchants up to the time of the revolution. Today National Soviets have been

    established which give the Samoyeds a considerable measure of self-government.

    This has resulted in the establishment of cooperatives, schools, and health

    centers. There has been an increase in the general [ ?] standards of the popula–

    tion, both material and cultural.

           

    Language

            Castren divided the Samoyed languages into three groups: (1) northwestern

    or Yurak Samoyed, (2) northeastern or Tavgi Samoyed, and (3) southern or Ostyako–

    Samoyed. Modern Soviet anthropologists distinguish the Yenisei Samoyeds from the

    Tavgi and divide the Yurak language into five dialects: (1) Kanin and Timan, (2)

    Izhem, (3) Bolshezemelskii and Obdorsk, (4) Kondin or Kazym, (5) Yurak. Similar

    dialects exist in other major groups.



    004      |      Vol_VIII-0488                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

            Grammatically and lexically the Samoyed languages are close to the Finno–

    Ugric languages and occupy an intermediate place between them and the Tungus

    group. Some explain the similarity to Tungus by later influences, when a con–

    siderable number of Russian and Zyrian words were also incorporated.

           

    Physical Anthropology

            Samoyeds are of short stature; the Kanin group averages 157.9 cm., the

    Bolshezemelskaya tundra group averages 156.8, and the Ob Samoyeds, 154 cm.

            The cephalic index, 83.95, dimishes with the decrease of stature. The

    face is of medium width with pronounced cheekbones, wide flat nose, wide mouth,

    thick lips, and slanting eyes, but without the Mongolian eye-fold.

            European Samoyeds frequently intermarried with Russians and Zyrians, which

    accounts for the fact that there is some difference in physical type between

    them and the Asiatic Samoyeds.

            In general Samoyeds are sturdily built, and do not suffer as much as some

    of the other Siberian tribes from scurvy, but smallpox, colds, and rheumatism are

    prevalent. Trachoma and syphilis are rare.

            The bulk of the following descriptions applies to the Samoyeds in general,

    thought it is based mostly on material concerned with the eastern group. The

    Tavghians are described elsewhere.

           

    Houses

            According to Samoyed folklore, in ancient times they lived in caves during

    the winter and under the shelter of trees or a lean-to in the summer. As late as

    the 18th century, [ ?] Samoyeds lived in semisubterranean huts in winter, and

    this type of dwelling was encountered on the Yamal Peninsula as late as the be-

    005      |      Vol_VIII-0489                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

    ginning of the 20th century. At that time the nomadic groups used two types of

    dwellings, the winter and the summer conical hut, mja , and the sedentary groups

    used semisubterranean huts and log houses taken over from the Russians and the

    Zyrians.

            The conical hut had a circular ground plan 3.5 to 4.5 meters in diameter.

    Its framework was formed by several long poles, shorter in length than the diameter

    of the ground plan and stuck into the ground about one meter apart. The top end

    of the poles passed through a ring to which was attached a long strip of reindeer

    skin which circled several times around the framework and served to keep the

    covering in place. A series of short connecting poles ( ma ), forming 2 or 3 rows

    parallel to the ground, completed the framework which, in winter, was first

    covered with a layer of reindeer skins with the hair inside ( mjujko ), then with

    a layer made of old reindeer skins ( jeje ), and finally, at the top of the struc–

    ture, with a third layer of skins or birch bark ( nur ). An opening between the

    poles served as an entrance and was covered with a skin. Snow and moss were

    piled outside the hut, against the covers, and birch twigs or pine needls were

    spread inside. Some Samoyeds used a mat made of birch branches tied with cord.

    This mat was spread on the ground and covered with another made of seaweed ( umpaga ).

    The hearth was in the center of the hut. Formerly it was on a slab of stone,

    but later an iron sheet was used. Horizontal poles served to hold the hook for

    the kettle over the fire.

            One side of the hut was reserved for sleeping quarters, the other for uten–

    sils. The space opposite the entrance ( [ ?] ) ( senukoi ) was considered sacred

    and reserved for icons or sacred household objects.

            The wooden houses had stoves but no chimneys. Sometimes the huts had a

    primitive earth oven for baking, which consisted of a depression under an iron

    sheet.



    006      |      Vol_VIII-0490                                                                                                                  
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            An unlined shallow pit ( t'in — which also means "grave" and "prison") was

    dug in the ground and served as a storage place for provisions in winter, or as

    a temporary storing place for game which could not be taken home. These places

    were never touched by anyone but the owners.

           

    Dress

            All Samoyed clothes were made by the s w omen who sewed with reindeer sinew,

    split and twisted, Three to five strands were used to make one thread.

            The men wore a sleeved undershirt ( mal'che ) made of reindeer skin with the

    hair inside. Gloves with a slit in them were sewn to the sleeves. The outer

    shirt ( sovak ), made of reindeer skin with the hair outside, had a hood ( sova ).

    Sometimes the sova was separate and had long straps which were tied under the chin.

    A belt ( ni ) was fastened tightly around the undershirt which thus formed a pocket

    for pipe and tobacco to be reached through the collar.

            The women wore an undershirt ( jandy ) which was the same as the men's mal'che ,

    but the outer shirt ( pany ) was open in front and longer than the man's. It was in

    the form of a long coat or kaftan . The hood was made of white or blue fox fur

    and covered with cloth, leaving visible only an edge of fur. Ribbons and metal

    decorations were used on the hood. Sometimes the outer shirt was actually a fur

    coat made of dog skin and cloth. The shirt was tied with a wide belt decorated

    with copper rings and plaques and fastened with a large copper buckle.

            Both men and women wore short reindeer skin pants reaching to the knees.

    In the summer only one layer of clothing was worn and an open coa st ts was used.

    Both sexes wore high hip-length boots with leggings. The boots were made of

    reindeer skin in two styles, with the hair inside, or with hair outside. Men

    sometimes wore short boots ( hoty ) made of cow hide. These are adapted from the

    Zyrians. Dress and shoes were decorated with applieque designs cut out of

    reindeer skin and colored cloth.



    007      |      Vol_VIII-0491                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

            Hair was worn long and braided by both sexes. The women adorned their

    hair with ribbons, beads, buttons, silver coins, and bells. Facial and [ ?]

    pubic hair was plucked. Women had pierced ears and wore pendants and earrings.

            Bedding was made of reindeer skin. Later, pillows were adapted from the

    Russians and Zyrians.

           

    Occupation

            The bulk of the Samoyed people were nomads whose main occupations were

    reindeer breeding and hunting, while fishing played a lesser role. Some Samoyed

    groups were sedentary, with horse, cattle, and sheep breeding and a limited

    amount of agriculture as their chief [ ?] means of subsistence. They raised only

    two crops: barley and potatoes. Although the Samoyeds were breeding reindeer

    as early as the 10th century A.D., it is believed that they were originally hunters.

    They may have learned the domestication of animals from the Sayan-Altaian group.

    Reindeer supplied the Samoyeds with materials for food, clothing, and construc–

    tion and served as draft animals for the transportation of man and material.

            The Samoyed reindeer breeders recently had a total of 340,000 head of rein–

    deer. The average family owned from 500 to 1,500 head, and any group having less

    than 200 head was considered poor. The herds were often decimated by epidemics

    and Samoyeds who lost their reindeer usually turned to fishing or became herders

    for another owner.

            Dogs were used for herding, with not less than two and no more than five for

    each 1,000 reindeer. Wolf cubs were also trained for this purpose. Reindeer

    were caught by two or three men using rawhide [ ?] lassos ( tynze ) varying in length

    from 25 to 60 meters.



    008      |      Vol_VIII-0492                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

            Within the clan, reindeer stealing was severely punished. For each

    stolen animal, the thief had to pay sixteen animals, one for every toe.

            The Samoyeds hunted the arctic fox, arctic bear, fox, wolf, ermine,

    wolverine ( gulo ), bear; also seals — both nerpa ( Phoca hispida ) and the bearded

    seal ( Erignathus barbatus ) — and porpoise ( Phocaena phocaena ). They also hunted

    such birds as the goose, eider and other ducks, and the Siberian grouse. Hunting

    was done both individually and in groups.

            The most profitable fur animal was the arctic fox which made up 30 to 40%

    of the kill for the year. As many as 20,000 fur-bearing animals were killed

    during the year and, in a good year, one man might kill as many as 100 arctic

    foxes.

            Eighty to one hundred years ago, the Samoyeds used the bow and arrow for

    hunting, and some are said to have been still using them as late as around 1930.

    The bow was five feet long and the arrows were from two to three feet in length.

    Arrowheads were made of deer or mammoth bone and later of iron. Guns later

    replaced the bow and arrow. At times, traps and snares were used for birds and

    small fur-bearing animals.

            Sea animals were sometimes hunted by husband and wife together. The man

    shouted, played the mouth organ or beat a drum to attract the animal's attention,

    and the wife shot it. Sometimes the roles of the man and the woman were reversed.

            During the month of July, when waterfowl shed their feathers and cannot

    fly, they were surrounded and killed. Three or four men with their dogs would

    go to the upper part of streams in boats and drive the birds before them. Each

    family would kill as many as 300 to 500 birds a day during the molting season,

    and the feathers and salted meat were sold. During the rest of the year, water–

    fowl were hunted by individuals who used guns.



    009      |      Vol_VIII-0493                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

            Large communal hunts were sometimes staged. Thirty to forty men would

    form a large circle around an area suppsedly containing game and slowly move

    forward. All the animals killed were divided equally among the men and were often

    sold to a rich man. Hunts of this kind were rarely unsuccessful.

            Small nets and traps, as well as hook and line, were used for fishing which

    was done both individually and in groups. Fishing was never a major occupation

    among the Samoyeds, probably because it was not one of their original pursuits.

           

    Food

            Fish and meat were the staples of the Samoyed diet, but the sedentary

    Samoyeds used and stored many berries and mushrooms.

            The major part of the year, from August until May, reindeer meat was the

    basis of the diet. From May to July, grouse were abundant and eat e n in quantity.

    Geese and ducks were in season in July and August and provided variety to the

    diet. The Samoyed male ate approximately 1,000 to 1,400 grams (1-1/2 lbs.) of

    meat per day.

            Meat was salted, smoked, sun-dried, and eaten fresh, often raw. Frozen

    meat was a great delicacy, and broiled meat was eaten only twice a week because

    of the shortage of fuel. An unsalted soup was made from fresh and smoked meat

    and frozen blood. The soup meat was often eaten separately. Dogs were fed from

    the same vessel as their owners and ate what was left from the previous meal.

            Fish was usually salted, dried, or smoked, but was sometimes broiled. It

    was [ ?] split lengthwise for drying and placed on the fire or exposed to the sun.

            Flour products were rare and the little flour used was obtained from the

    Zyrians. Some bread was eaten and, occasionally, flour was put into the soup.

    Bread was baked on stone slabs or in the kettle after it had been smeared with

    010      |      Vol_VIII-0494                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

    reindeer grease, fat, and butter. Reindeer fat and blood were added to the

    dough, giving the bread a reddish-brown color. Soft reindeer horn was consi–

    dered a delicacy by the children.

            Flour products were rare and the little flour used was obtained from the

    Zyrians. Some bread was eaten and, occasionally, flour was put into the soup.

    Bread was baked on stone slabs or in the kettle after it had been smeared with

    reindeer grease, fat, and butter. Reindeer fat and blood were added to the dough,

    giving the bread a reddish-brown color. Soft reindeer horn was considered a

    delicacy by the children.

            There were food taboos on the seal, bear, eider, and several species

    of duck. There was a taboo against killing the hare and certain fish.

            The poorer Samoyeds were more limited in their diet, which although it

    included the meat of dogs, of the arctic fox, the seal, and other animals,

    consisted for the most part of fish and berries. They drank no tea, but made

    a tea of birch-buds or drunk leaf or moss tea.

            Vodka was introduced by the Russians and was called sarka (Russian word

    charka , meaning a goblet). It was drunk by almost everyone, including children.

    Tobacco was sometimes chewed but mostly sniffed. It was smoked by men, boys

    and old women.

           

    Transportation

            The Samoyeds never used the reindeer as a saddle animal. Their main

    means of transportation was the reindeer-drawn sleigh. In the winter, two

    reindeer could draw a sleigh carrying about 500 lbs. and in the summer they

    could draw about 250 lbs. For rapid driving, two or three animals were used.

    In some cases, as many as seven reindeer were [ ?] employed. The additional animals

    011      |      Vol_VIII-0495                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

    were tied to the leader and the sleigh with short leather straps. The harness

    was made of two parts, the yoke ( podiar ) worn on the neck, and a saddle-like

    belt ( soine ). The man's sleigh ( xan ) was 1 to 1.5 meters long and 1 meter wide.

    The runners were made of birch or willow with two or four joints. 75 meter long.

    The woman's sleigh ( sabu ), lower and wider than the xan , had decorated backboards

    made by the women. A pack sleigh slightly different in construction was used for

    carrying chum poles, planks, and clothing, while for transporting kegs of fish

    and meat a sleigh having only two connecting joints was used. There were special

    sleighs for food and for transporting boats, and a fourteen-join s t ed sacred sleigh

    was used to transport idols. Novaya Zemlya Samoyeds used a long narrow sleigh

    drawn by dogs. Unlike the Tungus and Yakuts, the Samoyeds drove from the left.

    Russians and Zyrians adopted most of the Samoyed reindeer complex.

            Boats were formerly made of birch bark, but the Samoyeds later used large

    covered sail boats for ocean and river travel. They could carry up to 2,000

    lbs. and were usually Russian-made and were owned collectively. Another type of

    boat made out of pine boards by the Samoyeds themselves could carry three people

    or 400 lbs. These boats were carried on special sleighs by each family during its

    wanderings.

            The Samoyeds used two types of skis. Lambau were 1.5 meters long and 11

    to 14 cm. wide. The ends were not deliberately curved, but cur [ ?] ing resulted from

    the way in which the skis were made. Lambau were decorated with red paint and

    used for household chores such as gathering wood. Hoptana-lambau , longer than

    lambau and lined with reindeer skin, were adopted from the skis used by Zyrian

    hunters.



    012      |      Vol_VIII-0496                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

           

    Tools and Implements

            The Samoyeds used both imported and home-made tools and implements.

    Among the household articles dishes, spoons, [ ?] ladles, kegs, and boxes were

    made of wood, while kettle, cups and saucers, bottles, wine glasses, and buckets

    were purchased. Pipes were made of wood and mammoth ivory and were encrusted

    with metal. The Samoyeds used a glue made of reindeer horns, hoofs, and bones,

    and made candles of reindeer fat. They had a [ ?] simple apparatus for weaving

    belts and garters which was apparently of native origin.

            The most common tool was the knife ( xarn ), which was used by men, women,

    and children. Knives, once made of bone and copper, were later made of iron,

    by cold forging and sharpening them. The handles were made of wood and ivory

    and the sheath ( xarn-se ) was decorated with metal and worn on the left side.

    Other home-made tools were the awl ( puni ), bone needle ( nixe ), drill ( paro )

    with an iron point, and small simple saw ( sak ). Samoyeds purchased the axe

    ( tupka ), steel needles, and large saws.

           

    Knowledge

            The Samoyeds used a counting device ( wol'uta ) similar to that used by many

    other Siberian natives. It consisted of a wooden stick on which they cut symbols,

    identical with those used by the Ostyaks, representing the decimal system of

    numerals.

            They knew the points of the compass. Their year was divided into twelve

    months, and they distinguished the four seasons. Writing was introduced after

    the revolution, and today the liquidation of illiteracy has made great [ ?]

    strides.



    013      |      Vol_VIII-0497                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

           

    Social Organization

            The Samoyeds had two types of social grouping: (1) the large group, jerkar ,

    or clan; and (2) the small group, tenz , or [ ?]"family-clan," all members of which

    carried the same surname; the tenz was part of the large group and resulted from

    the splitting up of the large clan.

            Clans were exogamic, but there is no accurate information available as to

    their size and number, since various authorities give conflicting information.

    Clans and "family-clans" were self-sufficient units, linked together on the basis

    of blood-relationship. The family size unit including relatives varied from5

    to 200 persons, while the clan size unit varied from 200 to 1,500 persons.

            Wars between clans or groups of clans took place in the past, continued

    [ ?] sporadically in recent times. (Information exists indicating that there

    were wars in the 16th century, but this may have been between tribes, as they

    culminated when the vanquished were virtually exterminated.) In 1900 Samoyeds

    of the Bolshezemelskaya Tundra group raided a group of Trans-Ural Samoyeds who

    invaded their territory with their herds, and carried off a large bounty of

    reindeer. In 1910-1911 the Trans-Ural group attacked and took 60,000 reindeer.

    In 1918 the Samoyeds of the Bolshezemelskaya Tundra attacked the Trans-Ural

    again, and in 1921-1925 the Trans-Urals once more attacked their enemies.

            Shamans were war leaders and were believed to be immune to arrows, knives,

    and axes. Magic was employed in these attacks. Images of the wolf were used

    to cause wandering packs of wolves to attack the herds of the enemy. Formerly

    prisoners were sacrificed to idols by strangulation.

            The clan tribunal consisted of the clan elder, two or three old men, and

    the shaman, and they decided in cases of conflicts between families. The prin-

    014      |      Vol_VIII-0498                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

    cipal causes of trouble between families were disputes about the bride price,

    reindeer theft, insults, and murder.

            The "bear oath," or any one of its variations, was a common device employed

    as a defense by the accused in cases of theft or murder. The accused cut the

    nose of a [ ?] bear or wolf skin, while claiming innocence of the crime, and

    invoked the wrath of the spirit to punish him if he were lying. A live reindeer

    was used as a substitute when necessary. While this oath was used instead of

    punishment, it did not constitute an acquittal. If the individual died subse–

    quently during a hunt for a bear or a wolf, this showed that he was guilty of

    the crime. Fines were imposed for smaller offenses, and usually consisted of

    one or two reindeer or dogs.

            The folklore indicates that the punishment for murder was burial in the

    earth up to the neck while still alive, or slavery in another clan.

            The clan also assumed a certain amount of responsibility and care for

    its members. Loans without interest or outright gifts of reindeer were made

    by more fortunate members of the clan to those in need of such aid.

            Relationship between two clans on the basis of marriage did not affect

    the rest of the clansmen. While clans were exogamous, marriage did not consti–

    tute blood relationship. Thus, a man could marry his mother-in-law or his

    wife's sister; a woman could marry her father-in-law or her husband's brother.

    Constant intermarriage created within the large groups (clans) smaller groups,

    clan-families. Women retained the sur-name of their own "family-clan" after

    marriage, and this also sometimes applied to their children.

            Terms of relationship were classifactory with age and sex differentiation

    both on male and on female lines. Thus, all older brother of one's wife were

    called ynob ; all older sisters of one's wife, xado ; all brothers of one's husband

    older than he, ynob ; all older sisters of one's husband, xado ; all younger brothers

    015      |      Vol_VIII-0499                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

    of one's wife, jena ; all younger sisters of one's wife, ne-jena .

            Age group classification also existed. Thus the term xada , grandmother,

    applied to all female relatives older than one's mother, such as father's

    mother, mother's mother, fathr's older sister, mother's older sister, father's

    older brother's wife, mother of the older brother's wife, etc.

            Correspondingly there were classes of mothers, fathers, brothers, sisters,

    sons, and daughters; but, in practice, these groups were important mostly in

    observing the rules of etiquette during feasts and entertainments; in marr i age

    rules they were retained only along the male line.

            M

           

    Marriage

            Marriage was exogamic within the clan. Men and women could marry three,

    four, or more times.

            A father could marry the sisters and mothers of his son's wives or even

    the wives themselves. He often took away his son's wife, even after several

    years of marriage, but the son could refuse to live with the somen if she re–

    turned to him. Sons could marry the sisters of their stepmother, their step–

    mother, and their mothers-in-law. An older brother could marry his younger

    brother's wife. Brothers might agree to exchange wives. Cousins were permitted

    to marry. Older people could marry children they had adopted and raised.

            The marriageable age for girls varied from 14 to 25. Before reaching

    the marriageable age, boys and girls of different clans could not speak or even

    look at each other.

            Pregnancy outside of marriage was severely censured because of the possi–

    bility of transgressing the clan's exogamic regulations.

            A negotiator, usually a good friend of the potential groom, arranged the

    marriage. The bride-to-be was chosen for her economic status, and love or beauty

    016      |      Vol_VIII-0500                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

    rarely entered the picture. The negotiator brought a stick with him marked with

    as many notches as the bridgroom was willing to pay reindeer as kalym for the

    bride. The bride's price varied from 8 to 50 reindeer. The negotiator indulged

    in feasting with the bride's father and family, while the bridegroom — who often

    accompanied him — remained outside of the hut with the sleighs. Besides rein–

    deer, the kalym consisted of clothes, household goods, and trinkets. The bride's

    dowry was usually of the same value as the kalym and consisted of a tent ( chum ),

    sleighs, harness, clothes, and some reindeer. If the bride's price was not paid

    in full, the groom remained with the wife's family until he worked out the balance.

            After the kalym was paid, a feast was prepared, during which the son-in-law

    and father-in-law sang to each other, the father telling the son-in-law to love

    his wife, and the son-in-law recommending himself to the father-in-law.

            On a day decided upon in advance, the husband arrived with a number of women.

    The women accompanying the bridegroom took the bride and tied her to the bridal

    sleigh. All the gifts included in the dowry were placed on other sleighs and

    they all journeyed to the husband's hut, the bride's sleigh leading the way. Upon

    arrival in her new home, the bride had to make the bed where she was to sleep

    with her husband.

            The Samoyed made the bride's mother a present if the daughter turned out to

    have been a virgin when married.

            The bride visited her father's house a number of times during the period

    shortly after her marriage, and the father was obliged to make presents to her at

    the end of each visit, so that she had no occasion to ask her husband for anything

    for a while. Orphans married without any bride price, dowry, or ceremonies. There

    was no bride price for a widow if she married within her former husband's clan,

    but she had to bring a dowry. Marriage by capture could take place when the bride's

    017      |      Vol_VIII-0501                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

    parents refused to permit the marriage, or without any knowledge on the part of

    the parents. The bride's relatives would organize a pursuit and often return

    the bride to her home. If the bridegroom still wanted her, he had to pay the

    bride price.

            A woman had to observe various taboos. She could not [ ?] appear barefoot

    in the presence of men, step over fire, ropes, threads, sleighs, or a log. During

    the menstrual period she was considered "unclean" and could not go over hills or

    approach sacred images. Women were not permitted to eat bear meat, or to step

    over bear, wolf, or fox skins.

            The women sewed, cooked, tended the fire, washed, preserved food, took care

    of the children, helped the men to care for the reindeer, set up and dismantled

    the hut, and even hunted when free to do so. The man's job was only hunting, and

    even in tending the reindeer the major part of the work fell to the women and

    children.

            The husband could punish his wife for infidelity by beating and starving

    her. The offender was likewise punished, and the husband, upon encountering him,

    could take away several reindeer. In case of divorce initiated by a woman, the

    bride price was not returned. A woman's dowry was i [ ?] inherited by her chil–

    dren, mostly by the girls. A man's property was inherited by the children, or in

    their absence by a wife. During the father's lifetime, adult sons were given

    separate herds of reindeer which they tended themsleves under the guidance of the

    father, if they lived with him.

           

    Birth

            Women gave birth in a special hut or outdoors. If by any chance a child

    was born in the common but, men had to leave until it had been purified by burn–

    ing pieces of beaver fur, entrails of reindeer, and juniper leaves. The puri-

    018      |      Vol_VIII-0502                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

    fication lasted a week and included the purification of the mother's sleigh and

    reindeer.

            Some skilled old woman would assist at the birth by giving the mother various

    extracts of herbs and by burning juniper in the fireplace. The newborn child was

    washed with warm water. If a girl was born, she was taken outside for several

    minutes. The father made a cradle, a shallow birch-bark container lined with

    dried white moss which was changed when necessary.

            The mother nursed the child up to two years. After this, raw reindeer

    meat and bread were added to the diet. Until he could walk, the child was

    carried in the cradle tied to a woman's back. Boys were trained to hunt very

    early, and by the time [ ?] they were 13 to 15 they had become full-fledged

    members of the family.

           

    Death and Burial

            Fear of the dead was prevalent, and a dead man's name could be used only

    by a shaman. The nominally Christian Samoyeds and the sedentary groups washed

    the body before burial, a custom absent among the Yamal and other groups. The

    body was either firmly swathed in cloth or, as among the groups on the Kara River,

    the body in its ordinary clothing was wrapped in reindeer skins in winter and in

    birch bark in the summer. Sometimes the head was sewn into a piece of cloth.

            The body of an adult was placed either in a board coffin, or — among the

    Yamal group — in half of a boat or in a barrel. In a man's coffin a knife,

    pipe, powder horn, and comb, were placed; in a woman's, a needle, knife, reindeer

    ligaments, and pieces of skin.

            The body was taken out through a specially made opening in the wall of the

    hut opposite the door, so that it would not find its way back. The coffin was

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    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

    carried on reindeer to the cemetery which was usually located on some elevation.

    Each small clan had its own burial ground. The grave was shallow, and at one

    time the coffins were placed on the surface, a custom which survived among the

    trans-ob groups. The grave was surrounded by a fence within which were placed

    the dead man's sleigh, extra clothing, eating vessels, an axe, etc. Al l

    these utensils had to be broken. The body was placed with the head toward the

    west and slightly on one side. Often the reindeer which carried the body were killed

    on the grave, by driving a sharp pole through the anus. The head and skin were

    left on the grave and the meat was eaten.

            Upon [ ?] returning from the burial, those who had carried the body or had

    taken part in the washing of the corpse had to be purified by crossing the fire.

    The hut was also purified by the smoke from burning beaver's fur, reindeer

    entrails, and juniper.

            The Christian Samoyeds erected a cross over the grave. The Yamal group

    placed a bell over a woman's grave, and others who were in contact with the Yeni–

    seians or Tungus used wooden images of birds.

            No special memorial ceremonies were held — except on some rare occasions

    by the sedentary group of the Christianized Samoyeds.

            According to the Samoyed concept, the dead man in the other world had an

    existence similar to the one he had on earth. The eastern group made a small

    wooden image of the deceased which was kept in the hut and given offerings of

    reindeer blood and fat, but in general the dead were soon forgotten and much

    feared.



    020      |      Vol_VIII-0504                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

           

    Religion

            The ancient Samoyed religion underwent great changes due to the impact

    of Christianity and the influences of neighboring tribes, with whom European

    groups especially came into contact. It became a combination of the hunter's

    cult, represented by numerous spirits who were able to influence the outcome of

    the hunt, whose images were erected in the forests or hills,and home-kept

    anthropomorphic family spirits and general tribal gods for whom there were large

    and elaborate altars with wooden or stone images. Interwoven with this was

    shamanism, with shamans playing important clan and tribal roles, sometimes in

    the capacity of war leaders.

            Samoyed tradition relates that in the beginning there was only water and

    the great spirit Num , and one evil envious bird Aa which became the chief under–

    water spirit. Another version of this dualistic concept substitutes Gilyik ,

    the devil, for Aa , and accounts for the present-day world by a series of [ ?] acts

    of creation in contests between the spirits. Samoyeds believed that there were

    seven layers of heaven and seven layers of earth. Stars were hair on the roof of

    heaven, One could enter heaven through a hole in the sun.

            [ ?] Num , the Creator, remained passive in comparison with his main helper

    Xehe , the Spirit of Lightning, who constantly warred with evil spirits at whom

    he discharged his arrows. Thunder was the noise produced by the sleigh of Xehe .

    Jid-jeru was the evil Spirit of Water who sent strong western winds and helped

    evil shamans. He was the chief enemy of Xehe. Jam-jid-deru , the Spirit of the

    Sea, was the strongest of the evil spirits but he never appeared on earth. When

    angry he raised great waves. He lived in a country where the sea was always

    covered with ice. Saru-jeru , the Spirit of Rain, and Ty-jeru , the Spirit of the

    Reindeer, were helpers of Num , along with the multitude of lesser good spirits.

    021      |      Vol_VIII-0505                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

    Opposed to them were innumerable evil spirits, chiefly helpers of Gilyk , who

    formed the second part of the dualistic Samoyed pantheon. Some writers have re–

    ported the terms white and black spirits and the concept of white, red, and dark

    earth (Upper, Middle, and Lower Worlds).

            Representations of family good spirits were kept in a special place in the

    hut and were given offerings of reindeer blood or fat after a successful hunt.

    Special altars , dedicated to Num and Xehe , were erected for tribal spirits on rocks and hills near rivers and

    lakes. One such altar on Vaigach Island had a very large number of wooden images

    of spirits and offerings of reindeer skulls with horns, polar bear skulls, piles

    of axes, chains, harpoons, broken rifles, locks, etc. In former times images

    were also made of stone and reached one meter in height.

            According to their jurisdiction, these spirits could be divided into

    three categories: (1) Tribal spirits like Num , Xehe , spirits of the sea, etc.,

    (2) clan spirits representing ancestor spirits; and (3) family household spirits.

    In addition there were the shaman's spirits who helped him to perform his duties.

    The domestic spirits were represented by objects of unusual shape or anthropomor–

    phic figures and were transported and kept in a special sleigh. Sometimes the

    generic term Xaha was applied to them. Much revered was Siadei Nikola , St. Nicholas,

    who was offered both candles and bloody sacrifices.

           

    Shamanism

            The shaman ( tadibei ) was an intermediary between the people and the spirits

    whose wishes he interpreted. He knew religious secrets and [ ?] the order of religious

    ceremonies and acted as an adviser and [ ?] medicine man. His office was hereditary,

    but only those men and women who had a psychological predisposition to and an in–

    terest in the office could become shamans. There were benevolent and malevolent

    shamans, weak and powerful ones. It was believed that good shamans do not die

    022      |      Vol_VIII-0506                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

    and when old are raised to the moon to live. There eternal summer reigns and

    they are all dressec in new clothing and never get sick or die. On the other

    hand, the evil shaman dies on the earth in terrible suffering caused by his "own"

    spirits. These shamans always caused suffering to people and could cause them

    to become sick or die. Sometimes an evil shaman would capture the spirit of

    sickness driven out from the body of one man by a good shaman and send it into

    the body of another. They could cause sickness of reindeer and send packs of

    wolves against them. The powerful shamans could fly in the air, swim under water,

    alight on the clouds, descend to the depths of the earth, and assume any appear–

    ance.

            This division into good and bad, weak and powerful, may represent a certain

    stage of development from the individual through the family type of shamanism,

    or a weakened adaptation of the more developed Ostyak-Tungus shamanism.

            Among the most impo t r tant functions of the good shaman were curing the sick

    and propesying. Women shamans were sometimes very successful as healers but

    they did not participate in religious ceremonies and were barred becauseof their

    sex from making offerings to domestic gods.

            The usual procedure of a shaman followed the pattern of other Siberian

    tribes such as the Ostyaks and Tungus. He invoked his spirits who lived on the

    moon and appeared in the shape of man, wolf, raven, bear, eider, etc. These

    spirits were stubborn and cunning and often did not heed the admonitions of the

    shaman, and fooled him with false prophecies. The shaman's dress in remote

    localities [ ?] was very elaborate, and in general was similar [ ?] to that of the

    Ostyaks although it had fewer iron pendants. It consisted of a skin coat decora–

    ted with colored cloth, fringes of cloth, plaques, silver coins, iron representa–

    tions of spirits, bells, and metal buttons. According to some authorities, the

    023      |      Vol_VIII-0507                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

    shaman's hat was an indispensable part of his ceremonial costume, and its

    fringes covered his face.

            The shaman's drum was an oval wooden frame, one side of which was covered

    with reindeer skin. A cross-shaped wooden handle inside the [ ?] frame had

    carved images of spirits. The frame was made of a special tree indicated to

    the shaman by a spirit in a dream. It is interesting to note that many families

    had drums and a shaman could use the family drum. Formerly a stick was used

    instead of the drum which, together with the costume, seems to have been adopted

    subsequently from the Ostyaks. The drumstock was also not standardized; a

    rabbit, dog, or reindeer foot, or a skin-covered stick could be used.

           

    Ceremonies

            While any male member of the family could make offerings of objects or

    portions of food directly to the family spirits, sacrifices of reindeer or dogs

    to the higher spirits were made through the shaman. One important distinction

    was observed. If offerings to the family spirits were made by an individual,

    care was taken that no blood be shed and the animals sacrificed were strangled.

    If, however, blood was shed, a shaman had to be called. On important occasions,

    formal sacrifices with a shaman officiating were made. Reindeer could also be

    consecrated to the high spirits by freeing them from any work.

            An elaborate yearly ceremony was held to replace the sleigh on which the

    images of the family spirits were kept. A shaman usually conducted the ceremony.

    A new sleigh was mad by a number of people and it was an honor to parttipate

    in this task, from which women were excluded. Later a shamanistic performance

    was held in the hut with all members of the family present. The images were

    placed facing south, the abode of light and life, while the old sleigh was turned

    to face north, the land of darkness and death, and later deposited in the sanctuary.



    024      |      Vol_VIII-0508                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

            The ceremony of the "clean hut" ( chum ), sometimes called the sun festi–

    val, was designed to [ ?] insure general abundance and fertility of men and animals.

    Toward the end of the winter with its darkness and cold, poor hunting conditions,

    and sickness, the community requested the shaman to construct a "clean hut."

    Each Samoyed brought a pole, and the covers were made of the skins of the best

    black animals. The chum was set near the lake. An image of a spirit was placed

    at one end and a sacrifice was made to him. On the opposite side, facing north,

    a tail of Herudno Tuaro was made out of poles placed fanwise and smeared with

    reindeer blood. The foundation poles of the chum were [ ?] smeared with dog's

    blood.

            The shaman would leave his chum and go to the "clean chum " blindfolded,

    avoiding fallen trees and stretched ropes which had been placed in his path.

    When he reached there, he would walk around the chum three times, and, bowing to

    the statue, enter the chum .

            Young boys dressed in their best clothes wrestled, fought, and jumped ropes.

    In the meantime the shaman drank warm blood and started his incantation. In the

    presence of older men and other shamans he asked the blessings of spirits for

    the community. He prophesied and showed tricks, such as cutting his throat or

    piercing himself with sharp sticks. The ceremony lasted nine days and was so

    timed that the sun appeared on the sixth day. The shaman beld a ceremony each

    day, and on the sixth began the dance during which [ ?] sexual licence symbolic

    of fertility was permitted.

           

    Amusements

            Chief amusements among the Samoyeds were various games: Running contest

    ( savykorc ), in which both sexes participated. A stick sharpened on both ends

    025      |      Vol_VIII-0509                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

    was thrown upward by each of the participants; the one whose stick failed to

    stick in the snow had to try to catch the others. Ball game ( xaskorc ), played

    with a ball made of dressed reindeer skin, filled with rags, stones, and bits

    of wood, varying in size from 5 to 15 cm. The two opposing parties would try

    to hide the ball when it was caught and run to the goal to place it in a specially

    dug out hole. The opponents tried to prevent this by guessing who carried the

    hidden ball and wresting it away. The reindeer game, in which one of [ ?] the

    participants tried to throw a lariat over others who played the part of reindeer.

    Capturing two or three, he would tie them and try to drive them as reindeer.

    Sometimes the captured ran so fast that the "master" would fall, producing

    laughter among the audience. Archery contests, in which both sexes participated

    were popular. Children played hide-and-seek in the huts, in the bushes, in the

    snow. They had dolls and various other toys.

           

    Folkore

            Though extremely rich, the Samoyed folklore has not been studied much and,

    comparatively speaking, few of the [ ?] texts have been recorded. In general, it

    is characterized by an abundance of legendary-historical epic poems and folk

    tales full of complex dramatic fables, comic situations, and apt comparisons.

    It reflects vividly the world of social interaction as well as the animals and

    the natural conditions of the Arctic. Almost every Samoyed was the creator of a

    song which he c [ ?] composed for various occasions. The themes included such a

    variety of subjects as the arrival of wild geese, a fox hunt, a market fair,

    quarrels with the wife, a glass of vodka, a chunk of frozen blood, a new sharp

    knife, or a new shirt.

            The epic poems and fairy tales were told both by men and women. There were

    some professional story-tellers famous throughout the region who told the stories

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    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds

    in a recitative manner. The epic poems were especially lengthy and were much

    in favor. Listeners forgot about their hunting and their reindeer for hours.

    In fact, the recitation of these poems sometimes lasted one or two days.

            Characteristic of this type of Samoyed singing was its low volume and

    the recitative called xynac , as distinguished from jangorc , the loud, full–

    voiced, and drawn-out singing of the Russians, which reminded the Samoyeds of

    the roar of wild beasts. The melodies were built on the monotonous changes of

    fourths and fifths and abounded with syncopation. The chief form was the tale

    which was sung, as distinguished from the tale which was told.

            Added to this were many shaman songs, burial songs, and matchmaking songs.

    The usual tale recited the various events in the family or clan life, told by

    a hero in the first person. The older type of tales were myths which portrayed

    the wanderings of a cultural hero, usually a shaman, his struggle with other

    shamans (often Yakut) whom he fought on land, in the sky, and under water. While

    gods and spirits did not play the main part in these tales, they were constantly

    mentioned. The hero possessed an ability to transform himself into an animal

    without ceasing to remain human. One of the best examples is the epic poem

    of the cultural hero Itte who, although forced by foreign evil spirits to leave

    his native land, will return some day to make his tribesmen happy.



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    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Samoyeds


    Bibliography

    Babushkin, A.I.: The Samoyeds (in a volume "The Komi Region," Vol. I, Ust-Sysolsk,

    1926)

    Benjamin, Archdeacon: The Mezen Samoyeds. Viestnik of Russian Geographic

    Society, 1885.

    Carruthers, D. Unknown Mongolia . Two volumes, London, 1913.

    Castren, M.A.: Reiseerinnerungen aus den Jahren 1838-1844 . Nordische Reisen

    und Forschungen, Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften, St. Petersburg,

    1853.

    ----. Versuch einer Jenissei-Ostjakischen und Kottischen Sprachlehre nebst

    Woerterverzeichnissen aus den genannten Sprachen
    . Nordische Reisen und

    Forschungen, Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften, St. Petersburg, 1858.

    ----. Ethnologische Vorlesungen ueber die Altaischen Voelker nebst Samojedischen

    Maerchen und Tatarischen Heldensagen
    . St. Petersburg, 1857.

    ----. Trip to Laland, Northern Russia and Siberia . Journal of Geography and

    Travel, Geographical Volume of N. Frelov, Vol. IV, Moscow, 1860.

    Czaplicka, M.A.: Aboriginal Siberia , Oxford, 1914.

    ----. "The Influence of Environment upon the Religious Ideas and Prattices of

    the Aborigines of Northern Asia," FL XXV, 1914.

    ----. My Siberian Year . London, 1917 1916.

    Gorostchenko, K.I. and Ivanovski, A.A.: Natives of the Yenisei Region . Russian

    Anthropological Journal, XXV, XXVI, Moscow, 1907.

    Heidenreich, G.: "The Kanin Samoyed." The Soviet North, No. 4, 1930.

    Lepekhi h n , I.I.: Diary of a Journey 1768-1772 . Vols. 1-3, St. Petersburg, 1771-1805.

    Startzev, G.: The Samoyeds . The Institute of Northern Tribes, Leningrad, 1930.

    Stepanoff, A.P.: The Yeniseisk Province . Petrograd, 1835.

    Verbov, G.D.: The Forest Samoyeds . Leningrad, 1934.

    Zograf, N.I.: Anthropological Notes on Samoyeds . Bulletin of Friends of Natural

    Science, XXXI, Moscow, 1878-1879.

           

    Eugene A. Golomshtok

    Tavghians


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0512                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    [Eugene A. Golomshtok]


    TAVGHIANS
    Page
    Habitat 1
    Language and Origin 2
    Origin 2
    Physical Anthropology 3
    Houses 3
    Dress 4
    Food 5
    Domesticated Animals and Transportation 6
    Hunting 7
    Daily Routine 8
    Social Organization 9
    Marriage Customs 10
    Birth Customs 11
    Death and Burial 13
    Religion 15
    Shamanism 18
    Bibliography 22



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0513                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    [Eugene A. Golomshtok]


           

    TAVGHIANS

            The Tavghians or the Tavghi Samoyeds, the smallest of the Samoyed groups,

    number about 615 (1926). They occupy the Taimyr Peninsula of eastern Siberia,

    which they share with the Dolgans. The Tavghians live in the tundra while the

    Dolgans inhabit the forests. The Tavghians call themselves n'a .

           

    Habitat

            The Taimyr Peninsula forms a part of the Taimyr National Region of eastern

    Siberia. The most important elevation on the peninsula is formed by the Byrranga

    Mountains, which extend for about 600 km. and reach a height of 800 meters. The

    southern portion of Taimyr is a hilly plain 200 meters in elevation, bordered by

    the central Siberian plateau to the south. The most important rivers are the Pia–

    sina and its tributary, the Dudypta, in the west, and the Khatanga and its tribu–

    tary, the Kheta, in the south. Between the Piasina and Khatanga rivers is Lake

    Taimyr.

            The climate becomes gradually more continental from west to east. Because of

    the comparatively warm summers, accompanied by moderate winds, the forests extend

    farther north, especially along the Khatanga River, than in the area of the Yenisei

    River. Three-quarters of the peninsula is dry tundra, which in the northern part

    assumes the type known as "spotty."

            The fauna of Taimyr is typical of polar regions. The most important quadrupeds

    002      |      Vol_VIII-0514                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology. Golomshtok: Tavghians

    are the polar fox ( Alopex lagopus lagopus L. ) and wild reindeer ( Rangifer taran–

    dus sibiricus
    ). The tundra lakes abound in fish, and in summer there are immense

    flocks of geese and ducks.

            While for administrative purposes the Tavghians are divided into three National

    Soviets, the Avam, the Taimyr, and the Vedeya, they are nomadic people and move

    about within the confines of the grazing territories of their reindeer. During the

    summer pastures are available for their herds and they move northward. During the

    winter the most thickly populated region is between Avam and Dolgany. The Taimyr

    Tavghians, the most northerly group, spend the summer along the lower reaches of

    the Taimyr River. Another large group migrates eastward to the shores of Lake

    Taimyr during the summer.

            Reindeer breeding and hunting are the main occupations of the Tavghians. The

    former is the more important and [ ?] the Tavghians have the greatest number of

    reindeer of all the peoples in the area, 25,000 head according to the census of

    1936. The reindeer serve as a means of transportation, for food, and as a source

    of material for clothing.

           

    Language and Origin

            The Tavghians [ ?] speak the Tavghi dialect of the Samoyed language, one of the

    major divisions of the Ural-Altaian group of languages. The Vedeya and Avan

    Tavghians do not understand the dialect of the Yenisei Tavghians.

           

    Origin

            The origin of the Samoyed in general is still an unsolved problem. On the

    basis of linguistic evidence, Castren derived them from Central Asia; from there

    they moved to the upper Yenisei and the Sayan Mountains, migrating farther north

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0515                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Tavghians

    along the Yenisei and spreading to the west across the Urals and to the east as

    far as the river Khatanga. Strahlenberg and others derived them from Lapland,

    and believed that they migrated west, northeast, and southwest.

           

    Physical Anthropology

            While precise data on anthropometrical measurement among the Tavghians is

    lacking, it can be stated that on the whole they are of average stature (167.0

    cm.) and are taller than their neighbors the Dolgans and Tungus (165.0). The

    Tavghians are sturdily built with well-developed muscles in arms, legs, and chest.

    They are brachycephalic, with pronounced supraorbital ridges and prominent cheek–

    bones. The face is of medium e width with a prominent lower jaw, reminiscent of

    the Patagonians, and the nose is of medium height, often humped and more pro–

    nounced than that of their neighbors. Sometimes "Indian-like" types are encoun–

    tered. The hair is coarse, straight, and black, hair coverage is light, and both

    beard and moustache are absent. They have thin lips and a prominent fold of the

    upper eyelid, though the slanting of the eye is less pronounced than that of the

    Tungus. Their eyes are dark, in contrast to their light skin.

           

    Houses

            During both winter and summer the Tavghians lived in conical huts, ma ,

    covered with reindeer hides. The winter hut had a double reindeer hide covering,

    djiej , and the continuation of this covering formed a flap which served as a door,

    nuora .

            In the center of the hut was a fireplace, tuj , consisting of an iron sheet

    placed on two blocks of wood, tori . Two horizontal poles, ria , tied to the frame–

    work [ ?] served to support a wooden hook, huo , from which kettles and pots were sus–

    pended over the fireplace.



    004      |      Vol_VIII-0516                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Tavghians

            The right side of the hut was occupied by the owner and the more respected

    members of the two or three families which inhabited it. The younger members

    of the family and the children lived on the left side of the hut. Women had

    a special place near the door where food, eating utensils, and a small table on

    low legs were kept.

           

    Dress

            All clothing was made of reindeer skin. Manufactured goods were used in small

    quantities for decoration.

            Men's Clothing. Honie and ninka were short under and outer pants, respec–

    tively. The former were made of dressed reindeer skin while reindeer hide with

    the fur on was used for the latter. On both garments [ ?] a yellow and black

    fringe of dressed reindeer skin was sewn on the outside, in front of the sexual

    organs. A leather belt tuliej served to hold the outer pants up. A coat, lu ,

    with a cape, made of the skins of unborn calves, was worn as a shirt. Strips of

    black and white morocco leather, and arctic fox and dog fur were used for decora–

    tion, along with gaily colored fringes of tanned skins which were sewn to the back.

    An outer winter coat, hik , was sewn of white and black reindeer skin, with the fur

    on the outside. Fur hip-length boots, fajmu , were made without an instep thus

    creating an air space between the foot and the bootwall, which served as insula–

    tion. Two sets of small leather thongs were used to tie the boots to the belt

    and under the knee. Summer boots of the same shape were made of reindeer hide.

            Women's Clothing . The honie or underpants were the same as the man's. The

    bojem was a combination garment of shirt [ ?] and pants, decorated with semilunar

    yellow brass plaques on the chest; a row of copper tubes which were needle

    containers were sewn in a vertical line for decoration l . On the side of the

    shirt was sewn a long chain with an iron pipe-cleaner and a fire-flint set.

    005      |      Vol_VIII-0517                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Tavghians

    A similar combination garment with the fur on the [ ?] inside was also worn. A

    coat, litherie , was made of the skins of unborn white reindeer calves, and

    decorated with black and red cloth, morocco leather, and painted decorations in

    black and yellow. A hat, somu , which took the place of the hood in the man's

    coat [ ?] was worn by the women. It had the shape of a cowl and was made of the

    white skin of unborn reindeer calf, trimmed with black dog fur. The footwear

    of women was similar to that worn by the men, but the boots were shorter, reach–

    ing only to the knees. Long reindeer-hide stockings were worn.

            Miscellaneous . Reindeer skins formed both the bed and the communal blanket,

    one end of which terminated with a sack while the other had leather thongs

    with which it was tied to the poles of the hut, thus forming a low tent into

    which the mother, father, and young children crawled.

            A square reindeer bag was used to keep the feet warm while traveling in the

    winter. Snow goggles of metal plaques with narrow slits were used.

           

    Food

            The main food of the Tavghians was meat and fish, with the latter playing a

    secondary role. Drying was the most widely used method of preservation of food,

    and the meat, nimsa , of wild reindeer was dried in the shape of long, narrow strips,

    cyruby , or small pieces, nilimi . A great deal of raw meat was eaten, either frozen

    or freshly killed. Meat or fish bouillon was eaten only on exceptional occasions

    such as when there was a lack of tea. Bone marrow was added to meat or eaten

    frozen. Brains and spine marrow were considered great delicacies. Rendered goose

    fat was used a great deal.

            Fish was eaten raw, broiled on a spit, or boiled. Frozen fish was cut into

    shavings. Dried fish was prepared in a shape called jukala, which was a double

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0518                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Tavghians

    part of the back portion, or in the shape of huokki , split whole and boned. A

    favorite dish, varki, , was powdered fish belly and fish oil.

            Bread was used in small quantities bought in the form of biscuits. Brick tea

    was their favorite beverage and was used in enormous quantities. During the Czar's

    time a great deal of vodka was drunk. Tobacco was widely used by adults and

    children alike, both for smoking and chewing.

           

    Domesticated Animals and Transportation

            The Tavghians had two domesticated animals: the dog and the reindeer. The

    Tavghian dogs were small, short-legged, white animals which resemble the arctic

    fox. They were used to corral the reindeer and for hunting, and their skins were

    used for clothing. The dogs were treated with great respect by the Tavghians who

    valued them highly. They lived in the same hut as their owners and were fed from

    the same utensils.

            The Tavghian reindeer [ ?] was small in size and height but well developed and

    sturdy. While not so strong as the Dolgan reindeer, it surpassed the former in

    endurance. The predominant coloration was spotted or white. They were used both in

    winter and summer as draft animals. The yoke differed from the Dolgan and Tungus type,

    the driving rein running along the left side of the [ ?] animal instead of the right.

    The harness, qutar , was made out of leather and was stuffed with reindeer hair.

    Teams of from 2 to 8 animals were hitched to a sleigh by means of straps made of

    reindeer skin which passed through rings made of bone or wood. Tavghians had various

    types of sleds. The kinta, or women's sleigh, was constructed with 3 supporting

    crossbars connecting the top to the runners. The seat was formed by a wide board

    across the back. The back and front were high and usually covered with white towel–

    ing material decorated with tassels of red cloth and copper disks. A freight

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0519                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Tavghians

    sleigh with 4 to 5 low supporting bars was used for general transportation

    during the summer. A small double-support sleigh, irenka , without a seat was

    used especially for transporting firewood and but poles.

           

    Hunting

            The wild reindeer was the animal primarily hunted by the Tavghian because it could

    supply almost all his needs. Reindeer were hunted in two ways: with guns by an in–

    dividual hunter or small party, or by large parties with a net ( bugur ) 2 meters –

    high and 300 meters long. Protected by a snow-covered shield or a white covered

    bone sleigh, which was smaller than the normal sleigh, the Tavghian . approached

    his prey silently. when hunting with a gun. In some cases the hunter would chase the wild reindeer openly,

    using a reindeer-drawn sleigh in his pursuit. In the spring a large party would

    construct a V-shaped stockade of poles, the narrow end with the poles close to–

    gether to give it strength. Across the narrow opening was stretched a net,

    supported by high poles which made it impossible for the reindeer to jump overit.

    The poles were covered with long feathers and pieces of cloth which were blown

    wildly by the wind, so the reindeer were afraid to pass between the widely spaced

    initial poles because of these strips.

            The hunters drove the reindeer into the stockade by shouting and screaming

    loudly, and the deer were attacked, as they rushed along, by hunters, armed with

    bow and arrows and spears, who concealed themselves behind the stockade poles.

    When the animals rushed blindly into the net and attempted to force their way

    through it, they were attacked by all the hunters, who rushed in to spear them.

    In areas where reindeer were known to cross rivers at certain places year after

    year, the hunters would attack them in the water from boats. The spoils of the

    hunt were divided according to the merit of each hunter.



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    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Tavghians

            During the mating season, trained reindeer cows held by long ropes were

    used as bait for luring wild reindeer bucks within range of the hunters.

           

    Daily Routine

            The daily routine of the Tavghians was dominated by their nomadic mode of

    life.

            The reindeer train of moving Tavghians was headed by aleader riding on a

    light sleigh. He was usually the elder in the family, who knew the terrain well.

    His sleigh was followed by the shaitan sleigh carrying the family's sacred objects,

    the sacred stones and wooden representations of spirits. Following in order were

    the men's sleighs, the women's sleighs, and the freight sleighs which carried

    clothing, food, the tent, and firewood. The herd of free reindeer was driven

    after the train.

            When the train stopped for the night, the women would unhitch the reindeer,

    erect the hut, cut the firewood, and arrange the household utensils inside the

    hut, while the men looked on. If, as a result of bad weather, the erection of

    the hut took too long the men would bring their sleighs together and sit on them

    with their feet inside their riding bags and listen to stories.

            When the women had erected the hut, brought in the bedding, built the fire,

    and started cooking the food, everyone would sit around the fire, smoking, scratch–

    ing themselves, or killing lice with their teeth. When the thick brew of tea was

    ready and the meat was cooked, the mistress of the hut would drive away the dogs,

    distribute the pieces of meat, and set out unwashed cups. All conversation would

    cease, and only the sound of the smacking of lips could be heard. The fire would

    catch the glint of the sharp knives with which the participants cut pieces of meat

    near their lips by a swift motion upward.



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    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Tavghians

            When the women had erected the hut, brought in the bedding, built the fire,

    and started cooking the food, everyone would sit around the fire, smoking,

    scratching themselves, or killing lice with their teeth. When the thick brew of

    tea was ready and the meat was cooked, the mistress of the hut would drive away

    the dogs, distribute the pieces of meat, and set out unwashed cups. All conver–

    sation would cease, and only the sound of the smacking of lips could be heard.

    The fire would catch the glint of the sharp knives with which the participants

    cut pieces of meat near their lips by a swift motion upward.

            Somewhat later the repast was usually repeated and this ended the day. In

    the morning the hunters would leave before anyone else was up. The Tavghians did

    not wash. Children, black from dirt, ran around naked. Women's faces were often

    covered with scabs from the dirt. Once a month before a visit to the trading

    center, men would wet their faces by taking some water in their mouths.

            In the morning, if the family intended to stay a day or two, after the same

    repast of meat and tea, everyone became busy with his work. The men would look

    after the reindeer, repair the sleighs and harness, and the women would repair

    clothing, and do sundry household chores.

           

    Social Organization

            The basis of the social organization was the family. A number of families of

    one locality formed a loose local group or clan which was exogamic. Its functions

    were well defined. If the members of one family were impoverished, a general meet–

    ing of the clan could decide to assign the task of feeding that family to one of

    the richer members. If a poor man had children, they could be taken to be raised

    (until maturity) by someone who could better afford them. When they grew up, they

    had to support their real parents. This clan responsibility was a matter of common

    law, and no repayment was expectd.



    010      |      Vol_VIII-0522                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Tavghians

            Quarrels between individual members of the clan were subject to a general

    judgment [ ?] by the entire clan. If an outsider or a member of another tribe was

    present, his advice was often sought.

            Property was inherited from father to son along the male line. The most

    valuable possession of the Tavghian, the reindeer, was marked with individual

    ownership brands, tamga , which consisted of cutting out the hair of the reindeer

    in the form of a specific figure. All but the youngst son had their own reindeer.

    After his father's death, the youngest inherited his tamga as well as all his

    branded and unbranded reindeer.

           

    Marriage Customs

            Marraige was exogamic between the clans. Polygamy was formerly practiced,

    and a rich Tavghian could have as many as three wives, which he kept in the same

    o or separate huts, depending upon his wealth. As a rule the oldest wife had the

    most prestige. Exchange marraige was practiced, in which case two men might

    marry each other's sisters, or a groom might give his niece in exchange for a

    bride of another clan. A younger brother could not marry a girl from the clan

    of his elder brother's wife, because after the death of the elder brother his

    younger brother had to marry the widow, thus retaining the value of the bridal

    price within his clan. In this case no special ceremony was performed. The

    elder brother, however, could not marry his younger brother's widow, as he was

    like a second father to her. A widower had to marry the oldest of the younger

    sisters of his dead wife. No marraige could take place between the clans of a

    sister's husband and a wife's brother. Step-mother, sister, and aunt were also

    included in the nonmarriageable class. Marriages took place at the age of thirteen

    or fourteen years, and the consent of the girl was not necessary. Marraige by

    011      |      Vol_VIII-0523                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Tavgians

    purchase was practiced, the bridal price consisting of furs, household goods,

    a [ ?] d reindeer.

            Marriages were arranged by a go-between who visited the potential bride's

    family, bringing a wolf's skin as a present. If the girl's father refused the

    skin no further negotiations took place. If, however, the union was desirable,

    the bride's price was agreed upon. The bride in her turn brought from 8 to 10

    sleighs each, drawn by a pair of reindeer, which were laden with winter and

    summer covers for a hut, a dress for herself, and full festive dress which she

    had specially prepared for her future husband. The actual marriage consisted

    of the [ ?] delivery of the bridal price and taking the bride home. Upon arrival

    at her new home the bride rode around it three times in the direction of the sun.

    The wedding night was spent in a special hut brought and set up by the bride,

    who also prepared the bed.

            The following morning the groom, dressed in the costume brought by his wife,

    would go out after a wild reindeer so as to prepare a feast from its meat. If

    he failed to find a wild reindeer, a domesticated animal was substitute. Before

    his departure the bride would smear his hair with fat, dress it, and braid it

    near the ears with copper plaques or buttons braided in.

            Barrenness of a woman, or infidelity were grounds for divorce and the husband

    could demand in exchange the younger sister of the bride or the return of the

    bride price.

           

    Birth Customs

            Pregnant women were considered "unclean," and were forbidden to cross the

    tracks of hunted animals. During the last months of pregnancy they did not go

    out at all and were fed with reindeer meat. It was forbidden for any person to

    pass between the pregnant woman and her husband.



    012      |      Vol_VIII-0524                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Tavghians

            Successful delivery was believed to depend upon the attitude of the Spirit

    Owner of the Moon. A woman gave birth without assistance, kneeling and holding

    on to a pole which was set obliquely and tied to the pole of the hut. Her bed

    of several skins was separated by a low snow partition to prevent contamination

    of the others in the hut. The grandmother washed the newly born child, and dur–

    ing the first three days of the [ ?] child's life the mother kept it near her bosom.

    The mother was fed from old vessels which had to be disposed of later because of

    contamination. Food was handed to her on one end of a long board for the same

    reason. The snow partition remained until after the purification ceremony, and

    until that time even the dogs were chased away from the mother. Even the grand–

    mother, although she had not touched the mother, was "unclean," and could not

    touch the fire. The grandmother remained [ ?] in the hut until the umbilical cord

    fell off. Three days after the birth the first purification ceremony took place.

    This consisted of placing fat, pitch, or dog's hair in a skillet which was heated

    until it gave off a great volume of smoke which purified everyone present. All

    the guests were feasted on this day. After the umbilical cord fell off, The the

    camp was abandoned and the strips of hut covering and poles, which had been over

    the place where delivery took place, as well as all the cloths and vessels which

    had been used by the mother were abandoned. The husband also left his under pants

    and belt behind. If a boy was born a toy bow was left at the place of birth. When

    the family was ready to move to another camp, a reindeer and a dog were strangled

    [ ?] and placed across the road, and all sleighs with household goods had to pass over

    them to finish the last purification. For one month following the birth of the child

    the young mother was forbidden to cross the path of the shaitan sleigh, lest she

    contaminate it. A female reindeer was dedicated to the Spirit Owner of the Moon

    after the first birth and was marked by a special tamga , after which the animal

    013      |      Vol_VIII-0525                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Tavghians

    was set free and never used again for work or killed.

            Pregnancy of unmarried girls was not censured and the child would remain with

    the mother. Children were not named until they were three or four years old.

    Babies were kept in decorated cradles. The education of children consisted of

    preparing them for their future tasks as members of the clan. Tbys were reindeer

    teeth, carved-out figures of sleighs, etc.

            Boys were preferred, since women's position after maturity was difficult,

    and they were subject to various restrictions due to the concept of "uncleanness."

    They could not sit on a man's sleigh lest they pollute it, and could occupy only

    the back part of a cance.

           

    Death and Burial

            Death was always caused by evil spirits. Members of the same clan usually

    died from the same type of sickness, sent by the special spirit of the disease.

            Every Tavghian had special "death clothing," prepared beforehand and made

    of good material more richly decorated than everyday dress. In addition, a special

    red cloth reindeer harness decorated with beads and hut covers of black reindeer

    skin were prepared for burial. Women's death clothing was especially elaborate;

    special household utensils and other things used by women were prepared for burial.

            In winter the corpse was clothed in "death clothing," with red cloth covering

    the eyes, and kept in the hut for two days. One of the relatives was selected to

    sit near by and play the part of the deceased, carrying on conversations in his

    name with grave diggers and consuming the funeral food prepared for him. He would

    issue orders to capture a "funeral reindeer," and would promise to help in this task.

    Only old and dark-colored animals were selected (they would become light and young

    in the other world) and instead of the usual method of harnessing they were tied

    to the sleigh.



    014      |      Vol_VIII-0526                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Tavghians

            The body of a dead man was taken out by removing the cover of the hut and

    spreading the poles apart, and was placed on the first sleigh of the funeral train,

    together with his gun (without the barrel). On the second sleigh his clothing and

    hunting gear were placed. A reindeer buck (for men) or a cow (for women) was killed

    by strangulation, and the hind quarters of the animal were placed on the second

    sleigh. Another reindeer cow and a dog were killed by strangulation and placed

    across the road to be driven over by the funeral train and all those participat–

    ing. Before starting, relatives would place some trinkets on the first sleigh as

    "death decorations." The relative selected to play the part of the deceased drove

    the first sleigh. The grave was lined with reindeer clothing and a pillow, and

    the body, placed with the head toward the setting sun, was covered with a blanket.

    The grave was covered with a layer of poles, then a piece of hut covering, and

    finally with earth.

            The funeral sleighs were placed over the grave and five reindeer (two for

    each sleigh and the "luring" animal) were ceremonially killed and placed in their

    original position in lifelike poses with bent knees and heads stretched toward

    the sunset. The man who played the part of the deceased made motions as if he

    were driving them and carried on a conversation with the relatives about his forth–

    coming trip. After purification by the smoke from dog's fur which was thrown into

    the fire, some meat and tea was eaten and everyone would take his leave saying

    goodbye to the deceased and requesting him to send luck in hunting. All utensils

    were made [ ?] useless by perforating them at the bottom and they were placed on

    the first sleigh. In returning home, care was taken to conceal the path from the

    deceased by driving for several hours without looking back along a circuitous road,

    in the wrong direction.

            At the same time the rest of the relatives would move to a new camp, leaving

    015      |      Vol_VIII-0527                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Tavghians

    behind all poles and those covers which had been above the dead man's bed.

    Upon hearing the approach of the funeral train, three women would rush out–

    side and throw down three burning sticks of firewood with dog fur for the

    sleighs to cross over.

            In the case of a woman's death the funeral reindeer were captured by women,

    and a woman play the part of the deceased. All her belongings were left at her

    grave, and all clothing which she had made for others had to be traded within

    a year. Men present at a woman's funeral would abstain from hunting for a month.

    Relatives of the dead would not braid their hair for three years; the spouse of

    the deceased would not sleep on the spot which he had formerly occupied. The

    grave was visited yearly for three years, and a hitched reindeer carrying food

    was strangled on the grave and left there, together with the food.

           

    Religion

            The Tavghian religion was characterized by a combination of shamanism and

    animistic fetichism, in which the household spirits were prominent. The cos–

    mogony and pantheon were not well defined. The Creator of the Universe, Nulita

    nuo
    , lived on the seventh layer of the sky which was so high that it could be

    reached only by the most famous shaman. Nilitia nuo , having once [ ?] created

    the universe and a definite number of male and female spirits for each tribe, would

    not participate in running it, relegating this task to her his servant, Kuo , the Sun.

    The servant of the Creator's wife ( N-am ) was Ciraruo , the Spirit Owner of the Moon.

    This concept of the creator may be a reflection of the Christian influence, as the

    sun is actually the most venerated spirit of the Tavghians.) The sun was re–

    sponsible for plant life and was appealed to for help in the event of various

    calamities and sickness. When the sick recovered, a white reindeer was sacrificed

    016      |      Vol_VIII-0528                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Tavghians

    to the sun; its meat was eaten by all but the shamans, and the skin with head and

    hoofs was hung on a tree. A sacrifice was made by every family in the fall before

    the final setting of the sun for the polar night, when a reindeer, usually the

    best lead animal, was marked by a special sun "tamga" resembling the sun with its

    rays, and killed by strangulation. The bones were collected and together with the

    stomach were placed under the tree where the skin was hung. Another method of

    sacrifice was the dedication of specially marked reindeer to the sun by setting

    the animals free.

            Next in importance was Ciraruo, the Spirit Owner of the Moon ( Kicceda ), which

    was visualized as a suspended raft. This spirit lived on the moon and was re–

    sponsible for successful [ ?] birth. Before delivery prayers were made to it, and

    after birth it was presented with a reindeer.

            The Spirit of the Water, Bida nuo , received as a sacrifice a black reindeer

    marked with a tamga representing waves. The reindeer was either set free or

    killed by strangulation of the river or lake shore. In the spring after the ice

    cleared a reindeer was sacrificed to this spirit by strangulation, its meat was

    eaten, and the [ ?] stomach with its contents was left on the river shore. The

    bones, heart, kidneys, and lungs, a head dress decorated with beads, and three bells

    were all placed in the skin, which was weighted with a heavy stone. Two men in two

    canoes along i side of each other, each holding the skin parcel with one hand, would

    row with their free hands to the middle of the river, where they would drop the

    sacrifice. Immediately after this they would circle the spot three times in the

    direction of the sun, thus symbolically encircling the parcel.

            There were two Spirit Owners of the Earth. The first was a benevolent spirit,

    Bujkuo nuo , The Gray-Haired Old Man, to whom each family sacrificed a white reindeer

    or a white dog upon returning to their winter camp.



    017      |      Vol_VIII-0529                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Tavghians

            The other Spirit of the Earth was a malevolent one, Fannida , who lived be–

    neath the turf under a tree and with open mouth waited for dying men. To escape

    him a black reindeer, specially marked by his brand, was sacrificed to him.

            In addition, there were spirit owners [ ?] of each locality, the spirit owners

    of fire, Hyde Huonka , and his wife, Zali Hella , owners of the hut, of plants,

    of snow storm, and the spirit owners of various animals such as fish, wolf, bear,

    goose, wild reindeer, arctic fox, etc., who received specially marked reindeer

    as sacrifices.

            Contrasted to these was a whole group of malevolent spirits inhabiting

    the dark under world without sun or moon. The most powerful and feared of these

    was Barusi .

            A separate place was occupied by the spirits living in sacred objects,

    shaitan ,(a word of Tartar derivation meaning the devil.) Shaitans could be

    objects of unusual shape selected and consecrated by the shamans, wooden images

    of spirits made at the shaman's direction, or iron pendants of the shaman's cere–

    monial dress bequeathed to the family by the deceased shaman.

            The [ ?] shaitans were divided into (a) household spirits, protectors of the

    hut, fire, etc., (b) protectors against evil spirits, (c) spirit helpers in the

    hunt or other occupations. Shaitans of the first two types could be of both

    sexes. In addition some families had the shaitan-shamans , anthropomorphic

    miniature images dressed in shaman's costume, which were invoked when a dream

    was desired.

            With the sunrise at the end of the polar night all shaitans were fed the smoke

    of burning reindeer marrow. They were carried on a sleigh drawn by special

    reindeer, and for female shaitans only reindeer cows were used. If for some rea–

    son this shaitan reindeer had to be killed its meat was not eaten by shamans or

    018      |      Vol_VIII-0530                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Tavghians

    women. The shaitan sleigh had three supports and sometimes was decorated with

    a sign of the sun in the form of a semicircle drawn with blood. Every two years

    at the end of the polar night a new sleigh would be made and the old one aban–

    doned. To consecrate the new sleigh a reindeer was killed and its skin, with head

    and hoofs, was hung on a tree facing the east; then the new sleigh was brought

    and placed as if it were hitched to the hide of the animal, and left that way for

    three days.

            A special small sleigh was used to house the shaitan of the fire, whose two–

    headed image was made out of a split log.

            In order to revenge an insult, the Tavghian would come home, open the sleigh

    with his shaitans , set them up, kill a reindeer, and smear the image with its

    blood, lift the front of the sleigh and loudly complain against the offender.

    Another method was to bring one of the shaitans inside the hut and blacken its

    face over the fire saying, "May my enemy's face burn in the same way." This

    method was supposed to kill the enemy by producing anthrax of the face.

           

    Shamanism

            Shamans, n'da were defenders and protectors of men from all sorts of mis–

    fortunes. A shaman was selected for his profession by a spirit and could not

    refuse it. According to the Tavghian belief, the soul of the shaman underwent

    a very long and painful period of training, during which it was transformed,

    acquiring the necessary psychological qualities. As a rule the future shaman

    had numerous sicknesses as a child. The shaman would officiate in a special

    costume prepared during the period f of winter darkness and decorated with iron

    pendants inherited from some deceased relative shaman. During the spring addi–

    tional pendants were forged by two blacksmiths in a ceremonial enclosure.



    019      |      Vol_VIII-0531                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Tavghians

            Among the Khanta Tavghians, future shamans would act abnormally, swallow–

    ing burning coal, needles, copper rings, etc. An elder shaman was called to

    stop the evil spirits who were torturing the novice.

            Initiation into the shamanistic profession was conducted by an elder

    shaman in a solemn atmosphere, with a large audience present. During the

    ceremony the novice was tested to determine whether he had actually been

    "called" by the spirits. His eyes were covered and he was made to walk in

    the direction of a spread net which he had to avoid if he had been trulychosen.

            While a man had one soul - n-ilim , which had the shape of a bird, the famous

    shamans had two additional souls, which underwent tortures during his [ ?] initia–

    tion; his third sould remained with his family after his death.

            The shamans operated with the assistance of special spirits, the most

    important of which were the souls of the shaman and his relatives along either

    the paternal or maternal line. Some of these spirits were not trustworthy;

    they would lie and deceive the shaman, and had to be restrained by the three

    main [ ?] helpers who would tie them or lock them up. These spirits could incite

    the shaman into performing evil deeds. The spirits were fed with the smoke of

    burning fat, and multiplied in the same manner as human beings. One shaman

    stated that some of his spirits were his children as the result of sexual inter–

    course with of the spirit with his wife.

            Often a shaman was forced to perform shamanistic rites, against his will,

    by relatives who considered him the main defense against evil spirits.

            The functions of the shaman were varied and, besides the main function of

    curing the sick, included carrying various requests to the spirits concerning

    the fertility and multiplication of domestic and wild animals, defense of the

    herds from wolves, and intervention against natural phenomena such as snow storms.



    020      |      Vol_VIII-0532                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Tavghians

            The Tavghian shamanstic incantations were very short, with a pause every

    five or ten minutes. Before each pause the shaman would ask the audience whether

    his incantations were true and would refuse to continue unless begged to do so

    by a special spokesman.

            During the ceremony of curing the sick and recovering a stolen soul, the

    shaman had to have a helper, tuoptata, who would direct him. A black reindeer

    calf was killed; its head, bones, and stomach were placed near the fire and a

    pillow was made from its skin for the sick man. During the ceremony the

    would re-enact his trip to the Upper and Lower Worlds, accompanied by the souls

    of all present, who during the ceremony at specific times would imitate the [ ?]

    cries of a swan, hawk, and grebe to call the spirit helpers of the shaman.

            When the shaman returned, bringing the soul back, he would make the sick

    person pass through a split pole, held lengthwise by two men. Afterward this split

    was firmly tied and wrapped with skin to complete the purification of the sick

    man.

            The ceremony addressed to the Spirits of the Lower World was held in the

    evening. To cure the patient completely, the shaman had to take his soul to the

    Upper World to be cared for by one of the Upper Good Spirits. This ceremony was

    held immediately [ ?] if the patient was strong enough; if not, it was performed

    three, six or nine days after the first one. Only a strong shaman could achieve

    this as he had to pass by the abode of the terrible S'r'nuo who would threaten to

    devour the shaman's wife and children. When he reached the Upper Spirit the

    shaman would ask him how long the sick person would live.

            Some shamans were endowed with supernatural visions enabling them to find

    thieves or people lost in the snow.



    021      |      Vol_VIII-0533                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Tavghians

            Ceremony of the "Clean Hut ." The ceremony of the "clean hut," magusja ,

    was held annually after the end of the polar night and has been described by

    some authors as the sun festival. During the ceremony the shamans would ask

    for luck, general well-being, and abundance of game for the coming year. This

    festival had a clan character, and all neighbors arrived dressed in a special

    elaborate funeral dress which they had prepared for their own burial and wore

    only once a year, to this ceremony. The ceremony took three, five, seven, or

    nine days, and a special hut was constructed with a number of poles equal to

    seven times the number of days proposed for the ceremony. The thickest of the

    poles had an image of the spirit Hor'a carved on the top. This spirit would

    guide the shaman during his trip to the Upper World. A number of other rules

    were observed during the construction, including the use of a flint in lighting

    the fire.

            The keynote of the festival was the prayers to insure propagation. Imitat–

    ing the sounds of reindeer cows, the women would dance in a circle asking for

    fertility, while the men would request virility. The shaman would perform during

    this time, enacting a complicated and difficult journey to the Upper World,

    carrying the requests of his tribe. As indications of his power and as good

    omens for the future, he would perform various tricks, such as finding his way

    into the "clean hut" while blindfolded, avoiding various obstacles place in the

    way, and finding objects hidden by participants in the ceremony.

            A characteristic feature of the ceremony was the great freedom permitted be–

    tween boys and girls, who could make arrangements for a short time (not more than

    one month), for sexual alliances, a device both to insure multiplication of ani–

    mals by imitative magic as well as to attain growth of the population; the chil–

    dren born as the result of those alliances were left with the parents of the girl.

           

    wide space



    022      |      Vol_VIII-0534                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Tavghians

            Tavghian folklore is very rich. It abounds with tales of shaman's exploits

    and examples of epic poems with vivid poetical imagery, sharpness of comparison

    and humor. A great many songs, fairy tales, riddles, and proverbs have been

    recorded.

            After the revolution, Tavghians together with other Siberian tribes for the

    first time achieved some measure of equality with their Russian neighbors. Measures

    to introduce education, via newly devised alphabets, systems of schools, hospital

    cooperatives, etc., culminated in the establishment of the Taimyr National Region,

    with three national soviets. The government [ ?] aids native industry — reindeer

    breeding, hunting, and fishing — by supplying trained instructors, hunting and

    fishing gear, and by organizing the disposal of furs.


    Bibliography

    A. A. Popov: The Tavghians (Trudy of the Institute of Anthropology and Ethnography,

    Vol. I, Pt. 5, Leningrad, 1936)

    L. N. Dobrova-Yadrintzeva: The Native of the Turukhansk Region (1925)

    B. Dolgikh: The Population of the Taimyr Peninsula and Adjacent Region (Soviet

    Asia, No. 2 (26) 1929)

    Krivoshapkin: The Yenisei of Region and the Life There (1865)

    A. F. Middendorf: Trip to the North and East of Siberia (St. Petersburg, 1878)

    Tretiakov, P.I.: The Turukhansk Region, Its Nature and Inhabitants (St. Petersburg,

    1869).

           

    Eugene A. Golomshtok

    Northern Tungus or Evenki


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0535                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    [Eugene A. Golomshtok]


    NORTHERN TUNGUS OR EVENKI
    Page
    Divisions 1
    Language 2
    Physical Anthropology 2
    History 3
    - Dwellings 5
    - Clothing 5
    - Food 6
    - Household Utensils 7
    Hunting Gear 8
    - Transportation 8
    Occupations 9
    Reindeer breeding [ ?] 10
    Fishing 11
    - Social Organization 11
    - Marriage 13
    - Wedding 14
    - Divorce 16
    - Birth 16
    - Burial 18
    - Religion 18
    - Cosmogony 18
    Hunting-Reindeer Cult 19
    - Pantheon 19
    Cult of the Animals 20
    - Cult of the shaman ancestors 21
    - Shamanism 22
    - The Cure 23
    - Folklore 26
    - Games and Dancing 26
    Bibliography 28



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0536                                                                                                                  

           

    Northern Tungus or Evenki

            The Tungus or Evenki are one of the largest native groups in Northern

    Siberia. The term Tungus (probably derived from the Yakut term "Tunus"

    which was used for all peoples living in the Yakutsk region, or from "Tung-hu"

    by which the Chinese call all Manchurian peoples) has been widely applied to

    a number of linguistically related Siberian tribes. For the purpose of this

    article the term Tungus will be used to refer only to the Northern Tungus or

    Tungus proper, who inhabit Eastern Siberia from 60° Eastern longitude to the

    Pacific, and from the Arctic to the Chinese border. This area includes the

    groups known as the Lamuts and Orochens and excludes the Southern Tungus –

    the Amur River and Manchurian Tungus: the Goldi, Solons, Daurs, Olchi, Orochi,

    and Manchus.

            In 1897 the Tungus numbered approximately 63,000. At present they form

    the basic population of the Evenki National Region, and partly of the Vitim–

    Olekma National Regions in the Yakut and the Buriat-Mongol A.S.S.R. (q.v.)

    Small groups live in the Far Eastern Province and in parts of the Olhotsk area

    (q.v.)

            The Tungus call themselves "Evenki", a term apparently of Turkic origin

    which is translated by some as "lake dwellers. It may also be derived from

    the Chinese meaning "Eastern Barbarians".

            Divisions :

            In addition to the Tungus proper, a portion of the Tungus known as

    Lamuts (coast dwellers), numbering 1,050 in 1897, live in the Kolyma and

    Verkhojansk areas of the Yakut Republic and along the Kamchatka-Okhtsk shores.

    Another Tungus group, the Orochon (herdsmen or reindeer Tungus from the Manchu

    oron - reindeer, numbering 750, inhabit the Trans-Baikal Region. They are

    002      |      Vol_VIII-0537                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

    identified culturally and in dialect with the Tungus proper. Another group,

    the Manegers, (The reindeer breeders) numbering 110 in 1897, live along the

    left bank of the Amur River.

            The Tungus, inhabiting as they do a vast territory which ranges in natural

    condition from forests to inaccessible mountains to tundra with lakes which are

    transformed in winter to vast snowy expanses, may be divided according to their

    mode of living into nomadic, semi-nomadic and sedentary.

            The nomadic Tungus number about 29,000 and wander all over Eastern Siberia

    with their reindeer. The semi-nomadic cattle breeders and fishermen, numbering

    about 30,000 have seasonal places of abode. They are found in the provinces of

    Trans-Baikal and to a lesser exten c t in the Yakutsk region. The sedentary

    Tungus numbering about 4,000 are mostly agricultural and live chiefly in the

    Trans-Baikal province. About 45% of this group live in Irkutsk and the Marititime

    Province. These are cattle breeders or fishermen.

            Language :

            The Evenki language belongs to the group of Tungus tongues, sometimes

    included in the Altayan group, and is characterized by agglutinative-suffix

    construction, harmony of vowels and a well [-?] developed word-construction and

    word-changing apparatus. The language is rich in words reflecting the culture

    and poor in abstract words. Since the revolution many terms have been borrowed

    from the Russian and formed on the basis of Evenki roots to express new concepts.

    At present more than half the Tungus have adopted foreign languages such as

    Russian, Buriat, Yakut and Yukaghir. Up to the revolution there was no Evenki

    writing.

            Physical Anthropology :

            Data on physical anthropology of the Tungus is inadequate. They are of

    average stature (163 cms) and are slightly but firmly built. The cephalic index

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0538                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

    varies from 79.6 for some groups to 83 (brachicephalic) for others. The facial

    index is 81.26, cephalic module 158.3 and cephalic module-stature index 9.7.

            The forehead is square and well developed. The eyes are narrow, straight

    or almost straight, and are dark or dark brown. The skin is brown, the hair

    thick and black, and the mouth is large with long thin lips.

            History :

            Most authorities believe that the original home of the Tungus was much

    further south than in the present territory. Some investigarots (Schmidt,

    Talko-Grintsevich) place the original home of the Tungus in Machuria; others

    place it in Northern Mongolia, while others (Shirokogorov) derive them from

    the middle and lower courses of the Yellow and Yangtze rivers. According to

    Chinese sources, the Tungus waged wars against the Chinese, Koreans and Mongolians

    some 2000 years ago, and the Tungus-Manchu dominated China three times in their

    history.

            Shirokogorov, who made a detailed study of Tungus history on the basis of

    Chinese sources and clan names and their distribution, reconstructs three main

    migrations of the Tungus: a) the Northward movement of the proto-Tungus;

    b) the southward movement - four waves; and c) along the southern border of

    the reindeer breeding area. Then, pressed by the expanding Chinese, the Tungus

    [ ?] moved northward and eastward, forming two main divisions: 1) Northern

    Tungus who pushed the Paleoasiatics north and east and occupied the territory

    north of Lake Baikal and west along the Lena River; 2) Southern Tungus who

    settled along the right bank of the Amur and Sungari Rivers.

            By the first millenium B.C., the Yakuts, pressed by Mongolo-Turkic tribes,

    spread along the Lena, pushing the Tungus both south and east. The Southern

    Tungus adopted the sedentary-agricultural complex, while the Northern Tungus

    became a reindeer breeding tribe and pushed southward by the Yakuts, introduced

    004      |      Vol_VIII-0539                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

    reindeer breeding into Manchuria.

            According to the meager historical data available, the Evenki, even

    before the 14th century, [ ?] occupied the taiga section of the Lena basin.

    In the 14th century, after bloody battles with the Yakuts, who were advancing

    from the direction of Lake Baikal, the Evenki were pushed from the Amguno-Lena

    plateau and moved twoard the Yenisei River, to the right tributaries of the

    Lena along the Stanovoi Mountains, and into the Amur region.

            The first Russian conquerors of Siberia encountered the Evenki in 1605 or

    1607. For twenty years the Evenki, armed only with "palma" (a spear with a

    wide blade set on a long shaft) and bows and arrows battled the Cossacks who

    had firearms. The Russians finally conquered and tribute ( yasak ) was exacted

    from the natives. Even after the conquest there were several uprisings against

    the new masters, the most important in 1629, by the Evenki of the Lower Tunguska

    River, which was very curelly crushed by the punitive expedition of the Samson

    Novatsky.

            By the least quarter of the 17th century Christianization of the Evenki

    had begun together with exploitation by merchants and officials. In the 18th

    century Russian colonists began pushing the [ ?] Evenki northward from their

    hunting territories.

            The law of 1832 divided the Tungus into groups in order to exact tribute,

    and fixed clan privileges along a hereditary line. Three hundred years of

    exploitation resulted in the impoverishement and gradual dying out of the

    Evenki, a process which was stopped only with the advent of the Soviet Regime.

            By 1933 20% of the Evenki were collectivized. There has been a tendency

    to change the sedentary mode of life. Cooperatives and cultural education

    help in the formation of the national entity. Several cultural bases have been

    constructed, the Evenki have been relieved of taxation, and there is a network

    005      |      Vol_VIII-0540                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

    of boarding schools and hospitals. In 1931 the alphabet was created. During

    1930 and 1931 almost 100 Evenki were students at the Institute of Northern

    Tribes in Leningzed. Fourteen of them were graduated and returned to the

    kolkhoz to teach.

            Dwellings :

            The basic Tungus dwelling is a conical pole tent ( golomo )covered among

    the reindeer people with reindeer hides (30-50) and with canvas or birch bark

    among the non-reindeer breeding Tungus. The Okhotsk Tungus cover the lower

    cylindrical parts of the tent with rectangular pieces of birch-bark sewed

    together with thongs. The Sakhalin Evenki have a light tent - for three or four - people

    which can be placed on a sled for use during hunting.

            The tent has an opening at the top which is used as a chimney and is

    covered for protection against snow and cold in winter, and against mosquitoes

    in summer. This window-less, easily dismantled tent is well suited for trans–

    portation.

            About one-quarter of the Tungus are semi-sedentary and live in Russian–

    type, wooden houses.

            Since 1920 the Soviet government has been manufacturing and selling

    ready-made canvas-covered, fur-lined tents.

            Clothing :

            The basic dress is a light coat of very simple cut worn directly against

    the naked body. The woman's coat reached to the kaees, and is always decorated

    with numerous pendants, coins and beads. An "apron" or piece of skin tied

    around the neck and waist and reaching to the knees, and pants of tanned skin

    with fur stockings are worn by both sexes. The Tungus fur coat has a tail-like

    prolongation at the back.

            Two types of foot wear are used - Unty or Bakari - long, reindeer-leg fur

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0541                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

    boots reaching to the knee are used for travel and hunting. Short shoes

    decorated with beads are worn at home.

            Both sexes wear wide belts decorated with beads. A sheathed knife and a

    tobacco pouch with a pipe are hung from the belt. Sometimes men wear a shoulder

    strap decorated with beads, from which a flint and firemaking apparatus, a

    small bag containing tobacco, bullets, etc., are suspended.

            Women often wear a breast piece decorated with metal or with round

    massive copper mirrors, (perhaps a Chinese influence).

            The Tungus we [ ?] r their hair long and pull out their facial hair with iron

    tweezers and either tweeze or shave their pubic hair.

            In recent times native dress has often been replaced by Russian garments.

            Food :

            The Tungus diet consists of fish, meat and various purchased foods. The

    women prepare all the food.

            Fish is prepared in four ways: a) Ukola - dired fish - for everyday use;

    b) Porsa - fish flour; c) Kochemaza - badly dired, half-spoiled fish, used as

    dog food; d) Balyk - well-salted.

            They also eat dried fish eggs, and pancakes baked of fish eggs. With

    the exception of Balyk, all fish is kept in birch-bark vessels in storage

    houses, built on piles to keep the food away from animals. In the summer, the

    fish is boiled with wild onions without salt, or eaten raw, and Ukola is baked

    in hot ashes.

            Meat may be prepared in several different ways: a) boiled without salt;

    b) in rice soup with salt; c) fried in fish oil with salt; d) broiled; or,

    e) Ulutka - boiled, cut fine and dried. Domestic reindeer meat is a delicacy,

    and is killed for sale only by the rich Tungus, although formerly it was a sin

    to sell reindeer meat. They also eat wi d l d-reindeer, mountain goat, bear, hare,

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0542                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

    seal, and sea-lion meat. The cartileges of leg joints, bone marrow and liver

    are eaten raw.

            The reindeer is milked and gives a high quality milk with 4-5% more fat

    than cow's milk. Birds are killed and eaten in the spring. They are never sold,

    but are often given to t others. Roots, berries, and nuts are also used.

            Purchased foods are mostly flour, cow and horse meat, butter and rice.

    The amount of purchases can be seen from the fact that each year a group of 24

    families used 14,000 lbs of four, 17 families used 4000 lbs of cow meat,

    16 families used 8000 lbs of horse meat, and 19 families used 3600 lbs of butter.

    The average family buys about half the food they use, including tea, sugar and

    vodka. The flour is used to make a type of unleavened bread.

            Products are not washed before cooking. Dishes are sometimes washed, or

    rinsed, then wiped with wooden shavings - " khatka ."

            In addition, Tungus buy some dry goods: kerchiefs, belts, buttons and

    thread.

            Household Utensils :

            Dishes are made of animal, fish, and bird skin, as well as wood, and

    birch-bark. Round birch bark containers are covered with tanned reindeer skin

    and beautifully decorated. Similar containers are used for reindeer milk.

            In addition two or three tea-kettles, usually copper, a large copper

    kettle for meat and fish, a skillet, wooden bowls, etc., are used. A low

    taboret serves as a table.

            Clothing and food are kept in birch-bark containers, covered with reindeer

    skins, suitable for pack transportation on reindeer. Reindeer skins and carp [ ?] ts

    of the skin of reindeer forehead are used as bedding. Reindeer skins are used

    for tent covers, sleeping bags, saddle covers, saddle and pack bags. Cured

    skin is used for footwear and summer clothing.



    008      |      Vol_VIII-0543                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

            Raw leather provides materials for straps, lariats, etc.

            Fish bones are used to make glue.

            The knife is the indispensable tool of every man and is worn in wooden

    sheaths.

            Hunting Gear :

            Hunting tools consist of 1) guns - still some of the flint lock type;

    2) various types of traps for ermine, sable, kolinsky, arctic fox and wolverine,

    and snares for fox and arctic fox; 3) bow and arrow: the short hunting bow,

    (th [ ?] war bow is longer); large and small arrows. The arrow points are made of

    iron, mammoth ivory and bone (sometimes with split points.) Special arrows are

    made of reindeer horn with a heavy blunt knob.

            The Tungus knew metals before the advent of the Russians, and native

    blacksmiths ( sapkal - "one who knows") prepare arrow points, swords, spear–

    heads, knives, axes, etc.

            While exchange of clothing or furs for metal objects was in practice

    between clans, within the clan it was not encouraged.

            Transportation :

            The main mode of transportation is on reindeer. Canoes made of wooden

    frames covered with sections of birch bark and sealed with pitch are used

    with one two-bladed oar.

            Tungus reindeer are used primarily for riding and carrying packs and

    only occasionally for drawing sleighs. The Tungus caravan (" argish ") consists

    of reindeer that carry packs containing tent covers, spare clothing, indoor short

    boots, supplies of hides and tanned skins for making clothes, and other necessary

    equipment for sewing and food. The reindeer bridle is made of leather strips,

    cheek pieces are made of carved mammoth ivory, and the forehead piece is made

    of reindeer horn.



    009      |      Vol_VIII-0544                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

            For drawing a sleigh, tow animals are used. In traveling, several sleighs

    each with a pair of animals are tied one after another, with the first freight

    sleigh driven by a leader. This type of transportation is used in sparse

    forest areas.

            Under saddle, a reindeer can carry 65-70 kg, while two animals can draw

    a sleigh with 160-180 kgs. of freight. In the fall up to 100 kgs. can be

    loaded on one reindeer, and in the spring only 40-50 kgs. Although a rider

    may weigh t much more, he balances himself and it is easier for the animal to

    carry a rider than dead weight. Children in cradles are carried on reindeer

    and balanced with a sack on the other side.

            Occupations :

            The economy of the native population is based on three main occupations:

    1) hunting; 2) reindeer breeding; and 3) fishing. Of secondary importance for

    a portion of the population are transportation of freight on reindeer, black–

    smithing, sleigh making, and dress making out of reindeer skins.

            As a rule, the main occupation of the [ ?] poorer groups is fishing and

    hunting. Reindeer breeding is more typical of the richer Tungus. Fishing is

    more characteristic of the northern portion, hunting and fishing of the middle.

            Fur bearing animals are important as the basis of their budget because

    the furs are used an an exchange medium for food and manufactured goods. Elk are

    pursued on skis.

            In winter they hunt on reindeer back; in spring on wide snowshoes over

    the hard crust of the snow; and during the summer and fall either on reindeer

    back or on foot. The communal group hunt includes the construction of a corral

    several kilometers long into which the animals are driven by the participants.

            The Tungus hunt primarily with guns (rifle or straight), various traps,

    c crossbows, and snares. Blunted arrows are used in some areas to hunt squirrel.



    010      |      Vol_VIII-0545                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

            The meat of wild reindeer is equally divided among the hunters; the skin

    of the head is given to the one who killed the animal, and the whole skin is

    given to someone else. If several mountain sheep are killed, part is given to

    neighbors.

            Reindeer breeding :

            Reindeer is important a) as a means of transportation and b) as a source

    of meat and materials. It provides the Tungus with the following: 1) food –

    tasty and nutritious meat, blood, marrow and milk; 2) skins - undressed for the

    outer tent cover, dressed for the inner cover and for summer footgear, harnesses,

    and ropes used in capturing animals; 3) horn - for knife handles, saddle frames,

    harness forehead pieces; 4)sinew - for sewing thread. Reindeer products are

    used only in the native economy and not for barter.

            Reindeer herds are of two types. Large herds numbering from 100-400 head

    and small herds. The large herds are driven by herders to some moss-rich area

    near a river for winter grazing. Toward spring, supervision by the herders

    lessens and the herds are left to wander to higher places to escape mosquitoes.

    In summer-fall the animals wander in search of mushrooms, and control by the

    herders practically ceases. At this time the percentage of loss is highest.

    These animals are usually castrated in the fall. Marking is made once a year

    by cutting the ear. Thirty-to fifty tame animals are kept near the habitation

    for transportation. Smaller family herds are kept under constant observation

    and are counted every 2-3 days. For the calving period 4-5 families stop

    moving and build a joint corral.

            Reindeer grazing fields can be recognized by the hard packed ground.

    Their wanderings are confined within a certain general region. The productive

    capacity of the herd depends upon the number of cows which averages from 32-48%.

    Bulls are better for transportation, and tame bulls are often used during the

    "run" period as a lure for wild reindeer bulls which are killed when they begin

    011      |      Vol_VIII-0546                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

    to fight with the domesticated bull. The reindeer cows are milked, but produce only

    a small supply (about half a bottle a day from June to October) because calves

    are permitted to suckle.

            With the help of the Soviet Administration, the number of Tungus reindeer

    has increased from 38,962 in 1926 to 65,872 in 1932.

            Fishing :

            The Maritime Tungus being their seaward migration in mid-April, reaching

    the shore in mid *May when most of the rivers flowing into the Okhotsk Sea become

    free from ice. Only enough fish is caught to supply the daily need. However,

    after a critical shortage of fish, especially during the spring when the

    winter supplies are exhausted, much fish is consumed. Winter supplies are not

    prepared until the end of the summer when the better types of far-eastern fish

    enter the rivers to spawn.

            Fish is caught with hair nets, scoops, and even iron hooks.

            Social Organization :

            As early as the 18th century the Tungus were divided into three groups –

    Horse, Reindeer, and Dog.

            The largest social un t i t is the tribe, composed of 9-10 clans. Within

    the tribe there [ ?] are phratries composed of clans for the purpose

    of the reciprocal exchange of women.

            The clan ( tagaun ), a group of families, is patrilineal and usually

    named after some male ancestor (clan Kurkagir after Kurkoce, etc.). Some clans

    are named after rivers or hills in their former habitat. All members of a

    clan are considered to be blood relatives, and, consequently, can not inter–

    marry. A council of clan elders elects a civilian clan chief, "keeper of the

    clan property", whose functions include organization of the communal hunt,

    maintenance of communal traps and fishing gear, selection of pastures, super-

    012      |      Vol_VIII-0547                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

    vision of corral building, and distribution of hunting territories. Under the

    Russian Administration the civilian chief was given the additional duty of

    collecting taxes. A popularly elected war chief was required to protect the clan

    territory from attack, to teach the art of war, and to instruct the blacksmith

    in the manufacture of weapons. Both the civilian chief and the war chief were

    subjected to test-initiations in which the former demonstrated t his hunting skill

    and prowess and the latter his ability to dodge arrows.

            The clan council elected a clan shaman, made decisions affecting revenge,

    declared war, made judgement among members, etc.

            The basic unti of Tungus social organization is the biological family,

    husband, wife and their children. Its functions are reproduction and economic

    activity such as hunting, manufacturing clothing, utensils, etc. An active

    man and an active woman are necessary for the maintenance of the family since

    the division of labor is such that the man must hunt and fish and the woman

    must follow her mate, transport the killed animals, saddle and unsaddle reindeer,

    etc.

            Inheritance is through the patrilineal line, the children inheriting from

    their father or his relatives, while his wife inherits nothing. The husband,

    however, inherits from the wife. If a widow remarries into another clan she may

    not take the children of the deceased with her since they are the property of

    his clan. These children go to the husband's brother.

            The Tungus terms of relationship are of a classificatory type and are

    arranged in three age groups. These groups are peculiar in that they contain

    members of two generations on the basis of the principle that brothers or sisters

    younger than the individual belong to a younger class, and those older than the

    individual belong to an older class. Thus the groups may be classified as follows:

    1) "My" class consists of all my older brothers (direct or collateral) and members

    of my father's generation younger than my father -



    013      |      Vol_VIII-0548                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

            2) "Class younger than I" consists of my younger brothers, my children, and

    children of my older brothers

    3) "Class older than I" consists of my father, older brothers of my father, and

    younger brothers of my paternal grandfathers

            The women in the group are considered as follows: all wives of those in

    the individual's group are in the same class as his own wife and may be con–

    sidered as potential wives--sex license and relationships with them are

    permitted. Wives of those in the older class are in the same group as the

    individual's mother, and the younger women in a group with one's daughter.

    Strict taboo is maintained for the two latter groups.

            Terms for son, daughter, brother, sister, grandchild, grandfather, etc.,

    may, therefore, refer to many individuals in accordance with the above scheme.

            Marriage :

            Marriage among the Tungus is socially important since it is aimed at

    insuring the continuity of the clan and increasing the population, at satisfying

    the emotions (an important consideration among the Tungus) and at strengthening

    the economic position of the family.

            Although marriage is most important, premarital relations are not forwned

    upon. A girl need not be a virgin to be married. Sexual relations with non–

    Tungus are disapproved, and between members of the same clan are strictly

    prohibited.

            Girls may marry before they reach physical maturity in which case the

    marriage is consummated later. Sometimes the bethrothed couple will have

    relations before the wedding - the payment of the bride price.

            There are several ways of obtaining a wife - the main one being marriage

    by purchase - the payment of the bride price of kalym - in animals or goods.

    However, marriage by exchange (when daughters are exchanged for sons between

    014      |      Vol_VIII-0549                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

    families is more advantageous for both clans, as no kalym is required. There

    may also be marriage by service when the groom can not afford the kalym and

    therefore works for the bride's family for a stipulated length of time. Marriage

    by capture or elopement is rare, and is used sometimes when the parents do not

    consent, but is not a serious crime.

            Marriages are arranged by matchmakers ( kuda ) whose main job is to agree

    upon and transact the bride price, the payment of which constitutes one of the

    important parts of the wedding. They may arrange for the bethrothal of young

    children, or arrange with the relatives of two people who are already agreed, or

    arrange the formal settlement for a love match. In all cases both parties must

    consent.

            The bride price is paid to the bride's p parents and consists of animals,

    vodka, money, clothing and goods, part of which is paid upon betrothal and the

    remainder at the wedding.

            After knowing that they will be favorably received, two skilled married

    members of the groom's family visit the bride's parents bringing vodka. They

    converse generally, drink the vodka, and the host pretends he does not know

    the nature of their visit. The bride's mother and other relatives are present

    and participate in the conversation, but the bride herself, although she may be

    present does not take any part in the presence of the matchmakers. After the

    kalym has been agreed upon, the matchmakers prepare a feast for both clans, which

    lasts two to three days.

            The bride brings with her a dowry of domesticated animals, money, clothes,

    and tools, which, as a rule, remain her personal property, inherited by her

    daughters, and which she can take with her, should she leave her husband's clan.

            Wedding :

            Weddings take place usually when the Tungus do not hunt. The date and

    place are fixed beforehand. Several days before the ceremony the people from

    015      |      Vol_VIII-0550                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

    both clans gather, each in its own camp, with a rivulet, gulley or long trench

    separating them. Clansmen of different groups are not permitted to stay in

    the same camp.

            The day before the wedding the groom brings presents to the parents of

    the bride and spends the night with her in her tent. The next morning the kalym

    is loaded and brought to the bride's camp. Criticism of the size and quality of

    the kalym by the bride's clan is customary, and often two supplementary laods

    are brought before they a p pear satisfied. The dowry is then loaded on a rein–

    deer and the bride is dressed in three or four coats at once, several shawls and

    a handkerchief attached to her belt. She receives gifts from her relatives, is

    mounted on the reindeer and leaves for the groom's camp accompanied by an old

    man of her clan, never by her father) who leads the animal.)

            As soon as the caravan reaches the demarcation line a sham battle takes

    place. The bride's relatives try to turn the caravan back, and members of the

    groom's clan try to capture one of the bride's clansmen. He submits, and an

    old woman from the groom's clan takes the bridle, then the caravan circles

    around the groom's tent three times. The bride is then taken inside, seated on

    a skin rug, and she gives food offerings to the fire spirits of her husband's

    clan. Meat vodka and tea are served to the guests.

            The groom, dressed in the new clothing brought by the bride, then appears

    and the couple receive their guests, who kiss the bride's hand. The go-betweens

    spit on the bride's hand three times, which constitutes the final rite. A

    feast is prepared then with places of honor for the men facing northwest, and

    for the women - southeast. Drinking, speeches and ring dances follow. The same

    is later repeated in the bride's camp and general visiting, feasting and dancing

    continue for three days.

            The new couple then leave s the camp and start their own household as a

    new unit.



    016      |      Vol_VIII-0551                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

            Divorce :

            A man may divorce his wife i s f she systematically betrays him, drinks

    too much or leaves him. He may then get back his kalym , in full or in part,

    and she may lose her dowry. A wife may divorce her husband if he mistreats her

    (very rare), fails to provide her with food and skins, or leaves her for another.

    If the intervention of his clan is not effective, she may ask for a formal

    divorce, and the kalym is not returned. Divorces are generally rare.

            Three categories of prohibitions are imposed on women.

            The first applies to all women. No woman may sit under the sacred

    container for spirit images, or mount horses or reindeer to be used to carry

    this container, or possess such animals. Among some Tungs groups this prohibi–

    tion includes fishing, while among others fishing is not prohibited to women.

            Prohibitions of the second type apply to women during the period when they

    are capable of childbirth (from the onset of puberty to the menopause). They

    may not sit on an uncompleted skin, eat bear or tiger meat, touch bear skin or

    work on it. A woman is not allowed to touch the harpoon, cross or go along a

    river bar, or approach the fishing places or touch fish until men hand it to

    her. She may not stride across a man's clothes, sit on them or sit on his

    saddle. She may not come near the spirit image container, nor step across a

    lying man or his hat.

            Finally, the third type of regulation applies to women when they are

    menstruating or have given birth recently, and sometimes when they are pregnant.

    In such cases a woman may not assist at any sacrifice or shamanistic ceremony.

    If she is a shaman herself, she is forbidden to deal with any spirits including

    her own, nor may she shamanize. If she is pregnant, the taboo lasts the entire

    period.

            Birth :

            When a woman becomes pregnant all the clan members are happy. It is

    017      |      Vol_VIII-0552                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

    believed that in every third generation the soul of the deceased return to its

    clan, falls into the hea t r th, from there into the womb, thus causing her to

    become pregnant. When the child grows up the relatives determine whose soul

    had entered into him on the basis of facial features and behaviour. During her

    pregnancy the woman continues her work if she can, otherwise other women help

    her. Except for sexual intercourse she is under the same restrictions as when

    menstruating. Food prohibitions are not practiced, but special foods are

    provided if she has any particular aversions.

            Shortly before the time of delivery the husband or other women build a

    small tent near the large family hut. Inside is a stand made of two vertical

    poles, 70 cm. high, with a crossbeam. The woman wears old clothes which are

    usually burned before she returns to normal life. Some groups re-use the clothes

    after they have been carefully washed and smoked.

            Although formerly she was left along, at delivery the woman is assisted by

    experienced women of her husband's clan or other women. No men are present.

    She enters the tent at the last pssible moment, since the temperature is the

    same as outside. She leans forward, supporting herself on the stand with her a

    arms over the crossbeam. Delivery is usually painful and lasts sometimes 2-3

    days. The assisting women can turn the child if the position is abnormal.

    Shamans do not approach women in childbirth. The child is caught by the assistant

    or falls to the ground. The umbilical cord is cut and tied either by the mother or

    the assistant. The child is covered with skins or cloth and three or four days

    later it is washed in a special birch bark vessel. Among some groups the end

    of the umbilical cord is preserved, other groups bury it. All groups bury the

    placenta. After delivery the mother rests from two to ten days. She does

    not work, and food is prepared for her. During the summer the mother remains

    in the small tent for about a month, but during the winter she only remains

    018      |      Vol_VIII-0553                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

    about ten days. She does not enter the family hut until after purification.

    This consists of burying or burning the clothes used during delivery and the

    post-partem period, of using certain plants for smoking, and washing herself,

    the child, and all the utensils used. She must also pass through the fire

    three times. The husband is not allowed to see the mother and the child for

    a month, but this is often neglected. After her return home the woman is free

    of restrictions and takes her meals with the family.

            Burial :

            The corpse is sewn in a reindeer skin together with his weapons and a

    cooking vessel, the bottom of which is pierced and hung on a tree. Sometimes

    the corpse is put in a wooden coffin which is placed on a high spot. During

    the simple funeral ceremony a reindeer is killed and eaten. The bones are

    also placed on a tree.

            Sedentary Tungus burry their dead. Care is taken when returning from

    the funeral to obliterate the tracks in the snow or cut trees across the path

    to prevent the dead spirits from follwoing.

            Maritime groups sometimes place their dead in coffins, on a platform in

    a specially constructed shed so that the face of the [ ?] corpse faces the sea.

            The usual purification rites are practised.

            Religion :

            Although officially the Tungus have been Christians for a long time they

    preserve a great many original beliefs which are very complex and have numerous

    local variations of ritual and terms, due to contact with neighbors.

            Basically, the Tungus religion is a combination of three main elements:

    hunting and reindeer-breeding beliefs, cult of the clan shaman-ancestors,

    and well developed shamanism.

            Cosmogony :

            The world, in the Tungus' concept is divided into three main parts:

    019      |      Vol_VIII-0554                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

    The Upper World (consisting of nine levels of sky), the Middle World - earth,

    and the Lower World - the deep precipice, also with subdivisions. The Upper

    World is the abode of benevolent spirits, the Lower, of evil spirits, who,

    however, are encountered in the other two worlds.

            The Lower World is ruled by the powerful Spirit of the Earth. The souls

    of dead shamans live there. Somewhere on the earth is the abode of shadows

    and souls of the dead people.

            Hunting-Reindeer Cult :

            The hunting and reindeer cult is characterized by the importance of the

    Spirit-Owner concept so prevalent among the hunting Siberians. Such are Spirit–

    Owners of various cosmogonic elements, geographical localities, animals and

    peculiar objects. Some of these Spirit Owners are more powerful and acquire the

    stature of Deities. Such are the Creator, the Owner of the Earth, Fire, Ocean,

    etc. They are usually strongly anthropomorphized and visualized as old men

    living with their families.

            Pantheon :

            Tungus Pantheon is very large and loosely organized. The following

    concepts are among the most important. The proper names of spirits vary greatly.

            The One Eternal Being ( Buga ) equal to the World [ ?] Creator , and addressed

    only on exceptional occasions such as the divisions of a clan. No images are

    made.

            Spirit of Heaven ( Dagachan or Dzhulaski ,) mostly benevolent, if angry he simply

    does not help. (non-Tungus in origin)

            Spirit of Earth ( Dunde-Mukhunin or Bykhydor ) borrowed from the Chinese by the

    agricultural Tungus.

            Spirit Owner of the Arctic Ocean - with a head covered with icicles, lives at

    the bottom of the ocean and rules the snow storms, fogs, cold, and the Aurora

    Borealis.

    020      |      Vol_VIII-0555                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

    The Spirit Owner of the Thunder - loves warmth, departs to the south in the

    winter and returns in the summer. He loves to sniff tobacco, and kills his

    spirit adversaries with stone arrows.

            The Spirit Owner of the Fire - has a wife who protects from the evil spirits.

    He is often asked for advice.

            The Spirit Owner of the Mountains - is mischievous, loves to tease and mock

    people. The echo is his voice. Often, to fool him, Tungus speak Russian in

    the mountains.

            The Spirit Onwer of the Forest - ( Dunda-Mukhuvin) is also sometimes called

    Urotko , Bayanai . He lives with his wife and children, mostly on high mountain

    slopes which about in game. He owns all animals and uses a white stallion, tiger,

    or an enormous dog for travelling. He is a pale old man without a beard and

    hunts squirrel on snow shoes which leave no tracks. When a Tungus approaches

    a mountain with a great deal of game, he kills a reindeer, and with the warm

    blood smears the image of the Spirit of the Forest, which is set at the cross–

    roads or at the place of good hunting.

            In addition there are Enduri - Spirit Owners or protectors of various

    localities, objects, animals or occupations.

            Among the evil spirits are very important Arenki , numerous lesser spirits

    inhabiting forests, mountains, rivers, tec. They are usually souls of unburied

    people, seen as little fires or balls of light in motion.

            Another type of evil spirit is called Bon . They act like humans, have

    dark red blood, are very hairy, feeble, and lack a lower jaw. They may be a

    transformation of people who fall into a lethargic sleep.

            Cult of the Animals .

            The bear cult is very strong among the Tungus. The bear is strongly

    anthropomorphized and is referred to as "grandmother" or "grandfather". The

    Bear's skin is never referred to as "skin", but as "nanmakyn" - the outer

    021      |      Vol_VIII-0556                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

    garment. The bear's ksin and paws serve as amulets. The bear's oath is much

    used.

            The reindeer is also venerated, and its behavior is thought to predict

    the outcome of the hunt.

            Cult of the shaman ancestors :

            All the dead, referred to as Khargi , are feared, but the souls of the

    ancestor-shamans are considered protective, and venerated. After a shaman's

    death his soul protects his relatives. The images of the shaman ancestors

    constitute the household idols, made of wood, iron and copper. They are

    placed in a bag or a box, on a sledge covered with whole skins of wild reindeer,

    and kept near the hut with its front pointing toward the south. During

    travels this sledge is in the center of the train and is drawn by white reindeer

    dedicated to the Main Upper Spirit.

            All souls of dead shamans are also called by the generic term, Khargi .

    They are divided into clans and live in the Lower World - Kharga , under the

    leadership of the oldest Khargi , who is also in charge of both the Middle World–

    earth, and the Lower World. He [ ?] selects a young man and sends into him

    one of the souls of his subordinate younger ancestor-shaman. The selected youth

    thus becomes a shaman with the soul of his ancestor shaman in him. This group

    of gouls of dead shamans, living in the lower world is headed by a Lower Khavoki ,

    (main spirit).

            The term Khavoki , evidently means a supreme deity or spirit, a distant

    and direct ancestor of shamans. In every day life [ ?] he is referred to as

    Amaka -Grandfather.

            There are three Khavoki ; one in charge of each of the three main subdivi–

    sions of the universe. The Lower Khavoki is the oldest and the most important

    022      |      Vol_VIII-0557                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

    of the three, in charge not only of the souls of living Tungus but also of the

    souls of their ancestors.

            Kharga , the soul of the shaman after his death goes to the oldest

    Grandfather Kharga , who lives in the Lower World, to report all unfinished

    businesses which were entrusted to the spirit helpers of the dead shaman. The

    Old Man Khargi listens and takes corresponding measures.

            Very little precise information is given about the Upper Khavoki beyond

    the fact that he is a good kind spirit.

            Shamanism :

            Tungus shamanism represents a transitional step from the vocational to

    the hereditary type inasmuch as the future shaman is the recipient of a "call"

    but is selected for this activity by his ancestor-shaman who sends the soul of

    another ancestor-shaman into the novice.

            Very little evidence exists pointing to a division into black and white

    shamans. A real shaman has super-human attributes such as the ability to

    understand the language of animals, to penetrate all of the three worlds, to

    kill an adversary at a great distance, and to send illnesses into humans and

    animals.

            A shaman's paraphernalia consists of a coat or apron, in itself a

    living, flying superantural being, decorated by iron pendants which represent

    various spirit helpers, and may be given to a successor. The shaman often

    wears a hat with iron horns, special shoes, and uses an open oval drum with a

    drumstick.

            The main functions of a shaman are to cure sickness, to obtain good

    luck, and to drive away misfortune.

            In Tungus shamanism the " etam " spirits, the shaman helpers, play a very

    important role both during ritual ceremonies and in the private life of the

    shaman. As a rule, different species of fish, animals, and birds, corresponding

    023      |      Vol_VIII-0558                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

    to the local fauna, are the different spirits of the various Tungus tribes.

    The spirit helpers are selected by the shaman's ancestors. When a shaman dies

    his soul travels to the Lower World - "Kharga",and his spirit helpers, whose

    duty was also to protect the clan territory from foreign evil spirits, having lost

    their master, remain unattached in the Middle World until further orders from

    the main master, some ancestor, are received.

            The cure :

            In his dream the shaman sends one of his souls to the abode of his

    ancestors to learn which of the evil spirits entered the patient's body and

    thus caused the sickeness. He tells the relatives that an offering should be

    made to that spirit by killing a young reindeer, and hanging its skin on a young

    fir-tree. During the seance, the shaman gathers his spirit-helpers and sends

    one of his souls into the patient through the mouth or anus to learn the

    precise cause of the sickness. The returning soul tells him that a foreign

    shaman sent an evil spirit, [ ?] who turned into a needle and entered the

    patient's chest.

            The shaman turns one of his Spirit-helpers into a hare and sends him to

    the foreign shaman to learn the terms of calling off the evil spirit. Often the

    terms are unacceptable and a substitute abode is demanded, such as the body of

    the patient's wife or daughter, woman being preferred as "their entrails are

    sweeter as food for the Spirit."

            When such a deal is refused the shaman continues his efforts on the next

    day, when another sacrifice is made. If negotiations do not help, the shaman

    himself starts on a journey to the other worlds either to fight the enemy or

    to get orders from the higher spirits to have the evil spirit recalled.

            In his travels he undergoes tremendous dangers and difficulties. He

    puts on his iron head-gear "to protect himself against lightning when passing

    by the 'thunder". Describing his passage through deep snow, the shaman

    024      |      Vol_VIII-0559                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

    imitates a wobbling progress on snow shoes with the aid of a snow stick. He

    shivers from cold "passing through the cold country."

            Shamans hold seances in specially constructed huts, especially for such

    important occasions as curing the sick, sending his spirit to kill an enemy,

    the consecration of a new drum, etc.

            This [ ?] hut is larger than the ordinary one and has two specially

    constructed enclosed corridors 1) darpe , leading to the entrance into the hut,

    and 2) onang , starting from the outside wall of the hut, opposite the entrance.

    Both corridors are made out of young fir trees, are covered with branches, and

    are built by the young men and women of the clan.

            The darpe represents a bridge formed by the horns of gigantic reindeer, who

    stand with their long legs on the bottom of the "shaman's river." The fir

    branches represent water grass. On their "backs" are placed wooden images of

    "shaman's fish", along both sides are wooden, anthropomorphic images representing

    the souls of living men — spirits who are holding this bridge to prevent the

    current from washing it away. This bridge connects the earth with an island of

    the Lover World - "shaman's earth" which in this case is the hut.

            At night, before the seance, the participants and audience drawl into the

    hut through the darpe , being protected from the sight of evil spirits. The

    entrance into the hut is then closed.

            The second corridor is also guarded by spirits - the souls of ancestors.

    Living people can not go through onang , since it rperesents the road along which

    the shaman's souls communicate with his ancestors.

            [ ?] While all objects of darpe are made of green trees, thos of onang

    are made of dead, dry wood - the symbol of death. Images of ancestors are made

    of decayed stumps.

            Directly in front of the entrance are two images of fishes, who take into

    their mouth the souls of the people before they enter the hut and keep them until

    the end of the seance. In one of such seances to determine the cause of measles

    025      |      Vol_VIII-0560                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

    epidemic - the following took place: When the hut is was ready the shaman gave

    a signal, the audience gathered inside the hut in silence. The drum was heated

    and handed to the shaman. He began to sing a simple melody in a minor key

    accompanied by guttural sounds, groans, and improvised rymed text. He called

    his Spirit-helpers, swallowed them by yawning, checked the guard of spirits in

    the hut and along his path to the other world.

            His soul - Kharga , accompanied by a number of Spirit helpers travelled

    into the Lower World to learn the cause of the epidemic. Wandering in the

    darkness the Khargi stumbled against rocks, lakes, islands. Shaman keeps in

    contact with his soul by means of Spirits - birds, directing its progress. All

    this was enacted in his song. Learning the cause of sickness, the soul returned

    and told the shaman that an Ostiak shaman had caused it, and this was communicated to the audience in song. Again

    the soul was sent to learn the remedy. Since the Tungus shamans are stronger than

    the Ostiak, he should send the evil spirits to the clan of the Ostiak shaman to

    kill them. This would cause the Ostiak shaman to call off his evil spirits.

            Helped by experienced Spirit helpers sent by the shaman's ancestors, the

    army of evil spirits is made up ready to attack the Ostiaks. The shaman, tied

    with leather thongs to a pole, graphically described his army: half-men, half wolves:

    half-grebs, half snakes, men with legs bent in various directions like an anchor,

    cows with reindeer horns, horses with bear heads. These black monsters, invisible

    in the darkness, are flying astride on spirit-birds lead by the shaman's soul –

    Khargi , in the shape of a man through the smoke opening of the hut.

            The shaman began his dance with the accompaniment of a drum which was

    [ ?] beaten in turn by his helpers.

            The dance reached a state of wild excitement. The Shaman hit his head

    against the poles, bit his lips causing them to bleed, imitated the flight of

    the monsters in his dance. His jumping scattered the ashes of the fireplace,

    causing an acrid and heavy smoke to fill the hut.



    026      |      Vol_VIII-0561                                                                                                                  
    N.Tungus

            The audience watched him in silence, following enactment of the journey

    over rocks, mountains, waterfalls, wide rivers, etc., on the road to the

    Ostiak country.

            Suddenly the shaman was motionless. He slumped down supported only by

    the leather reins with which he was tied to the pole. When he was untied he

    dropped to the ground and fell into a deep sleep. The seance ended.

            Folklore :

            In addition to a large body of folk-tales dealing with the exploits

    of hero-shamans, stories explaining the origin of the world and its institu–

    tions, the actions of various Spirits, there is a body of oral tradition dealing with

    the ancient forms of clan organization and its functions.

            Of the first type is a tale explaining the origin of gnats and methods

    of combatting them with smudge fires. Another story explains the origin of

    the fork-like shape of a fish bone. Many stories tell how mammoths ( kholi )

    made rivers - the roads, lakes - and places where they lay.

            According to one legend the sun is a beautiful maiden Dyljacha , set up

    by a hero named Lhemelenik to enable him to have light while hunting squirrel.

            Much work is being done at the present time by Soviet anthropologists

    to collect and preserve the Tungus folklore and which will soon be made

    available.

            Games and Dancing :

    Children's games are mainly imitations of adult activity implemented

    by the use of dolls or knuckle bones which represent humans, reindeer, dogs,

    or other animals.

            In one such game - mata ombra-a (the guest arrival) - the children

    arrange knuckle bones in a circle to represent a gathering, place wood splinters

    in the ce r n ter - a fire - and then imitate adults by holding a conversation.

    telling tales, etc. Often the children change their intonations so as to

    027      |      Vol_VIII-0562                                                                                                                  
    N. Tungus

    act like several different persons.

            Another game imitates the traveling caravan. Here the bones represent

    lead reindeer with women and children and pack reindeer. The children act as

    reindeer drivers, dogs, etc. and imitate the various sounds, animals, bells,

    etc.

            A shamanistic ceremony is portrayed with drums, animals, tent, in

    miniature. Here one child acts as the shaman.

            Dancing and singing ( ikan-jöhövjö ) takes place at the large summer

    gathering. The children, dressed in their best, stand in a circle, holding

    hands. One child improvises a song, then the others sing a refrain. Dancing

    consists of movement in either direction (left or right) with changes in

    tempo.

            Adult games include tag, catch-play, blind mans bluff, dancing, singing,

    wrestling, jumping, and target shooting. The circle dance is similar to

    that of the Yakut who adopted it from the Tungus. Usually men and women

    dance separately. Other forms of amusement consist of jumping up form a

    crouching position, shooting arrows at one another and dodging arrows, and

    jumping over a rope.

    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0563                                                                                                                  


    Bibliography

    1. Anisimov, A.F.

    The Class Society of Evenki (Tungus)

    Trudy of the Inst. of Northern Tribes, Vol. I.

    Leningrad 1936

    2. Czaplicka, M.A.

    Aboriginal Siberia. A Study in Social Anthropology .

    Oxford, 1914

    3. Gapanovich, I.I.

    The Tungus, Negidel Tribes of the Amgun Basin: Their Future

    Memoirs of the Manchuria Research Society, Section of

    History and Ethnography, Series, A, Vol. 20, Harbin, 1927

    4. Kurilovich, A.P. & Naumov, N.P.

    The Soviet Tungus Region

    Moscow 1937

    5. Mainov, I.I.

    Some Data Concerning the Tungus of the Yakutsk Region .

    Bulletin of the Imp. Russ. Geogr. Society

    St. Petersburg, 1885

    6. Margaritov, V.P.

    On Orochi of Port Imperial .

    St. Petersburg, 1888

    7. Matiunin, N.

    Aboriginal Population and Immigrants of the Sungari

    River Basin
    .

    Memoirs of the Amur Section of the Imp. Russ. Geogr. Soc.,

    Vol. I, Habarovsk, 1895

    8. Pekarskii, E.K. & Zvetkov, U.P.

    Sketch of the Material Culture of the Aian Region Tungus.

    Trudy of the Anthropological and Ethn. Museum of the Imp. Academy

    of Sciences, Vol. II, Part 2., St. Petersburg 1913



    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0564                                                                                                                  
    Bibliography (Con'td)

    9. Poppe, N.M.

    Materials for the Study of Japhetism

    U.S.S.R. Ac. of Sciences

    Leningrad 1927

    10. Rychkov, K.M.

    The Yenisei Tungus

    Zemlevedenie, Vols. 3-4,

    Moscow, 1917, 1921-1922

    11. Schrenck, L. Von.

    Reisen und Forschungen in Amur-Lande in der Jahren

    1854-1856
    .

    St. Petersburg 1858-1900.

    12. Shirokogoroff, S.M.

    Essay on an Investigation on General Theory of Shamanism

    Among the Tungus
    .

    Memoirs of the Historical Philological Faculty, Vol. I,

    Part I

    Vladivostok, 1919

    13. Study of the Tungus Languages

    Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic

    [ ?] Society, Vol. LV.,

    Shanghai, 1924.

    14. Ethnological and Linguistical Aspects of the Uralo-Altaic

    Hypothesia


    Tsing Hua Journal, Vol. VI,

    Peiping 1938

    15. ----------Talko-Hryncevicz, J.D.

    Anthropology of the Tungus. The Khamnagan of Iroi .

    Memoirs of the Troitzko-Savsk and Kiakhta Branch of the

    Imp. Russ. Geogr. Society, Vol VII, Fasc. 3,

    Troitzko-Savsk (Transbaikalia), 1904



    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0565                                                                                                                  
    N.Tungus

    Bibliography (Concl'd)


    16. Titov, E.I.

    Some Data as to the Cult of the Bear Among the

    Kindygirskii Tungus
    .

    Sibirskaja Zivaja Starina, Vol, I, Irkutsk, 1923

    Notes on the Ethnography of the Tungus, the Barguzin

    District of Transbaikalia.


    Herald of Asia, No. 52, Harbin 1924

    The Voguls


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0566                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    [Eugene A. Golomshtok]


    THE VOGULS
    Page
    Language 2
    History 2
    Physical Anthropology 5
    Occupation 5
    Reindeer Breeding 5
    Hunting 7
    Fishing 8
    Food 9
    Transportation 10
    Dwellings 10
    Dress 11
    Tools, etc. 14
    Arts and Knowledge 15
    Social Organization 15
    Shamanism 20
    Death and Burial 21
    Bilbiography 23

            our only office copy



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0567                                                                                                                  

           

    THE VOGULS

            The Voguls (self name: mans' , manch' , manse , meaning "People)

    are a small tribe (6,000 in 1926, 7,476 in 1928) living in the

    present Komi-Zyrian Autonomous Republic, along the eastern and

    western slopes of the Ural Mountains between 59° and 67° North

    Latitude.

            In the European part of the U.S.S.R. they live along the

    upper reaches of the Ilych and Shugav Rivers, and the right tribu–

    taries of the Pechora. The majority of the Voguls live in the

    Asiatic part between the middle part of the Ob' River from Berezov

    to Tobol'sk, along the Ivdil, Loz'va, Upper parts of the Tura and

    Tagil, southern and northern Sos'va, both Kondas, and Tavda Rivers.

            Linguistically, the Voguls belong to the Finno-U rg gr ic group, and

    are called Iogra by the Zyrians, a name reminiscent of the ancient

    Russian term Yugra . The name "Voguly" or "Vogulichi" is the present

    Russian term. In Russian Annals they are referred to as the "Ugrichi,

    Ugra, Yugry."

            They may be broadly divided into two groups: the first and

    larger group, the sedentary Voguls, have left their former occupa–

    tion, live in Russian type villages and dwellings, practice agricul–

    ture, cedar-nut gathering, intermarry with the Russians and are

    strongly assimilated.

            The second group, the nomadic Voguls, are hunters and fishermen

    who live in temporary settlements, such as Bakhtiairov, Kovzizhin,

    Yelesin, Ukladov, Shien, Pershin, Lachinsk, Mitiaev, Usmanov, and

    Urtas. They speak very little Russian, and use reindeer clothing,

    etc. The nomadic Voguls are sometimes incorrectly called the

    Liapinsk Ostiaks.



    002      |      Vol_VIII-0568                                                                                                                  
    Voguls

            There are also a series of geographical divisions, made accord–

    ing to the names of the rivers on which they live: the Polomkhom,

    along the Pelym River; the Askho [ ?] m, along the Ob' (Oas, the native

    term for Ob'); Kondakhom, along the Konda; Sakkhom, along the Sigva

    (Sak-ya, Vogul for Sigva); Taapskhom, along the Tapsa; Taikhom,

    along the Sos'va (Tait — Sos'va); and Lousomkhom, along the Loz'va

    River.

            Language . The Vogul language, together with the Ostiak, forms

    the Ob' - Ugrian branch of the Uralo-Altaic languages. Phonetically,

    morphologically, and lexically, it is very close to the Ostiak. At

    present it is spoken by about 5,000 people and is divided into four

    dialects: (a) Northern Vogul - along the Pelym, Loz'va, Sos'va and

    Ob' Rivers; (b) Eastern Vogul - along the Konda and its tributaries;

    (c) Southern Vogul - along the Pelym, near the city of Vagil'sk,

    and the lower and middle Loz'va, and (d) the Tavda, spoken along the

    Tavda River.

            The Vogul language has a large number of Samoyed, Tartar,

    Zyrian and Russian borrowings. Before the Soviet Revolution, there

    was no native alphabet, nor books, except for some translations of

    religious books made by missionaries, in which Russian script was

    used.

            A number of the Voguls have lost their native tongue, and use

    only Russian.

            History . Very little is known about the pre-history of the

    Voguls. Some indications that their forefathers lived in the general

    area for a long time may be seen from the remains of the ancient

    hunting culture discovered in the Gorbunov peat bog near the Tagil

    factory, very much like that of the present Voguls. D. N. Eding

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0569                                                                                                                  
    Voguls

    dates these remains as belonging to the second millenium B. C., and

    they are now preserved at the Historical Museum in Moscow.

            The first definite mention of the Ural-Altaic groups appears

    in the Russian Chronicles of the 11th century when the term Ugra was

    used to refer to the present Voguls and Ostiaks.

            The Voguls were brave forest people who fought to preserve

    their national independence. They battled with the soldiers of

    Great Novgorod, but by the 12th century were forced to pay them

    tribute and under pressure, moved across the Urals. In 1936 mention

    of the Voguls as the "Vogulichi" was made in the Chronicles, and in

    the 15th century, numerous wars with the Zyrians were waged along

    the Pechora and Vychegda Rivers.

            The Vogul settlements in the 11th to 13th centuries were loca–

    ted on the tributaries of the upper Kama River, along the Chusovaya

    and Sylva rivers. Beyond the Urals, the Voguls were concentrated

    along the Loz'va and Pelym Rivers. On the upper part of the Pelym

    there was a settlement by the same name, which was later destroyed

    in the 16th century by the Russians.

            In 1455, during one of their raids against the Zyrians, the

    Voguls reached the Vychegda River, under the leadership of Prince

    Ass'jan. They are credited with having killed two Permian bishops,

    one during the battle, and another during a sermon. Moscow sent a

    military expedition against the Voguls in 1483, and defeated them

    on the Pelym River, and forced them to pay tribute. However, the

    Voguls again rebelled in 1499, and Tsar Ivan III sent a new military

    force of 400 soldiers to suppress them. In 1581, the Voguls again

    attacked the Russian Stroganov settlements in the Urals, and the

    next year attacked the town of Cherdyn, so that a permanent garrison

    was established in the Vogul country.



    004      |      Vol_VIII-0570                                                                                                                  
    Vogul

            The 15th and 16th centuries are marked by strong resistance

    against Moscow invasions and conquests led by the Vogul Princes

    Asyk and Yumshan, and later by Begbelij, Kikhek and Ableger i m. Prince

    Ablegerim was defeated and executed soon after 1590. In 1593, a

    Russian commander, Prince Gorchakov established the town of Pelym

    as a fighting base against the Voguls, and later the town of Berezov.

            Strong Russian colonization began about the 18th century. In

    1678, the Cherdyn Voguls sent a petition to the Tsar complaining

    that Russian colonization had caused a decrease in fish and fur ani–

    mals, and the tribute of 167 sables was too heavy. Evidence that

    the Voguls formerly lived further south, as far as the Chuvosai River,

    may be found in the numerous geographical names taken from the Vogul

    in this region. As a result of Russian pressure and industrial

    development in the Urals, the Voguls moved toward the less inhabited

    eastern slopes of the Ural along the Loz'va River and its tributaries.

            Attempts to introduce Christianity were made as early as the

    15th century, but it was not until 1722 that the bulk of the Voguls

    became Christians. This date marks the beginning of rapid Russian–

    ization of the sedentary group.

            At the present time, the southern Voguls, who live near the

    Ural mining towns, have become quite Russianized, and work as un–

    skilled labor in the mines. They have lost most of their native

    culture (dress, language and customs,) but they have not adapted

    themselves to these new conditions. Although they live in Russian

    type wooden houses, these are as a rule badly built and poorly furnished.

            The northern Voguls are richer and healthier, particularly the

    reindeer breeders, for they have herds, which, although small, still

    furnish their owners with food and material for the polar type dress.

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    005      |      Vol_VIII-0571                                                                                                                  
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            Physical Anthropology . The great amount of intermixture with

    the Samoyeds and Zyrians may account for the diversity in physical

    type among the Voguls. Thus, Alquist describes the northern Voguls as

    "mostly of average stature, short people are rare, and tall people

    frequent." Maliev says the average height is "average to low with

    only an occasional tall person." The average height of the Voguls

    is 154 cm. and the women tend to be quite short.

            The Voguls are primarily doli o chocephalic, differing from the

    other Finnic and Mongolic tribes, and similar to the Cheremiss.

            The cephalic index is given as 77.90 and 78.30.

            Their features are predominantly Mongoloid: prominent skull

    bones, high forehead, flat, wide and long face, slightly slanted (in

    some women) deep-set eyes, gray, brown or blue in color. The m M ongo–

    loid fold is not prominent. Hair is dark brown, and is scanty on the

    face, and they pluck what little there is. The nose is small and

    flat, the lips are thin and the teeth small.

            Occupation . As was indicated above, the sedentary Voguls left

    their former occupation and live like Russian peasants, practicing

    agriculture, raising horses, cows and sheep, and gathering cedar nuts.

            The nomadic Voguls, however, depend on reindeer breeding,

    hunting and fishing.

            Reindeer Breeding . The Voguls have large herds of reindeer

    which provide almost everything needed in their economy: skins and

    leather for clothing, bedding and harness; bones and horns for tools

    and implements; meat for food, shed fur for wool. Some of the products

    are sold for money.

            The reindeer feeds primarily on white moss ( Cladonia rangifer in a )

    262

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0572                                                                                                                  
    Voguls

    which he digs out from under the snow with his strong hoofs. In

    addition, they eat lichens ( Usnea barbata ) which grow on coniferous

    trees, and several types of grasses. The herds must be constantly

    moved from one pasture to another for grazing, to insure good pasture

    land for the following year. Care is also taken to prevent the young

    fauns from freezing, because it is very cold in the mountains in

    April, when the cows bear their young.

            Dogs are used to prevent the herds from scattering during the

    cold weather.

            Sleds are used both in winter and summer. The sled is made

    on slightly bent runners, to which a low seat with a low back is

    attached on three pairs of stanchions. The seat is about two and a

    half feet above the runners, thus permitting the rider to cross

    small springs or deep snow. The seat is covered with reindeer fur.

    A loop around one of the runners serves as a brake during descent.

            The harness is made of reindeer skins and consists of a wide

    yoke around the neck of the animal. A single rein connected to the

    leader is used for driving. The rein is jerked several times to

    make a right turn, and is slightly tightened for a left turn. The

    rein is pulled sh a rply to stop, thus turning the lead animal toward

    the sled. A long pole is used to prod the animal in the side or

    back. A lasso of braided leather with a metal ring at one end forming

    a loop is used to catch the animals before harnessing.

            Only females and castrated animals (male and female) are used for driving,

    and the leader of the team is usually a male.

            The epidemics of 1848 killed more than half of the Ural and

    tundra reindeer.

            Dogs are the other domesticated animals, and are used to draw

    312

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0573                                                                                                                  
    Voguls

    sleds in winter, for hunting, and to guard the reindeer from other

    animals. The Voguls are very fond of their dogs and treat them well.

    A Vogul legend tells that the supreme deity, Torm , "deciding to create

    the dog, gav e it bows and arrows, taught it to speak the human language

    and made it a helper to man. But Torm's mother ( Torm-cheek) told him

    that man would become very rich and snobbish in this way. So Torm

    took the bows and arrows away and also the dog's memory. Now the dog

    can only understand."

            Hunting . Hunting is the basic and favorite occupation of the

    Voguls, even among those who are primarily reindeer breeders. The

    Voguls hunt with ancient type bows and iron-tipped, eagle-feathered

    arrows, flint guns, [ ?] traps with cross bows, and traps with loads,

    etc. Elk hunting is the most profitable. In summer the elk is

    hunted near marshe [s ?] where the animals come for the juicy grasses.

    Dogs are used to find the animal and attack him, and then the hunter

    [ ?] approaches. In the fall and early spring, the elk migrate

    to the eastern slopes of the Urals, and the stragglers are easy prey

    for the hunter, because the deep snow hampers the animals.

            The Voguls use large bows which are set on poles along the

    path of the yearly elk migrations. Stockades or fences are also

    built with openings at regular intervals. On both sides of the oep

    openings, large bows with sharp iron arrows are set, and as the animal

    passes through and touches the string, the arrow is released and kills

    it.

            Next in importance is wild reindeer hunting. In the fall, during the

    mating season, the wild males approach the herds of domesticated

    reindeer. The hunter takes advantage of this, and with a lead animal

    used as a cover can approach the prey. During the winter, the reindeer

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    008      |      Vol_VIII-0574                                                                                                                  
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    is are hunted from behind rocks or is pursued on sleds, or is driven from

    the denuded sections of the mountains into the deep snow and pursued

    on snow shoes. Winter storms are an especially good time for rein–

    deer hunting.

            The bear is killed only accidentally, often by arrows intended

    for elk. Fur-bearing animals are hunted at the first snow (squirrel,

    marten, etc.) These animals provide the Voguls with meat, skins and

    valuable furs.

            Fishing . In fishing the Voguls use a sack-like net ( syrp )

    twelve to fourteen feet long, about five feet deep, and ten inches

    high, dyed in vegetable juice to make it unnoticeable in the water.

    The lower part of the net is attached to thin poles about twelve

    feet long, which permit it to be dragged along the river bottom. The

    upper rope has strings attached, and the fisherman holds one end so

    that he can tell when a fish is caught.

            Two methods are used: (a) two boats drift down stream spreading

    the net between them, or (b) when a school of fish is seen, two boat s

    stop, spread the net below the school, and the fish are driven into

    the net. In addition, traps with covered baskets and station a e ry nets

    placed across the river are used.

            In ancient times the Vogul clan groups practiced communal fishing.

    In the fall, after the river had frozen, the Voguls would construct a

    barrier of poles across the river, leaving spaces into which they

    could place traps. These traps were made from the roots of cedar trees,

    fifteen feet long and six feet wide, and were used to capture the fish

    as they descended from the upper reaches toward the sea. The barrier

    could be 700 to 2000 feet across the river, and was divided equally

    among the families. Each family would place its traps in its parti–

    308

    009      |      Vol_VIII-0575                                                                                                                  
    Voguls

    cular section. Since these locations were not all of the same value,

    the sections were rotated form year to year, so that each family

    would have the benefit of good fishing grounds. The use of community

    lakes was also rotated in similar fashion.

            Food . The meat of various animals (reindeer, elk, bear, horse,

    squirrel, beaver, etc.) [?] and fish form the basic Vogul diet. They

    also use chicken and wild turkey eggs, and various berries. Mush–

    rooms are considered unclean and are not eaten.

            Reindeer meat is preferred raw, but other meats are cooked.

    The Vogul does not feel satisfied unless the meal includes reindeer

    meat which is eaten in the following manner. A long strip of raw

    meat is placed in the mouth, and with a swift motion of the knife is

    cut off at the lips. It is swallowed almost without chewing.

    Bone marrow is also eaten.

            In the fall, during the reindeer hunting season, the Voguls

    prepare the meat for future use by drying it in the sun on special

    poles. It is allowed to darken, and if there is rain, becomes covered

    with mold. Reindeer fat is smoked and is considered a delicacy, as

    is the reindeer blood, which the Voguls drink or use to dunk meat.

            In July, when the reindeer horn is soft, it is skillfully broken

    off and the flow of blood is stopped by ty p ing the cut edge with a

    string. The cut part of the horn is scorched slightly, the skin is

    then carefully stripped and scraped and eaten as a delicacy.

            Only men can prepare the bear meat, for the bear was once the

    son of younger brother of Torm , and therefore women are forbidden to

    touch the bear.

            Those Voguls in contact with the Russians use some bread, but

    It is considered a delicacy. The bread used is either bought ready–

    made or the flour is bought and made into flat pancakes baked on coals.

    321

    010      |      Vol_VIII-0576                                                                                                                  
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    Flour is also used to make a thick kind of soup to which meat is

    added. Vodka, obtained from the Russians, is drunk by all - [ ?]

    men, women and children, until the supply is exhausted. Tobacco is

    used for snuff but not smoked. It is interesting to note that the

    Voguls do not eat pig meat, and consider the pig an unclean animal.

    This is evidently an old tradition, for pig bones were not found among

    the animal remains in the ancient sacrificial Chan'evsk cave.

            Transportation. The main mode of summer transportation among

    the Voguls is the oblas , a dug-out canoe, with extra side boards

    sewed on with cedar-root fibres. These are used for fishing. The

    fisherman sits directly on the bottom, and uses either a short paddle

    or a long double oar. A large covered boat, with several pairs of

    oars and a sail, the kajuk , is used for seasnal travel.

            Throughout the year the reindeer is used for transportation.

            It is hitched to a light sleigh on high stanchions. The horse can

    be used only in some pla c es because of the abundance of marshes.

            Dwellings: kol' . According to their traditional folklore, the

    Voguls formerly lived in caves, called keers-kol' (dwelling in the

    rock), and later in wooden huts, nor-kol' ( [ ?] wooden dwelling).

    The reindeer breeders used a portable tent ( I i orn-kol '). This is the

    Samoyed type of dwelling which the Voguls adopted together with the

    whole reindeer complex. During hunting or fishing, a temporary shelter,

    kol'bal , was used and another special type of hut was used when a

    woman gave birth.

            At the present time, two main types are used: (a) the iorn-kol'

    used by the nomadic reindeer breeders in summer, and the nor-kol'

    used in winter by the nomads , and used by the sedentary Voguls during the entire year.

    306



    011      |      Vol_VIII-0577                                                                                                                  
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            The iorn-kol' is a conical tent, built on poles. It is round

    at the base, and is covered with square pieces of boiled birch

    bark of double thickness and sewn together. An opening at the top

    serves as a chimney and one of the pieces tied on a rope serves as

    the door. In colder weather, a cover of reindeer skins is some–

    times used. In the center of the tent there is a stone hearth

    over which a kettle is suspended on a wooden hook. The household

    belongings are kept opposite the entrance. In both types of dwell–

    ings, skins, meat and fish are stored suspended on high wooden poles.

            The wooden hut, nor-kol' , is rectangular in shape, abut six

    feet high, twelve to thirteen feet long and ten to eleven feet wide.

    The front part of the plank roof is covered with birch bark and

    earth and protrudes somewhat. Several poles are placed up against

    this extension to form an open space or entrance way. A small

    opening, cut high in the wall, barely large enough for a person to

    crawl through, is covered with a door and serves as the entrance to

    the hut.

            The hearth, choval , is at one end, and is made of long poles

    smeared with clay, forming a sort of chimney which reaches through

    the roof. The lower part, which is somewhat wider, has an opening

    three to four feet high where the fire is built. A cover of birch

    bark is placed above this opening to retain the heat.

            Dress . Male summer clothing consists of a long, cotton, knee–

    length shirt, suup , and trousers, man'sup , which are fitted into

    long stockings of thick white cloth ( manch-vai ), and shoes, niar ,

    of reindeer hide with the fur outside. The stockings are tied to

    the belt with leather thongs. A knife in a sheath is suspended from

    012      |      Vol_VIII-0578                                                                                                                  
    Voguls

    this cloth or leather belt, and the lower part of the sheath is

    tied to the leg to facilitate drawing out the knife. A leather

    purse to hold sharpening stones of slate, and a similar purse or

    bag for matches (formerly for fire-making tools) and for money

    are also suspended from the belt. A kerchief is worn around the

    neck. In recent times, Russian style jackets have come into use.

            Women wear similar long shirts, and wear a cloth robe tied on

    the side and decorated along the edges and bottom with colored

    ribbons. Sometimes square metal pieces are added for decoration.

    Women wear the same type of foot-gear as the men. A kerchief

    which is lowered over the face in the presence of the husband's

    relatives is worn on the head.

            Winter clothing is similar to that of most northern tribes.

    It is made of reindeer skins, sewn with sinews. A shirt with fur

    inside ( moolcha ), is worn. On very cold days a similar shirt with

    fur on the outside with a hood, and gloves attached to the sleeves,

    is worn over the first shirt. Sometimes the outer garment is

    gaily decorated and made of young reindeer skin, called porkha (from

    the Samoyed " parka ").

            Winter shoes are made of the leg skin of the reindeer, and the

    soles are made from the forehead skin (this being stronger). The

    finished shoes are smoked, and the upper part is edged with cloth

    and a draw string to tie around the leg.

            The Voguls use the Samoyed type of warm footwear for driving

    reindeer. These are long topped "Samoyed stockings", iorn-vai . A

    second pair of stockings made of young reindeer skin with the hair

    inside are worn under these shoes. This outfit is worn at home or

    when riding. The Voguls use short boots - niara , when they use

    snow shoes.



    013      |      Vol_VIII-0579                                                                                                                  
    Voguls

            The women's fur coat is double with fur both inside and out and

    is sometimes decorated. It is tied with a red woolen belt around the

    waist.

            The Voguls have a special device for carrying objects: luz .

    This is a lined square piece of material with an opening in the center

    which passes over the head. One side is open and provides a pocket

    for carrying game, provisions, etc. It fits over the shoulder,

    chest and back and provides for even distribution of the load m ,

    protects the chest and back from the cold and does not interfere with

    free use of the arms. The word luz may have been borrowed from the

    Zyrian, in which luzany means to drag or to carry.

            The Vogul women love silver and copper rings ( tulia ), beads ( sak )

    and figured crosses and medals.

            The men wear their hair in two long braids with red cord inter–

    twined. The women wrap their braids completely with cord so that

    they stand up like horns, and attach rings and bells to the ends. Be–

    tween the braids, at the back of the head, they wear a piece of leather

    decorated with five military metal buttons.

            The Voguls decorate their skin with tattoos which is done by

    puncturing the skin with hot needles. The wound is then rubbed with

    burnt fat from the kettle or ground powder, and pieces of ice are

    applied to ease the pain. Usually the design is made on the arm just

    above the wrist or on the leg. The designs vary. Stylized represent–

    tations of birds, sleds, musical instruments, etc., are used, in

    addition to dark lines, circles and zig-zag lines. Similar designs

    ( tamga ) are used as signatures or ownership marks, and are marked on

    trees under which the killed game s has been temporarily placed when

    the hunter has not had time to take the kill home. The signature

    signs usually consist of several str a ight or curved lines combined un-

    014      |      Vol_VIII-0580                                                                                                                  
    Voguls

    der various angular lines. Similar designs made with red paint,

    probably by the ancient Voguls, were found on rocks along the shores

    of the Vishera River.

            Tools, etc . The Voguls make few things themselves. They make

    their sleds, driving poles, clothing, cradles, storage containers

    and some other [ ?] tools. Their bone work is not as good as that

    of the Samoyeds, and bone articles are often bought, as are their

    guns, copper and iron kettles and dishes.

            A gun, fire-making apparatus, a knife, and an ax [e ?] are the indis–

    pensable tools of any adult Vogul.

            The cradle ( aapa ) is an oval shaped, birch bark box with a high

    bent back. Another box with lower sides is placed inside it. Soft

    shavings of dry rotted wood and covered with reindeer hide are placed

    in the inner box and these shavings and hide are changed when neces–

    sary. The growing infant is placed in a half-sitting position in

    the cradle. He is wrapped in skins and tied to the sides with

    leather strips to prevent him from falling. During a trip, the cradle

    is tied to the corner of the sled. The cradle is light and can be

    held on the knees, or may be suspended from a pole and rocked.

            The Voguls also use birch bark boxes ( saan ) which are easily

    made in a few minutes, and which serve as dishes, cups, vessels in which to

    salt fish, knead dough, keep food, water, etc. The bark is stripped

    from the trees in the spring or early summer when the tree is full

    of sap. It is then bent to form a box, the folds are bent and pinned

    to the sides to make them firmer. The Voguls also make these boxes

    round in shape. Very often these boxes are decorated both inside and

    out with designs scratched with a knife. These designs consist of

    geometrical ornaments of alternating light and dark lines running

    parallel to the bottom and forming a herringbone design.



    015      |      Vol_VIII-0581                                                                                                                  
    Voguls

            Arts and Knowledge. Six colors are used by the Voguls in

    decoration: white ( yang or vorchi ), red ( vygyr ), black ( samol ),

    green, blue and grey. The last three were presumably introduced

    later and have the Russian names.

            The Vogul folklore is very rich with many heroic epic poems, songs,

    folk tales, riddles, etc. The songs are generally monotonous, relating

    the ordinary events of the day. They are accompanied by a native

    musical instrument, a sort of jew's harp, called turman . It is a

    bone plaque about seven inches long and an inch wide. A "U" shaped

    cut along the length produces a tongue to which a sinew is attached.

    The plaque is held between the teeth, and by pulling the sinew, sounds

    are produced which vary in pitch depending on the position of the lips.

            Another musical instrument is the shangura , a boat-shaped

    mandolin with a round bottom and five metal strings - sangul'p

    meaning (to play a bear). This instrument is used during the bear

    festival. The shangura is very similar to the five-stringed instru–

    ment of the Ostiaks, and may have been borrowed from them.

            Among the Voguls the concept of time is a limited one. Their

    year consists of thirteen months, the new year beginning with the

    first new moon in the spring. Two seasons are recognized: winter

    and summer. The name for month corresponds to the name for the moon.

    They have words for a 24 hour period (day-night), and for a seven

    day week. The smallest unit of time is pot , the time necessary to

    cook fish chowder.

            Social organization : In ancient times, apparently, the Voguls

    formed large units consisting of groups of families and ruled by a

    leader, who was probably elected and often called "prince" in the

    Russian chronicles. Sometimes several such groups would be united

    016      |      Vol_VIII-0582                                                                                                                  
    Voguls

    under one leader thus forming a larger tribal unit which acted

    together for defense and attack.

            The smaller unit, the so-called "clan", however, was a more

    permanent one, exercising the ownership right of hunting and fish–

    ing territories, usually centered near a river where the traps for

    birds, animals and fish were set. Hunting in the territory of

    another clan was a serious crime.

            The basic economic unit of the Voguls was a patriarchal commu–

    nity, an [ ?] enlarged family group, which collectively owned the

    fishing and hunting territories.

            In the Vogul family relationships, the man was the head of the

    family, and the legal owner of all the property. Monogamy was the

    prevailing practice, and the only legal marriage was marriage by

    purchase. Child marriages were frequent. A girl was considered

    ready for marriage by the time she was twelve or thirteen years old.

    Upon reaching maturity, the girl would wear a chastity belt, vuryp ,

    made of leather and birch bark.

            The bride price varied from time to time. For an average Vogul

    family in the late 1880's, the price was 100 to 200 rubles in cash,

    five to fifteen reindeer, two to three copper kettles, several yards

    each of red, green, blue and yellow woolen material, two to three

    sables, four to five foxes, 100 squirrels for a woman's fur coat,

    averaging a total of about 350-500 rubles.

            The woman would bring a dowry with her consisting of one new

    skin-covered hut, five to six sleds with ten to fifteen reindeer,

    loaded with her clothing, a large sack of reindeer fur, fish meat,

    towels made of wood shavings, and cooking utensils.

            Sometimes the payment of the bride price was omitted, as for

    example, in the case of the remarriage of a widow. In this case,

    017      |      Vol_VIII-0583                                                                                                                  
    Voguls

    if both parties agreed to live together without payment of the

    bride price, they would go to a special tree (cedar), circle it

    three times in a counter sun-wise direction, and thus legalize their

    union.

            Children born out of wedlock had the same rights as legitimate

    ones. Fecundity among the Voguls was generally low. There were

    many childless couples, and child mortality was often as high as 75%.

            Quarrels between married couples were settled by the community,

    which could also permit divorce. The father of a woman who had

    been mistreated by her husband could take his daughter and her

    children away. After divorce, a woman could remarry, and the same

    bride price had to be paid. A man who was found guilty of adultery

    with another man's wife, would have to pay the same amount that her

    husband had paid, and had to take the woman. Otherwise he had to

    pay a fine.

            Birth took place in a special hut. When a woman suffered in

    childbirth, she would take off the red woolen belt worn around her

    fur coat, and tie in it as many knots as the sins she had committed

    against her husband. Sometimes there were so many knots that another

    belt was needed. The husband would count the knots and forgive her

    because of her suffering.

            Religion. The religion of the Voguls, much as that of their

    neighbors, the Ostiaks, reflects their occupation. The deities con–

    nected with forest and water are of greatest importance in their

    lives for the Voguls believe that they can influence the results of

    hunting and fishing. Images of these deities are kept in every

    family. Before a hunt, sacrifices are made to them, and if the luck

    is poor, the deities are chastised. Animal veneration, particularly

    of the bear, is practiced in connection with hunting practices.



    018      |      Vol_VIII-0584                                                                                                                  
    Voguls

            Finally, there is a more or less formalized pantheon, headed

    by the tribal central deity Torum or Torm . Perhaps under the

    influence of Christianity, he has achieved his importance.

            The Vogul d ie ei ties may be divided into two classes, malevolent

    and benevolent gods. The chief of the benevolent deities is Yanykh-Torum

    or Torm (also called Numi-Torum or Voykan-Torum ). The highest of

    the gods is Kors-Torum (the Creator) the progenitor of all the gods.

    The Voguls believe that he has never revealed himself to man and

    and they say they can not picture to themselves what he is like;

    whatever is known of him is known only through the lesser gods. He

    never descends to earth but sometimes sends his eldest son, Yanykh–

    Torum
    who has the form of a man but shines like gold from the

    splendor of his raiment. like his father he never carries any

    weapon. He descends to earth to look in on men's affairs about

    once a week and in response to their prayers about weather he gives

    commands to his younger brother Sakhil-Torum who dwells in the dark

    clouds. Sakhil-Torum also has the form of a man and drives reindeer

    which have tusks like a mammoth, in the clouds. They are laden with

    casks of water and when they are sluggish he whips them; as they

    plunge under his strokes the water in the casks is spilled and

    falls on the earth as rain.

            Yanykh-Torum has seven sons, the youngest of whom, Mir-Susne–

    Khum
    , is the ruler of his brothers and of men, whom they try to

    keep in peace. There are many other gods of secondary rank who are

    specially connected with individuals, the family, or the clan. Each

    category of gods has its own special sacrificial places. The

    principal evil deity is Khul. Kul-Odyr , or Kul , is the chief of

    the spirits of darkness and the secondary evil spirits are known as

    Menk or menkva . They resemble the Koryak kelet in having the power

    019      |      Vol_VIII-0585                                                                                                                  
    Voguls

    to change their forms. They are very tall with heads of a conical

    shape, and they sometimes kill and eat human beings. Malicious

    spirits called uchchi , having the paws and teeth of a dog, inhabit

    the forest along with Mis-Khum . He has many daughters who try to

    entice men to live with them as their husbands. This brings good

    fortune to the fathers of the men captured. The good god, Vit-Khon ,

    and the evil god, Vit-Kul , live in the water. The former was sent by

    Yanykh-Torum to have charge of the fish. Crude representations of

    gods and fetishes are made of wood, metal, or bone.

            According to the belief of the Finnic tribes, man is composed

    of three parts: body, shadow ( isi ), and soul ( lili khelmkholas ).

    At death the soul passes to an infant of the same clan or, if the

    clan has become extinct, of another clan, but never to an animal.

    The shadow goes to a cold underworld ruled over by Kul Odvr . Here

    it lives for as long as the term of the dead man's former life on earth,

    and follows the same pursuits. Then the shadow begins to grow

    smaller and smaller until it is no larger than a black beetle and

    finally disappears completely.

            The practice of the bear cult among the Voguls is similar to

    that of the Ostiaks and is very important in their culture. The

    bear is considered the younger brother of Torum . As such he is

    omniscient, treated with great respect and can not be addressed by

    his proper name. Instead he is referred to as "he" or "the old man

    who lives in the forest."

            When a bear is killed on the hunt, a celebration follows. The

    carcass is carried home on the first sled and the people come out

    to greet it. Upon their return, the hunters are rolled in the snow

    by the women of the group. Then the bear's skin is stuffed with

    020      |      Vol_VIII-0586                                                                                                                  
    Voguls

    hay and metal circles are used for eyes. The image is placed in

    the honored corner of the hut and candles are lit before it. When

    the neighbors gather, the "denial" ceremony takes place. The new–

    comers are sprinkled with water and then they give offerings of

    colored bits of material, and rings placed on the image. The owners

    of the bear, dressed in pointed hats and special festive clothing,

    address the animal, and point out that it was not they but a Russian

    who killed him. Feasting and drinking are followed by a special bear

    dance, and a series of plays, usually of a comic nature. The actors

    wear birch-bark masks and unusual clothes. The festival lasts for

    seven days. Afterwards, the head and paws are cut from the skin and

    kept for a year. The meat is eaten and the skull is preserved in a

    special storage house, usually near the sacrificial place. The

    bear oath is also practiced among the Voguls. (cf. Ostiaks).

            There is a definite trace of ancestor worship among the Voguls.

    Two former Vogul leaders, Vizi oter (the small hero), and Yany-kenyt–

    ansykh
    (the great prince, the old man with a great hat), are very

    much venerated. According to tradition, the main idol of the Voguls

    stood in the dense forest of the Konda. Another such image was in

    the upper part of the Sosva River.

            Shamanism . The Vogul shaman conducts his performances dressed

    in a plain, knee-length shirt without pendants or decorations, but

    trimmed with silver fox fur along the edges. His drum is round and

    has several notches on the inner handles. The shaman is called upon

    to cure the sick and to find lost articles, or to officiate in sacri–

    ficial ceremonies. The knowledge of these ceremonies is handed down

    to the shaman's children. Sacrificial offerings are apparently an

    021      |      Vol_VIII-0587                                                                                                                  
    Voguls

    ancient custom among the Voguls. They are mentioned as early as 1692

    when Izbrandson wrote of the use of horses and goats for sacrifices.

    The nomadic groups use the reindeer for sacrifice, and white–

    skinned animals are selected for the White or Benevolent deities.

    The birch tree is also dedicated to these deities, and can not be

    used to make images of the evil deities - Menk .

            Death and Burial . At the moment of death, the relatives would

    place a small stick in the mouth of the corpse and cover its head.

    The body was then dressed in its best clothes and laid in the

    sleeping place. The silence which prevailed was broken when the

    women loosened their hair and bewailed the dead, extolling his vir–

    tues. Meanwhile, the men would make the coffin and prepare the

    grave. The body was placed in the coffin by members of the same

    sex and sometimes a bird or fish was drawn on the lid with char–

    coal. Then the eldest woman raised the coffin slightly and, if

    she found it heavy, promised to make sacrifices to the spirits.

    Each member of the family followed suit, first the women and then

    the men, in each case beginning with the youngest. After this the

    coffin was taken to the grave. The body was usually buried on the

    day of death and was carried out through a window of the house or,

    if a conical hut, through a specially made hole. The graveyard was

    usually in a forest and the body was either carried or drawn by

    reindeer which had to be killed on the grave by a special method of

    strangulation. The flesh was eaten at the grave, the bones placed

    with the corpse and the skin buried close by.

            Among the Vogul

    of the Upper Ob' the graves were only three or four feet deep with

    sides lined with wooden planks or branches of trees. The body was

    placed in the grave in a small boat with flattened ends or in a

    022      |      Vol_VIII-0588                                                                                                                  
    Voguls

    coffin made in the form of a boat, and covered with branches. A

    small, slightly sloping roof made of interlaced branches of the birch

    tree was erected about a foot above the grave, and another roof was

    erected three or four feet above the first. The small belongings of

    the deceased were placed in the grave, and the larger ones outside

    it. If a Vogul man dies away from home, exactly the same ceremonies

    were performed for him in his village. After the burial the relatives

    held a feast, some of the food was placed on both sides of the grave,

    and a cooking vessel with a pierced bottom was placed inside the

    grave.

            The Southern Voguls generally followed the Greek Orthodox ritual

    in burying their dead.

            Since the Soviet Revolution in 1917 there has been a general

    increase in the population of the Voguls. The Soviet minority policy

    introduced collectivization in 1931. Reindeer and hunting collectives

    were established and by 1932 more than a quarter of the population

    were collectivized.

            The V oguls have had a national self government since 1926.

    The Ostiak-Vogul national region was created in 1931 with the adminis–

    trative center located in the town of Samarov. A large number of

    Voguls are being trained in education, animal husbandry, medicine

    and other professions.



    023      |      Vol_VIII-0589                                                                                                                  
    Voguls


    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    Ahlqvist, A.E. Unter Wogulen und Ostjaken. Acta Societatis

    Scientiarum Fennicae, XIV, Helsingfors.

    Chernetsov, V. Sacrifices Among the Voguls (Etnograf-Issle–

    dovatel', 1927, No. 1, p. 21-25)

    Glushkov, I.N. The Cherdyn Voguls. (Etnograficheskoe Obozrienie,

    1900, No. 2, p. 15-78)

    Gondatti, N. Traces of Paganism Among the Aborigines of

    Northwestern Siberia. Moscow, 1888.

    " ------ The Bear-Cult Among the Aborigines of Northwestern

    Siberia. Bulletin of the Imperial Soceity

    of Friends of Natural Science, Anthropology and

    Ethnography.

    Infant'ev, A Trip to the Country of the Voguls, St. Peters–

    burg, 1910.

    Kharuzin, N. N. The "Bear Oath" and the Totemic Bases of the

    Bear Cult Among the Ostiaks and Voguls. (Etnogra–

    ficheskoe obozrienie, 1898, Nox. 3 and 4)

    [ ?] Mainov, V.N. The Ugrian Peoples. 'Istoricheskii vestnik, 1884,

    T. 16.)

    Maliev, N. The Voguls. (Russkii antropologicheskii zhurnal,

    1901, No. 1)

    Nosilov, K. The Law Customs of the Man'si (Voguls). (Sbornik

    of Materials on Ethnography, the Dashkov Ethno–

    graphical Museum, Moscow, 1888, Vyp. 3)

    Ostroumov, I.G. The Voguls or Man'si, Historic-ethnographical

    Description, Perm, 1906.



    024      |      Vol_VIII-0590                                                                                                                  
    Voguls

    Pavlovskii, V. The Voguls. Kazan, 1906.

    Silinich, I. P. The Voguls, Moscow, 1905.

    " ------ The Voguls (craniology). (Russkii antropologi–

    cheskii zhurnal, 1907, Nos. 3-4)

    St. Sommier Sirieni, Ostiacchi e Samoi e di dell Ob. Firenze, 1887.

    Stepanov, N. The Problem of Ostiak-Vogul Feudalism. (Sovetskaia

    etnografiia, 1936, No. 3, p. 19-35)

    The Voguls Bol'shaia Sovetskaia Entsiklopediia

    The Voguls Uralskaia entsiklopediia

    The Voguls Sibirskaia etnsiklopediia

    Yakuts


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0591                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    [Eugene A. Golomshtok]


    YAKUTS
    Page
    Envi or ro nment and Territory 1
    History 2
    History of Investigation 3
    Language 3
    Physical Anthropology 4
    Subsistence 4
    Material Culture 5
    Social Organization 8
    Life Cycle 10
    Religion 13
    Art and Knowledge 17
    Present Day Yakutia 19
    Bibliography 20



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0592                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    [Yakuts by Eugene A. Golomshtok]


           

    YAKUTS

           

    Envi or ro nment and Territory

            The Yakuts, the largest Turkic group of Siberia, number about a quarter of

    a million (240,562 in 1926). They form the basix population of the Yakut Auto–

    nomous Soviet Socialist Republic of the Soviet Union. They call themselves –

    Sakha , which originally meant man. The ancient name of the Yakut was Uriankhai.

            The Yakuts occupy a territory of nearly one and a half million square miles

    in northeastern Siberia, extending from the Lena River about 2,000 miles east to

    the Kolyma River and 1,000 miles south from the shores of the Arctic Sea. The

    northern part of the region lies in permafrost territory. The tundra occurs in

    the northern and middle part of this area; south of the tundra there are forests,

    covering the slopes of numerous mountains (the branches of the Stanovoi (or

    Yablonovyy), the Kolyma, the Tungus, the Vilui and the Aldan mountains. The

    main rivers of the region are the Lena with its tributaries (the Aldan, the Olekma,

    the Vilui, and the Vitim), the Yana, the Indigirka, and the Kolyma. The region is

    studded with nearly 10,000 lakes. The climate is characterized by long, cold

    winters and short, warm summers. The winter temperature drops to −50° C. and on

    occasion even lower near Verkhoyansk. This region has the largest range of

    temperature [ ?] in the world — nearly 60° C. Flora and fauna are typical of the

    tundra and northern portion of the forest area.



    002      |      Vol_VIII-0593                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yakuts

           

    History

            The most widely accepted theory is that the Yakuts are a pastoral group of

    Turkic origin who originally lived in the steppes of the upper Yenisei or [ ?]

    Uriankhai regions where they became very much Mongolized. Later (some authorities

    think in the ninth century) they moved to the region of Lake Baikal, where they

    encounted Buriats and acquired some of their cultural traits, such as agriculture

    and an elaborate pantheon. In the 13th and 14th centuries, under the impact of

    pressure by Buriats, the Yakuts moved north along the Lena and occupied the Lena–

    Amgun plateau. They d adapted themselves well to their new environment and pre–

    served the animal breeding which constituted their main occupation. Their herds

    increas d e d and they became a strong and numerous tribe. The greater portion of

    the Yakuts lived in the center of the southern part of this region and it was only

    after the Russian conquest of Yakutia that they moved on. In their new habitat

    the Yakuts came in contact with the Tungus and Yukaghirs, curbed their resistance,

    and settled in the Yana, Indigirka, and Kolyma valleys. Others crossed the

    Stanovoi Mountains and reached the Sea of Okhotsk. The process of displacement

    of Tungus continued into the 18th century.

            In the 17th century (c. 1620) the Yakuts were visited by the Russians who,

    in 1642, erected on the Lena a small fortress, the future town of Yakutsk, and

    exacted tribute from the Yakuts. The conquest of this territory by the Russians

    was ruthless. After the conquest, the Yakuts were subidivded into 35 districts

    for the purpose of exacting tribute. In the 18th century these districts were

    redivided into five a regions or uluses . Tribute was collected in furs until

    the middle of the 18th century, when money was substituted. Russian colonization

    of Yakutia was accompanied by the impovershment of the native population. Early

    in the 1700's Christianity was introduced.



    003      |      Vol_VIII-0594                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yakuts --

            The Bolshevik revolution resulted in the formation in 1922 of the Yakut

    Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic and great changes in the material and social

    status of the Yakuts.

           

    History of Investigation

            After the Russian conquest, a number of investigations were made into the

    ethnology of the Yakuts. The bibliography (see below) contains a number of titles,

    and represents the work of many students. Among the most important investiga–

    tors of the language must be included Otto von Böhtlingk, S. V. Yastremsky, and

    E. K. Pekarsky. Several persons made anthropological measurements of the Yakuts,

    among them N. L. Hecker, F. J. Kon, and I. I. Mainov. Various other aspects

    of the Yakut culture were described by many authors, among whom were Troshchansky,

    Mainov, Jochelson, Khudiakov, Ovchinnikov, Popov, et al . The Sieroshevsky

    monograph, The Yakuts , is the most complete thought it is not very reliable.

    W. Jochelson, The Yakuts , and E. A. Golomshtok, The Religion of the Yakut , are the

    main English sources.

           

    Language

            Some authorities (Samoilovich and Jochelson) believe that the Yakut language

    belongs to an independent subgroup of the northeastern division of the Turkic

    family. As a result of separation from other Turks in very remote times, the

    language exhibits considerable deviation from the general type of Turkic dialect.

    Radloff and others contend that the Yakuts are not of Turkish stock and were

    Turkicized comp aratively recently. The Yakut language consists of 32% Turkic

    elements, 25% Mongol elements, and the rest of unknown origin or borrowed from

    004      |      Vol_VIII-0595                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yakuts

    Tungus, Samoyedes, Yenisei Ostiaks, and Yukaghirs. It contains 21 consonants

    and eight vowels, and harmony of vowels is characteristic of the language. The

    best grammar is Yastremsky's and the best dictionary is by Pekarsky.

           

    Physical Anthropology

            Two physical types can be distinguished among the Yakuts: one pure Mongol,

    with broad face and flat nose; the other with long face and narrow, more prominent

    nose, closely akin to the Tartar of southwest Siberia. Average stature: males,

    1,617 mm.; females, 1,509 mm. Cephalic index: males, 82.60; females, 82.94.

    Average head length: males, 191 mm.; females, 186 mm. Facial index: males,

    79.25; females, 78.87. Cephalic module: 160.3. Cephalic module stature index: 9.9.

           

    Subsistence

            [ ?] Formerly a nomadic horse-breeding tribe of the Central Asiatic steppes,

    the Yakuts, in their present abode, added cattle breeding which gradually became

    predominant over horse breeding to such an extent that oxen later replaced horses

    in agriculture. Horses required large pasture lands protected from the invasion

    of other herds, and hunting demanded inviolability of the hunting territories.

    This resulted in the dispersal of population, isolation of clans, and lack of

    concentrated settlements. The introduction of cattle, which require relatively small

    pastures and large sheds and food for the winter, tended to influence the transi–

    tion toward a sedentary mode of life and concentration of settlements. Formerly

    the average settlement consisted of 4 to 5 houses with 20 to 30 inhabitants. Later

    they became much larger. Winter houses, however, were more widely dispersed than

    summer abodes.

            Contact with [ ?] Tungus in the north added reindeer breeding, in which the Yakuts

    came to surpass the Tungus.



    005      |      Vol_VIII-0596                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yakuts

            Kumiss (fermented mare's milk) and horse flesh, formerly the staple foods,

    gradually became available only to the rich. They preserve their ceremonial

    importance.

            Fishing and hunting remained important in the north but in the south was

    gradually supplanted by agriculture, which has grown in importance in the last

    40 to 50 years.

            Under the prerevolutionary Russian regime, the Yakuts were very poor, es–

    pecially in those regions where natural conditions were bad. To keep himself

    alive and pay the tribute would have required that each Yakut own 50 cows, while

    in the whole of the Verkhoyansk region only 5 or 6 families had the required

    number.

           

    Material Culture

            Houses . The main type, the earth hut, was a form of truncated pyramid, some–

    times combined with the cow shed. The walls and roof were covered by a mixture

    of mud, clay, and cow dung, to which a layer of snow was added in the winter. The

    earthen floor was sunk two feet below the ground and small square windows were

    covered by ice sheets in the winter and by fish membrane or other material in

    the summer. The entrance always faced east. An open hearth served both for heat

    and for cooking. It was made of a square wooden box, lined with clay, five feet

    long and eleven inches high. A chimney was made of poles tied with twigs and

    lined with clay. Tables and tabourets, adapted from the Russians, [ ?] later

    came into use.

            Other forms of shelter included a conical birch-bark tent ona on a wooden

    frame, which was formerly used as a summer dwelling; a polygonal sloping-roofed block

    [ ?] house, used in some localities instead of the conical tent; and log houses

    occupied by wealthy Yakuts. A temporary shelter, made of two or three reindeer

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0597                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yakuts

    skins, sewn together and tied to a stick, was used a s a windbreak by the Yakuts

    during their travels. In winter it was banked by snow.

            Clothing . The basix garment of both men and women was a short single-breasted

    coat ( son ) made of reindeer skin, plush, [?] or cloth, lined with fur in the winter

    and a thin material in the summer. A cloth overcoat ( supun ) was worn over the [ ?] -

    son on journeys, and long fur overcoats ( sanayax ) were worn in winter. Women's

    sanayax were sometimes lined with squirrel, decorated with brocades and silver

    ornaments, and embroidered with silver thread and beads. The sanayax was formerly

    worn on the naked body but later undershirts of Russian calico came [ ?]

    into use. Short trousers of reindeer skin were later developed into long tight

    pants tied around the waist and ankles with strings; fur lined pants were used

    in winter. A stomach protector was worn attached by a leather thong to the trousers.

            Footwear consisted of hip-length horseskin waterproof boots, wide boots of

    elk skin worn over fur stockings for riding in winter, calf skin stockings worn

    by women in winter, and women's horse skin boots. Fur knee-protectors were tied

    around the legs below the knees.

            Hats with long ear protectors were worn by both sexes and fur hoods lined

    with fox fur were worn by women. Rich women wore cloth hats decorated with fur

    trimming and silver plaques.

            Yakuts also wore mittens, boas, and belts or leather girdles decorated

    with metal ornaments. Pipe and pouch were carried in the right boot leg.

            Bedding. Bedding consisted of a fur robe and a blanket of hare or fox skin.

    Poor people slept on grass mats and used their fur coats for covers. Pillows were

    of calico, filled with feathers of down. Usually two people slept under one blanket

    with their heads in opposite directions.

            Food . Meat of various animals, birds, and fish were the basix Yakut diet.

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0598                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yakuts

    Milk and its products were also used extensively. Favored dishes were mare's

    milk, especially in its fermented form, kumiss (sometimes with butter added) and

    horse meat, particularly horse giblets and fat from around the heart or near the

    abdomen. Drinks included tea made of imported tea bricks, and vodka, introduced

    by the Russians. Poor Yakuts in the North used a certain grass, sardona , which they

    dried, ground, and made into soup to which a portion of sour milk was added. In

    some cases a species of field mouse was eaten.

            Industries . Pottery was handmade, fired in the hearth, and had stamped

    decorations on the rim or upper part of the vessel. The most common form was a

    flat-bottomed, egg-shaped pot. Some pots had lids.

            The Yakuts knew and used iron, copper, brass, bronze, silver, gold, and tin.

    Iron was the most important metal among these people who knew the art of extracting

    it in their former habitat. Some districts in their present homeland were noted

    for iron working. Iron was reduced in jug-shaped clay furnaces and double [ ?]

    leather-bag bellows were used to keep the fire g going.

            Native tools included the knife, iron scissors, axe, adze, spade, sickle, a

    cutter for slicing brick tea, strike-a-light, and small pincers for plucking hair.

            Weapons consisted of a curved iron sword, a war lance, a bow and quiver, and

    arrows with four types of heads. A leather coat with small iron plates fastened

    to it was formerly used as armor.

            Copper and [ ?] silver, molded or cast, were used to make ornaments and jewelry.

    Large kettles and pots were made of copper and engraved cups and saucers were made

    of silver.

            Silver was also used for decorating saddles, which were made with wooden frames

    to which feather cushions and highly ornamented leather side skirts were attached.

    Short stirrups were attached to the front of the saddle.



    008      |      Vol_VIII-0599                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yakuts

            Domestication of Animals . The Yakuts brought the knowledge of horse and

    cattle breeding to their new habitat. Originally acquired from the Kirghiz,

    these animals deteriorated in the north, so that the average ox weighs 700 pounds,

    and the average cow gives only about 1,230 pounds of milk a year. The northern

    Yakuts breed reindeer for driving and riding.

            Riding horses were the best means of transportation, because of the poor

    roads. In winter, sleighs were drawn by horses or, in the north, by reindeer

    or dogs.

           

    Social Organization

            The Yakuts were divided into [ ?] exogamic patrilineal clans ( a [?] v-usa )

    which formerly had clan councils, courts, and elders, and clan ownership of the

    land and pastures. The father's clan was divided into branches, ija-usa , or

    mother's clans, in which descent was reckoned along patrilineal lines. The

    mother's clan included all children and grandchildren of one wife, indicating

    that polygamy was practiced. Affiliation to the same mother's clan was no ob–

    stacle to marriage.

            Clans ( us ) w ere joined into groups called nasleg , to which the rules of

    exogany applied. Each clan reckoned its origin from one man. The clan took

    care of its members in case of misfortune, sometimes supporting whole families.

    Its membership was closed to outsiders. Only girls of another clan could be

    adopted, boys had to belong to the same clan. The old clans were ruled by family

    representatives and women often played an important role. Clan vengeance and

    blood feuds existed but reconciliation was often achieved by paying ransom or

    giving a girl in marraige.

            The elder of the father's clan had jurisdiction over small disputes of clan

    members and some religious functions. Under the influence of the Russians, the

    009      |      Vol_VIII-0600                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yakuts

    clan elders acquired more power and wealth since they were made the collectors

    of tribute, a custom which aided in the disintgeration of the clan as an impor–

    tant institution.

            The Yakuts practiced slavery. The slaves were stolen or were prisoners of

    war. They were considered equivalent in status to domestic animals, the mater

    having the right to kill them at will. Slaves' children became free but they

    could marry only women on their own economic level.

            The family unit was called [ ?] korgon ; a household was known as [ ?]

    yal . The family consisted of blood relatives, relatives by marriage, adopted

    children, laborers, and slaves of both sexes. The father, a [?] a , was the head of

    the family and ruled until he became infirm or sick. Aged parents were a doomed

    to death.

            Marriage by capture was once practiced but was replaced by marriage by pur–

    chase. If a wife left her husband, the bride price was not returned. The husband

    acquired complete ownership rights over his wife. He had the right to send her

    to work and collect her pay, but he could not sell her. The woman retained owner–

    ship over the results of the handicrafts which she did in her spare time. Women

    did not inherit land, which was kept within the clan. Brothers who inherited

    property after the father's death had to take care of unmarried sisters and marry

    them off, supplying the dowry. The husband was the legal owner of the wife's

    dowry and, at her death, it reverted to the husband and children. In the case

    of his death without children, she could take her dowry and return to her family

    if the husband had made no di other disposition before his death. A widowed

    daughter returning to her father's family was again subject to his jurisdiction.

            The young Yakut acquired full social standing only after his marriage. Hs His

    010      |      Vol_VIII-0601                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yatkus

    father's choice in selecting a wife was very important, and the mother had

    similar rights in selecting a husband for her daughter. The custom of

    betrothal of young children was prevalent. After the first payment of the

    installement of the bridal price, the groom often visited the bride's family and

    slept with her. There was no definite value attached to virginity. The unmarried

    girl with children was looked upon as a good future wife.

            Boys were valued above girls and the childless Yakut was contemptuously called

    xatyryk-uota (the fire of the bark).

           

    Life Cycle

            Yakut beliefs and customs concerning birth and burial were intimately

    connected with the concept of the soul. They distinguished two types of soul:

    Kut (of which there were three varieites), the source of life, and sur , which

    embodied the psychological qualities.

            Birth . The soul was granted by the Mother Goddess, Ajysyt. The expectant

    mother was placed on some hay under a tent of horsehide erected by the husband

    inside the hut, and, supporting herself on the crosspiece, gave birth aided by

    the future grandmother. To facilitate the first birth, all storage places were

    unlocked and every woman in the house untied her shoelaces, and unbuttoned her pants.

            When the newborn child was q washed, an offering of butter and wheat fritters

    was given to the Mother Goddess, imploring her blessing. Then the guests were feasted

    for three days with meat of cattle killed in a ceremonial way, without spilling

    too much blood. On the third day the grandmother gathered the bay on which the

    pregnant women had lain, and hung it on an alder or birch tree, at the foot of

    which she placed the poles which had formed the delivery tent, after having

    smeared them with butter (as an offering). The head of the cow which had been

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    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yakuts

    killed for the feast was cooked whole and given to the grandmother, who ate

    it without breaking the bones, and hung the skull and the hoofs on the same tree

    with the hay.

            A ceremony intended to foretell future motherhood took place on the third day.

    Three small birch-bark tents were erected and a variety of figures (elk, reindeer,

    sun, moon, and a small bow and arrows if the child was male; cows, colts, scissors,

    needles and thread, if it was female) were made and placed inside the tents. The

    female guests, wearing their fur hats backwards, in imitation of the Mother Goddess,

    gathered around, and a virgin shot toy arrows at the figures. They then smeared

    themselves with melted butter, poured the remainder of the butter into the fire,

    [ ?] into which they also threw the birchbark figures, and then began to laugh. The

    one who laughed first, or toward whom the smoke was drawing, would give birth the

    next year.

            A barren woman sat on a white horsehide under a special tree, wearing her

    festive hat, with a pot of melted butter near her. She invoked the Spirit of

    Locality to grant her a child, and waited, as a sign, for some insect to fall down

    from the tree. If a beetle fell, she would have a son; if a spider dropped,

    it indicated that she would give birth to a girl. As soon as any insect fell

    on the skin she dipped it into the butter and swallowed it.

            To prevent the death of young children in a family, the newly-born child

    was stolen by relatives who put a black puppy in the cradle to fool the evil

    spirit, [abaey?] abasy . A tiny model of a raking iron, and dried bear paws were

    amulets against the evil spirits. For boys, a small knife with a birch handle,

    and for girls, a pair of scissors, were added to the baby's bed.

            Death and burial. All deaths were caused by evil spirits who took away one

    of the souls (the kut type) and waited for a man's death to devour the remaining

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    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yakuts

    two. During this time the evil spirits, speaking through the dying man, begged

    for food to reinforce them for the long journey into the lower world.

            Preparation of the corpse for burial required observance of a number of regu–

    lations, such as putting a cow's bladder on one's hands to prevent them from –

    weakening as a result of washing the corpse. Burial clothing could not contain

    any knots, or the soul of the dead man would be knotty. No horse-hide or gold

    objects could be used. The body was dressed in a wolf-fur overcoat, and the man's

    hunting gear and pipe and butter and meat were placed in the grave.

            R A funeral feast preceded the burial. For this feast, a horse, whose soul

    would later serve the deceased for his journey beyond the grave, was killed

    ceremonially and its carcass was cut without severing the ligaments, so that its

    soul would not be lame. The boiled meat was consumed and the skin, arranged to

    simulate the living animal, with saddle, trappings, skull, lower jaw, and verte–

    brae, was hung on a tree near the grave. The body was borne to the grave on a

    sleigh drawn by another horse. Upon its return, this horse had to be purified

    and the sleigh and the grave spade were abandoned.

            Two methods of burial were used. The ancient one was a suspended grave.

    The body was placed in a coffin made of two hollowed-out sides of a split log.

    The halves were connected with hoops and placed above the ground on poles in the

    midst of a thick forest. The other method of burial consisted of the usual inter–

    ment practiced up to the present time, with special ceremonies which reflected

    former religious beliefs. The coffin was dug out of a whole log, and tobacco,

    metal coins, and small household objects were put into the grave with the corpse.

    At the burial of a nobleman, a saddled horse and a very capable youth, called

    the saddle boy, were buried near his grave. It was the duty of the saddle boy to

    serve his master after his death and he was chosen from those most favored by the

    dead master.

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    Saddle boys were interred at the burials of noble women, and rich clothing was

    placed in the grave in addition to the above-mentioned objects.

            A shaman always participated in the burial and it was he who killed the

    horse, which was eaten, and hung the skin on the pole near the grave. Later,

    the custom of burying live horses and saddle boys died out.

            In very ancient times there was a custom of killing feeble old men , who

    were no longer able to work. The old men were bound and brought to a deep

    pit in the middle of a forest, where they were either thrown into the pit or

    shot with a bow and arrow. In those times there were no wooden superstructures

    over graves and the place of burial was marked only by a small mound surrounded

    by a fence. In later periods there was another type of grave consisting of a

    gabled wooden burial chamber with a horse's head carved out in the rear and

    carved decorations on the ridge of the roof.

           

    Religion

            As in other aspects of Yakut culture, the religion reflected the cultural

    influences of their neighbors and, consequently, three layers can be distinguished:

            1. The "pastoral" religion, consisting of the Upper Deities (aj [ y ?] ), creators,

    who inhabit various levels of the Upper World and are very much anthropomorphized.

    The creators have estates, horses and cattle, houses, servants,slaves, wives,

    children, etc., just as human beings do but in a much grander ("shinier, more

    silvery") way. Such are Ürün Aj [ y ?] Tojon (The Great White Lord Creator), Ïäjäxsit

    (The Spirit of Fertility), Aj [ y ?] syt (The Spirit of Propagation), etc.

            2. Superimposed on this is shamanism with its rich demonology, a multitude

    of abāsy (evil spirits), üör (the souls of the dead), ämägät (shaman's spirit

    protectors) and the ter r ible patron of shamanism, Ulū Tojon.



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            3. The "hunting" religion, connected with the cult of animals (bear,

    eagle, lynx, etc.), of Spirit Owners ( icci ), and Spirit Protectors [ ?]

    ( äsäkän ).

            While the concepts of aj [ y ?] , the creators and äsäkän , the spirit owners,

    sometimes overlapped, the main distinction reflected the differences in view–

    point between the pastoral peoples, who thought in terms of creation, propaga–

    tion, and the hunter who thought in terms of spontaneous, uncontrolled multi–

    plication.

            Corresponding to this, the creators were asked to bless the multiplication

    of men and domestic animals, while the spirit owners were requested to allow

    men to capture already existing and spontaneously multiplying animals.

            This difference was also reflected in two types of offerings or sacri–

    fices: (1)The so-called "white" or bloodless sacrifices (libation of mare's

    milk, butter, or vodka, or setting animals free, dedicated to some deity) for

    activities which have nothing to do with hunting. The blood sacrifices (by

    killing or smearing with blood) were made either by shamans or hunters.

            The spirits were located in a general way on the three levels of the

    world (upper, middle and lower) and their subdivisions, and also on the points

    of the compass. Thus Benevolent Deities, aj [ y ?] , and the Evil Spirit, the terrible

    Ulūtujar Ulū Tojon , lived in the Upper World. The Lord of the Underworld —

    Arsan Duolai lived in the Lower World; the lesser evil spirits, abāsy, lived

    both in the Upper and Lower worlds and appeared in the Middle. Most of the icci ,

    spirit owners, lived in the Middle World, where the souls of dead Üör also lived.

            While the division into benevolent and malevolent spirits was very definite,

    both types occasionally acted contrary to their general characteristics. What

    was perhaps characteristic of these spirits was that they did not interfere with

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    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yakuts

    each other (no clear-cut dualism), were rather indifferent to human needs, and

    had to be bribed or flattered to do good.

            The attitude toward the Upper Spirits could best be seen from the kumiss

    ceremony ( ysyax ) which was a pastoral festival, basically intended to ask

    the blessing of the spirits of the upper World to insure multiplication of the

    herds. Apparently it was a communal or clan ceremony, as it was officiated

    over by the head of the group or a clan; while the shaman in later times took

    part in it, he did not act in his original capacity and did not wear his cere–

    monial dress. Modified or abridged ysyax were arranged for other occasions,

    such as construction of a new house, childbirth, funerals, etc.

            Along with the veneration of the Upper Deities, creators, there was

    an elaborate cult of the iccita , the spirit owners of places, geographical

    localities, inanimate objects, and animals. Thus there were spirit owners of

    the corral, the hitching post, the horse, the fire, etc.

            A variation of this concept was the äsäkän , spirit protector of specific

    animals, who was addressed by the hunter with the request to send out some of

    his subjects for the hunter to kill. This hunting cult of äsäkäns (or their

    modification, bayanai ) reflected the influence of the Tungus, the traditional

    hunters of the Yakuts' new homeland.

            [ ?] A great deal of mixture and contradiction resulted when the elements

    of the pastoral (clan) religion (creators, spirit of fire, etc.) came in contact

    with the hunting pantheon. The large number of taboos and regulations concern–

    ing hunting and fishing indicate a degree of antagonism of the cult of the Fire

    and Spirit Owner of the House to the Spirits of the Hunt and Spirit Owner of the

    Forest. Thus, hunters had to conceal their activities or camouflage them when

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    entering the house because blood or killing was displeasing to the Spirit of

    House and the Spirit of the Fire. The meat of the elk, killed with the crowwbow

    could not be allowed to get in direct contact with the fire and had to be

    cooked in a pot.

            A multitude of evil spirits surrounded the Yakut and caused all sicknesses,

    misfortunes, and difficulties in his daily life. Added to this group were a large

    number of Üör , evil spirits of the dead, and various demons.

            To cope with these evil spirits and, at times, to placate the anger of the

    offended Upper Deities, the Yakuts employed shamans.

            While Yakut shamanism was not hereditarys and the future shaman received

    a "call" which he could not refuse, some traces of development of hereditary

    shamanism may be seen in the fact that only certain clans could produce

    especially powerful shamans, and a pi spirit of some deceased shaman usually

    participated in selecting the new one. The three a degrees of shamans (poor,

    ordinary, and famous) applied only to their relative power. The division into

    the White and Black, so pronounced among some Siberian tribes, was not well–

    defined among Yakuts.

            The main function of the Yakut shaman was to cure the sick and to prophesy.

    He did this clad in his formal dress, used a drum, and enacted his trip to the

    Upper or Lower World to learn the cause of misfortune and remedy it. His task

    was to wrestle the stolen and tormented soul of the sick man from the spirit

    who had taken it, and this he did either by threats or bribes.

            On some occasions when the sickness might have been caused by the presence

    of an evil spirit in the body of the patient, the shaman had to persuade the

    spirit ot leave the patient and go back to his former abode. The successful s

    shaman was able to do this by making the spirit enter into an animal to be

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    to be sacrificed to him. By killing the animal the spirit was dispatched

    back to the Lower World.

            The ceremonies were complex and not standardized, leaving a great deal

    of room for individual variation. The dramatic recital of the shaman's trip was

    full of poetic imagery and occasional humor. His singing, acting, and drumming

    undoubtedly produced a great effect on the anxious audience in the dimly lit

    yurta .

            The Yakut religion occupied an intermediate position between the Altai–

    Buriat type, on the one hand, where the influence of Zoroastrianism and Lamaism

    was very prominent and resulted in pronounced dualism, a highly organized

    pantheon, and hereditary shamanism; on the other hand, there was the Tungus

    type of hunting religion with its emphasis on spirit owners and animal cults,

    and with shamanism practically restricted to the curing of the sick and exorcism

    of evil spirits.

           

    Art and Knowledge

            Art . Carvings of wood, bone, and ivory were rather crude and were charac–

    terized by rigidity of execution. Realistic representations of human beings and

    animals were avoided and most ornamentation consisted of conventionalized geo–

    metric designs. Ornamented and [ ?] carved bone boxes, combs, and ear picks were

    common, as were woven and embroidered goods and fur rugs.

            They had a dance called the Circle Dance in which both men and women par–

    ticipated. Arm in arm, but in no definite order, they formed a circle and, with

    stamping feet, moved from right to left at a gradually increasing speed.

            Calendar : The year consisted of lunar months and was equal to about six

    months by our count, spring and summer being counted as one year and fall and

    winter as another. The month, consisting of thirty days, was divided into two

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    sections: (1) the new, when the days were counted from one to fifteen, and (2)

    the old, when the days were counted backward from fifteen to one. A special

    device, a small board with holes representing the number of the days in the week

    and days of the month, hung in every house. Certain dates are remembered by

    important events such as floods and epidemics.

            Measures . Measures were linear [ ?] and were usually related to the

    length of some portion of the human body. Such were bylas , length of outstretched

    arms, ullugax , length ofsole of the foot, and ili , fingers. Another method of

    calculation was used for road lengths, which were measured in kos (six miles),

    the distance which could be covered in trav e ling at one in time with all the

    herds and household goods.

            Time of day was determined in connection with milking time. There was a

    unit of time equivalent to the time necessary to cook food in a pot.

            Folk Medicine. The Yakuts had [ ?] folk remedies for many diseases. They

    divided diseases into two [ ?] categories, (1) Russian (syphilis, tuberculosis,

    etc.) and (2) Yakut (minor local diseases).

            Folklore . In conformity with the Yakut elaborate pantheon, native folklore

    is very rich. It consists of many riddles, proverbs, myths and tales of culture

    heroes s , exploits of famous shamans or princes.

            Much attention is now being paid to collecting and preserving this rich

    natural heritage by the Soviet and Yakut cultural workers in a specially created

    Yakut Scientific Institute of Language and Culture, which publishes texts and

    translations and stages radio broadcasts and native plays based on folklore

    traditions.



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    Present-Day Yakutia

            The advent of the Soviet regime brought drastic changes to the native

    populati o ns of eastern Siberia. In addition to administrative and socio-economic

    changes, there was a drive to bring the native groups rapidly up to the general

    level of the country and to develop and utilize the largely virgin resources

    of the region. One of the major factors which changed the Yakut economy was

    the introduction of collective farming, fishing, and hunt i ng; groups of natives

    were organized into kolkhoz with administrative help and direction. The kolkhoz

    settlements changed the character of the Yakut villages, stimulating their

    growth and causing the introduction of schools, hospitals, cultural bases,

    movies, and cooperative organizations. As a result, many natives are changing

    from a semi-nomadic mode of life to living in permanent settlements.

            Many new industries were introduced and others were developed. Production

    of gold is the main industry of the region today and there is a constantly

    growing production of lead, molybdenum, silver, salt, coal, and oil. The con–

    struction of roads and the introduction of water power and electricity have –

    enabled the industry to grow on a much larger scale than in the past. The lumber

    industry, fishing, the leather industry, and construction are likewise encouraged

    and are important factors in [ ?] raising the standard of living of both the

    Russian and native population. The purchasing power of the population increased

    from 25 million rubles in 1928 to 280 million rubles in 1936.

            A concerted effort was made to wipe out illiteracy. In 1917 only 2% of

    the population could read and write, but by 1937 the figure had grown to 75%.

    In 1925 the large-scale publication of books in the Yakut language began and

    a number of [ ?] classical works have been translated. Native arts and

    crafts are encouraged and the Yakut national theater was formed in 1925. Natives

    are encouraged to enter into all branches of science, and medicine and medical care

    of the population has increased tremendously since 1917.



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    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yakuts


    Bibliography

    Böhtlingk, Otto von. Uber die Sprache der Yakuten (St. Petersburg, 1851).

    ----. Zur Jakutischen Grammatik (St. Petersburg, 1859).

    Czaplicka, M. A. Aboriginal Siberia (Oxford, 1914)

    Ergis, G. U. Companion of the Yakut Folklore Collector (Yakutsk, 1945).

    Golomshtok, Eugene A. The Yakut Religion (ms).

    Hecker, N. L. Contribution to the Characterization of the Physical Type of the

    Yakuts (Izvestia of the ESSRGS, vol. 3, pt. 1, Irkutsk, 1896).

    Ionov, V. M. The Problem of the Study of Pre-Christian Beliefs of the Yakuts

    (Sbornik of MAE, vol. 5, pt. 1, Petrograd, 1918).

    Jochelson, Waldemar. Peoples of Asiatic Russia (American Museum of Natural

    History, 1928).

    ----. The Yakut (Anthropological Paper of the American Museum of Natural History,

    vol. 33, pt. 2, New York, 1933).

    Kharusin, N. The Law Customs of the Yakuts (based on material collected by N. P.

    Pripuzov) The Ethnographical Review , no. 2, 1898).

    Khudiakov, I. The Verkhoyansk Volume of Yakut Tales, Songs, Riddles, etc. (Zapiski

    of ESSRGS, Ethnographical Section, Vol. 1, pt. 3, Irkutsk, 1890.

    Kon, F. J. Physiological and Biological Data on the Yakut (Minusinsk, 1899).

    Mainov, I. I. The Yakut (Russian Anthropological Journal, vol. 3, no.4, St. Peters–

    burg, 1902).

    Pekarsky, E. K. Dictionary of the Yakut Language (Academy of Sciences, 12 parts,

    1907-1927).

    Priklonsky, V. A. Materials for Ethnography of the Yakuts of the Yakut Region

    (Izvestia of the ESSRGS, vol. 17, no.1-2, vol.18, Irkutsk, 1887)

    Sieroshevsky, V.A. The Yakut . Vol. 1 (St. Petersburg, 1896).

    Yastremsky, S. V. A Complete Grammar of the Yakut Language (Leningrad, 1934).

           

    Eugene A. Golomshtok

    The Ketts or Yeniseians


    001      |      Vol_VIII-0612                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Eugene A. Golomshtok)


    THE KETTS OR YENISEIANS

            The Yeniseians (Ketts) or Yenisei Ostiaks from a tiny island of Paleo–

    Siberians among the predominantly Neo-Siberian tribes. They form 13% of

    the total population of the Turukhansk district of Eastern Siberia. They

    live along the shores of the Yenisei River and its tributaries, from the

    mouth of the Sym up to the Kureika River, and along the lower part of the

    Podkamenna ya Tunguska, the Yelogui, Kureika, Bakhta, Imbat, and Surgutikha

    rivers.

            The Yenisei River in its middle course is wide and there are a number

    of islands covered wi t h trees and grass. It is 50 feet deep and is abundant

    in fish. The shores of the river and its tributaries are covered with forest

    along the upper course and with marshes near the mouth. Winters are severe

    with a great deal of snow, and summers are dry and hot. The average winter

    temperature is 20° below zero Centigrade.

           

    Divisions

            Originally the Ketts were a large group, but due to assimilation, disease,

    and war they greatly decreased in number, and there is a discrepancy in the

    figures on their present number. While the official Soviet census of 1926-27

    gives the figure 1,046 (969 nomadic and 77 sedentary) and later figures (1934)

    indicate an increase to 1,164, a detailed breakdown, evidently on the basis of

    the same census, shows several hundred more.



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    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

           

    Distribution

            With the exception of a small sedentary group of 12 families, numbering

    about 70 (the Dogun group), the Ketts are seminomadic and, according to the

    territory they cover, may be divided into the following seven groups:

            1. The Podkemennaya Tunguska group, which in 1926 numbered 58 house–

    holds or 301 people. In the spring they start from their camps to the mouth

    of this river for their annual fair. They spend the summer on the Yenisei,

    fishing in and around the mouth of the Podkamennaya Tunguska. In the fall

    they gather near their coope rat ive on Chernyi Island, and spread out in both

    directions along the river shores, sometimes as far as 250 kilometers from

    the Yenisei. The winter snow is very heavy here, and unsuitable for reindeer.

    They spend the winter (6 to 8) months hunting squirrels and other fur-bearing

    game in the mountain region, which is quite isolated from the rest of the Ketts

    and the Russians.

            2. The Dybches group — 8 families, 32 people — who live in the basin

    of the Dybches River, in low lands covered with pine forest.

            3. The Yelogui group — 56 families, 295 people — who spend both winter

    and summer on the Yelogui River, the basin of which is low and marshy, with

    pine forests quite suitable for reindeer breeding, which they learned from

    the Selkups (Ostiako-Samoyeds).

            4. The Upper Tez group is usually classified with the Selkups because

    this group of Ketts borrowed the language and many features of material culture

    from them. They number 19 families and 95 persons.

            5. The Upper Imbat group — 57 families, 324 people — have bases on the

    banks of the Yenisei, where they fish in summer and in winter hunt various game,

    including wild reindeer.



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    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

            6. The Turukhansk group — 23 families, 106 people — who live near

    the city of Turukhansk on the Yenisei.

            7. The Kureika group are the northernmost of the Ketts — 121 families

    with 249 people.

           

    Physical Anthropology

            The present-day Ketts show a strong admixture in their physical type.

    Two main types are indicated: (a) narrow and long face zone, with long nose —

    Americanold; and (b) wide faces, prominent cheekbones, small narrow eyes —

    Mongoloid. The basic Americanoid type is mixed with the Mongoloid, and with

    the light European, so that some round-headed people have long noses and

    straight eyes but prominent cheekbones. Generally their hair is finer and

    lighter in color than that of the other Yenisei valley tribes.

            Only meager data on physical measurements are available: stature in males,

    158.7 cm.; females, 152 cm.; cephalic index, 83.1; cephalo-facial index, 79.1,

    with no facial index or sex differentiation given.

            Before the Revolution it was reported that 30% of the sedentary group

    of Ketts had syphilis, and trachoma was found almost universally. In addition,

    they suffered from scurvy, and f v arious forms of hysteria.

           

    Language

            The Kett language occupies an unique position among its neighbors, as

    well as among all other north-Asiatic peoples and its classification among

    the Paleo-Asiatic languages is merely a formal one. In its structure, lexical

    character, and morphology, the Kett language is close to the now extinct lan–

    guages of the Arines, Assams and Ketts who inhabited the slopes of the Sayan

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    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

    Mountains and were completely Turkicized by the end of the 18th century.

            Some of the characteristic features of this language are: change of root

    vowels in the formation of plural nouns; different endings in the genitive

    for animate and inanimate objects; the formation of conjugation forms by pre–

    fixing a personal pronoun to the verb root (in some cases with a change in

    the root vowel); often there are male and female designations in pronouns and

    predicates.

            These modifications do not follow the pattern of Mongoloid languages,

    and investigators have indicated various parallels with different language

    groups: with Tibetan and Burmese (Ramstead); with Chinese, Japanese, and Indo–

    Chinese (Kai Donner); and with Sumerian, Hittite, and American Indian (Marr).

            At present, about 78% of the Ketts speak an imperfect Russian.

           

    History

            The early history of the Yeniseians and their origin still remains an

    unsolved riddle. The linguistic and archaeological evidence extant has re–

    sulted in a divergence of opinion among both Russian and foreign specialists

    regarding their origin, the origin of their language, and of their knowledge

    of reindeer.

            Archaeological and quasi-historical evidence, coupled with the fact that

    some groups use the self name Din , has prompted some investigators to derive

    the Yeniseians from the fair-skinned, light-haired, blue-eyed peoples called

    Din-lin, mentioned in the Chinese annals as far back as the second century B.C.,

    who shared these characteristics with the Uigurs and the Khakas (Kirghiz). One

    group of Din-lins lived between the Ural and the Altai, and the other north of

    the territory of the Kirghiz, with whom they warred frequently along the Yenisei

    River.



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    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

            The evidence of physical anthropology is far from being conclusive. The

    present Ketts differ from their neighbors the Samoyeds, the Tungus, and the

    Selkups in that their hair is lighter and some blue-eyed individuals are found

    among them, which may possibly represent an admixture with the Russians.

            Apparently the Ketts and the related tribes of the Assams and the Arines

    were comparatively numberous in the beginning of our era. Some were killed

    off by invading Samoyeds and others became Turkicized, so that only a small

    number remained who still retained the original language.

            By the end of the 16th century Russian traders reached the territory of

    the Ketts. In 1600, Miron Sheklovsky and Danila Khripunov reached the Taz

    River and built a fortress, the future town of Mangazeya. In 1607 they built

    another fortress at the mouth of the Turukhansk River (the present Turukhansk)

    and subjugated the Imbats, as they called the Ketts of the Imbat River.

            Thus, by the 17th century, the Russians found the descendants of the Din–

    lins in this region largely Turkicized and subjugated by the Kirghiz; and only

    small groups of Arines, Assams, and Ketts still preserved their original lan–

    guage. The first two tribes soon became extinct and the bulk of the Ketts mixed

    with the Ostiaks and Samoyeds. Some investigators consider the present Ostiako–

    Samoyeds (the Selkups) as Samoyedized Ketts.

            The first scientific study of the Ketts was made by the great linguist,

    A. Castren, who traveled in their country during the middle of the 19th century

    and compiled a grammar and dictionary. Kai Donner, Hans Findesin, and V. I.

    Anuchin also contributed to our knowledge of their culture, along with the mis–

    cellaneous accounts of travelers. Since the Revolution, considerable work has

    been done by Soviet scientists both in the further study of the language and in

    archaeological investigations.



    006      |      Vol_VIII-0617                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

            Measures to preserve the cultural identity of this small group have

    been taken by the Soviet Government which introduced the alaphabet, schools,

    medical help, cooperatives for fishing and hunting, etc. A number of Ketts

    have studied in the Leningrad Institute of Northern Tribes and later have

    come back to their people to take positions as teachers, etc. At present,

    there are some Ketts who are university graduates.

            The reconstruction of native economy and the process of collectivization

    have caused a gradual change to a sedentary mode of life. In 1923 the Ketts

    were organized into clan soviets, and elections at conventions were introduced.

           

    Occupation

            Hunting was the primary occupation of the Ketts, and was done mostly

    on foot, as only a small portion of the Ketts had reindeer. Fishing and

    cedar-nut gathering were auxiliary occupations. Generally the Ketts would

    spend the summers along the rivers and in winter move toward the forests for

    nomadic hunting. Squirrel hunting was the most important, with the hunting

    of sable, fox, kolinsky, ermine, etc. playing a lesser role.

            The Ketts may be divided into three groups according to their occupations:

    (a) The Northern Ketts, wandering along the Kureika and Turukhansk rivers,

    had a typical forest-tundra economy. They fished a great deal, did much hunt–

    ing, and used reindeer transporta ion. (b) In contrast to these Northern Ketts,

    there is the Podkamennaya Tunguska group who had a purely forest economy. They

    had no reindeer, and used a special type of boat - ilimka — dogs, and large

    boats for transportation. (c) The third group, living on the western shore of

    the Yenisei, may be classified as being somewhere between these two. Their

    economy was based on forest hunting, but because of the decrease in squirrels

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0618                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

    and increase in sables, and the proximity of the forest-tundra region of the

    Taz River, they gradually adopted the use of reindeer for transportation. Al–

    most two-thirds of this group have reindeer, although they still use dogs and

    boats for transportation.

            In hunting, the Ketts used guns (mostly in the south) and traps (in the

    north). Squirrels constituted 80 to 98% of the total value of the furs hunted.

    The hunting season began about the middle of October and lasted until about

    the first of the year. The most intensive period was from the middle of Nov–

    ember to the middle of December, when the hunters did not return to their

    earthen huts for weeks at a time. A good hunter might kill up to 1,000 squir–

    rels, with 600 considered average.

            Since January is the coldest and darkest month of the year, the Ketts

    rested during this time. In February they would migrate to distant regions,

    wandering with their households from valley to valley. During this time they

    hunted bear (using a forked spear), hare, kolinsky, fox, ermine (using traps),

    and elk. Elk were hunted on snowshoes, by driving the animals into pits cover–

    ed with branches, or capturing them at watering places. Fifteen to twenty elk

    were considered average for the season. They constituted the bulk of the meat,

    and the skin was also used.

            Birds were hunted during the summer from canoes. The Ketts were prohibit–

    ed from shooting the eagle, but they could pluck the feathers from young birds

    found in nests to feather their arrows.

            Reindeer breeding among the Ketts was very primitive and was practiced

    only by a small group, situated along the upper Taz River. There was no reindeer

    breeding on the right, or eastern, shore of the Yenisei. Even among those Ketts

    who owned reindeer no one family had more than 100, and out of 95 families who

    008      |      Vol_VIII-0619                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

    had reindeer in the 1926-27 census 60% had less than 10.

            Like their neighbors the Selkups, the Ketts used reindeer only when

    there was snow on the ground, and let them loose during the rest of the year.

    This neglect of the herds, particularly of the pregnant cows, resulted in a

    great annual loss, which was disastrous for owners of small herds.

            This primitive mode of reindeer domestication, so unlike that of other

    Siberian groups, has suggested to some authorities that the Ketts evolved this

    trait independently. However, the bulk of evidence seems to point to the fact

    that they adopted reindeer breeding from their neighbors, the Selkups. In the

    course of their history the Ketts apparently became mixed with Samoyedic elements,

    not with the reindeer-breeding group — the traditional enemies of the forest

    people — but with the Selkups (literally the forest people) who were not too

    far advanced in their development. While the Selkups moved northward along the

    Ob-Yenisei water divide toward the upper Taz, the Ketts proceeded parallel to

    them along the Yenisei.

            The Ketts and Selkups show many traits in common: similarity of tools,

    fishing and hunting methods; similar types of dwelling construction; a similar

    system of reckoning relationship, and in shaman's dress. The main difference

    between them is that the Selkups were reindeer breeders, while most of the Ketts

    were hunters on foot.

            In places the Ketts even adopted the Selkup language, almost losing their

    tribal identity. Thus, sixteen Kett families along the upper Tax, with the

    surname Irikov, derived from the Kett clan Konyn, were not included in any of

    the Selkup clans but had forgotten their own tongue, spoke Selkup, and wandered

    in Selkup territory.

            The following tale taken from Kett folklore supports the view that the

    009      |      Vol_VIII-0620                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

    Ketts were primarily hunters:

            "The God Yez created a reindeer and ordered the people to prepare to

    accept this gift. The sly Tungus (Khenby) killed an elk and cut its hide into

    strips from which they made a net. The Ketts also made a net, but they used

    the birch bark (tiski) that they used to cover their tents.

            "The reindeer thrown to the Tungus was caught in the strong net, but the

    one thrown to the Ketts broke the birch-bark net and ran away. From this time

    on, wild reindeer appeared, so that while the Tungus have domesticated re indeer,

    we, the Ketts, have none."

            Another story relates that the Ketts first got reindeer while warring

    with the Samoyeds.

            Fishing was practiced by all the Kett group. Most of the catch was for

    domestic use, but some was sold. Various methods were used:

            A long ro pe was stretched across the river. Shorter ropes with large,

    sharp hooks were suspended at intervals from the long rope, supported by cork

    floats. (This method was borrowed from the Russians.) Wooden grills, varying

    in length from 2 or 3 meters to 100 meters (for large streams) were set across

    the body of water, with a gate leading to the trap, or a sleeve from which the

    fish were taken. Nets ( negspokl ), belonging to several families, were also

    used; formerly these were made of cedar-root fiber or willow bark, and later

    of rope. Wooden hooks (liume) were made of an angle-shaped branch (the short

    end at a 40° angle), carefully sharpened and tied to cedar-root lines about

    35 feet long.

            The Ketts also used night fires as lures for the fish, which they then

    killed with iron harpoons. These harpoons ( kvoligos ) had three teeth, were

    native-made, and ended in a point which was set into a shaft. Various types

    010      |      Vol_VIII-0621                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

    of basket traps were also used.

            The main type of Kett water transportation was the ilimka , a boat about

    8 meters long, with a compartment in the center in the shape of a birch hut

    with a gabled roof, about 3 X 1-1/2 x 1-1/2 meters, divided by a partition —

    the front section for people, the back for storage. A mast for a sail was set

    in the center of the cabin. The river was crossed by using cars, or, when

    the wind was right, the sail was used. For passage along the shore, the women

    and dogs pulled the boat. This type of boat was introduced in comparatively

    recent times and was borrowed from the Russians about a century ago. Its name

    was derived from the Ilim River, a tributary of the Angara.

            Smaller boats were also used. Dugout canoes were used mostly in the

    southern regions, in shallow waters, for fast communication with the heavy,

    slow-moving ilimka . Other canoes were made of aspen, cedar, or pine. They

    varied in length from 6 to 14 meters and from 35 to 60 cm. in thickness. The

    felled tree was carefully shaped, and any cracks resulting from uneven thick–

    ness were filled with pitch. Additional boards could be sewn to the sides

    with cedar-root fibers. The cars had lance-shaped blades and slightly oval

    handles, made of one piece of wood (not board). These canoes were very light

    and easily upset, but were skillfully handled by the Ketts.

            Since early times the Ketts have used dogs for hunting and transportation,

    and sometimes their skin was used for clothing. One or two dogs were used to

    pull a sleigh (in contrast to the use of 5 to 7 dogs who swiftly carried the

    sleighs in the northern regions). During the winter wanderings, the men of

    the group would go ahead on snow shoes, often dragging small sleighs themselves.

    They were followed by the dog-drawn sleighs, which in turn were followed by

    sleighs drawn by women. Usually, the Ketts had more sleighs than dogs.



    011      |      Vol_VIII-0622                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

            The Kett dogs were long-haired and of various colors, and mixed with

    Russian mongrels, more like the Ostiak dogs than the short-haired, well–

    built Tungus dogs.

           

    Dwellings

            The Ketts had two basic types of dwelling. One type was the semisub–

    terranean hut bangus , 1.5 meters deep, 3 to 3-1/2 meters wide, covered by

    several layers of sewn birch bark stretched on poles and covered with earth,

    with a small hearth made of poles smeared with clay or, more recently, of

    brick. The door was of crudely jointed wooden boards. Sometimes these semi–

    subterranean huts had two rooms: an entrance room, covered with fir branches

    and supported by a low frame used for storage only, and an inner living room

    which sometimes had a window with an ice pane. This hut was used during the

    "small" run (short hungting period) from the beginning of December to the be–

    ginning of February. The old and sick lived in these huts throughout the year.

            The kuss was a conical tent used both during winter and summer. It was

    covered with strips of birch bark, and a special flap for the door. These

    strips — 1 meter wide and 3 meters long — were first boiled in water and

    then sewn together with bought woolen thread and were inexpensive and waterproof.

    In winter this cover was several layers thick and was used during the "long

    run;" in summer only one layer was used. The tent itself was about 3 to 4

    meters in diameter, and 2 to 3 meters high. The frame had 16 to 20 poles,

    each 5 or 6 meters long. There was no special fireplace, and the fire was

    made right on the ground. Entering this hut one would find, to the left of

    the door, firewood, then the cooking utensils and food; next, the sleeping

    place of the parents, then (opposite the door) for the younger children, the

    012      |      Vol_VIII-0623                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

    boys, next for the guests, then for the daughters; then a place for mis–

    cellaneous objects and then, to the right of the door, more firewood. In

    smaller families, the parents would sleep to the left of the door and the

    children to the right. The bedding consisted of boiled birch bark sewn to–

    gether, and reindeer skins to lie on. Reindeer rugs were lined with hare

    skins, and when traveling, the household objects were packed in these skins.

    The sleeping quarters of married couples were separated from the rest by

    cloth curtains. A crude conical tent covered with fir branches served as a

    storage house.

            This type of hut was easily dismantled (part of the women's work), and

    transportable. The Ketts preferred it to the Russian-type wooden house in

    summer because it was better ventilated. A few Ketts, living in the southern

    outskirts of the tundra where timber was abundant, built log huts which they

    would use in winter for several years in succession.

           

    Dress

            The comparatively modern dress of the Yeniseians represented a combina–

    tion of the old native dress and the influence of modern times.

            The summer coat, kotlyma , was a short coat, formerly made of white rein–

    deer skin and later of cloth, which reached to the knees, with decorations

    along the shoulders and the edges. The winter coat was of fur with a squirrel

    lining, of the same cut as the summer coat. Both winter and summer coats were

    worn with the right side overlapping the left (like the Ainu, and unlike the

    Tungus).

            The pants, slepk , were formerly made of tanned reindeer skin and later

    of cloth. Woolen or cotton stockings reaching to the knee replaced the early

    013      |      Vol_VIII-0624                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

    use of leggings which reached to the belt.

            Footgear consisted of leather shoes or, in winter, reindeer-hide shoes.

    Elk skin was also used for shoe lining. No hats were worn, only white cotton

    kerchiefs protected the head. The neck was left uncovered. The women wore

    cloth dresses in summer and fur coats in winter. Both sexes braided their

    hair, and among some of the forest clans the men wrapped their braids in green

    cloth. Both sexes wore cotton underwear which they rarely changed. Only the

    bachelors bathed naked. Married men would not show the naked body and even

    during the hot summer weather would go into the water fully clothed. The

    Ketts washed their faces daily sometimes using soap.

            Reindeer or bear skin served as bedding, and there were many parasites

    in the clothing and bedding.

           

    Food

            The food of the Yeniseians was generally boiled and sometimes broiled.

    Fish was prepared in several ways. It was often eaten raw, or in dried form

    ( itn ), which was done by splitting, stretching, and drying the fish in the

    sun, or it might be made into a flour. For this the fish was cooked in a

    kettle until all the water evaporated, and then it was kept on a low fire

    until it changed into a fatty yellow flour, porsa .

            They ate the meat of elk, hare, squirrel, and bird, and bear meat was

    considered a great delicacy. Often pancakes were used instead of the bread

    which they bought from the Russians. They could also buy flour and do the

    baking themselves in small ovens which they built in their temporary stopping

    places.



    014      |      Vol_VIII-0625                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

           

    Social Organization

            Before the Revolution the Ketts were divided by the Russians into two

    and then three Upravas (administrative units). After the Revolution they

    were divided into six Soviets, still however, preserving their own clan

    divisions.

            B. Dolgikh, who did research on the Ketts in 1927, cites four clans:

    the Khanta, Bogdei, Konyn, and Olgyt, but apparently the Khanta and Olgyt

    were the two basic clans. Thus, the Bogdi, according to Kett tradition, were

    the result of a split from the Khanta, even though they were mentioned in the

    annals as early as 1629. (The names may be translated as follows: Khanta –

    the Kan people, or, according to Kett translation, the ring on the ski pole;

    the Bogdi - the Flaming Ones; the Konyn - the Pine Needles; and the Olgyt –

    Water or Water People.

            The clan were exogamic, but did not necessarily live in one locality.

    While members of different clans lived together, and exchanged brides, those

    from the clans which were the result of splitting could not intermarry.

            In the Podkammenaya Tunguska and the Yelogui groups there were 114 fam–

    ilies, 42 of which were of the Khanta clan, 55 Bogdi, and 3 Konyn, the clan

    affiliations of the others unknown. The northern Ketts belonged mostly to

    the Konyn and the Olgyt clans.

           

    Marriage

            Marriages were arranged by the parents of the young people. Very often

    the marriage took place at a very early age, and girls of fourteen of fifteen

    had children. Sometimes the bride and groom would not know each other before

    the marriage.



    015      |      Vol_VIII-0626                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

            The shaman played an important role in the marriage ceremony. The Ketts

    would sit on the ground in a circle around the young couple. In the circle

    with them were the shaman and another young man, his helper. The couple was

    covered with a cloth. The shaman slowly circled around the couple, singing

    all the time, drumstick in hand, but not beating the drum. His helper would

    follow and also sing in a recitative style. From time to time the shaman would

    toss the drumstick ( khaubl ) to someone in the audience, who would throw it back.

            After about half an hour, the bride, still covered, was taken into her

    husband's hut. After the marriage, if there were evidences of defloration, the

    bed was ceremonially shot to pieces with guns.

            The bridal price consisted of 300 squirrels, two or three copper kettles,

    and some manufactured cloth, and was payable before the ceremony. Afterward

    a feast followed.

            The Ketts were very fond of the Tungus Women, especially because they

    were better squirrel hunters than their own Kett women, but the traditional

    tribal endogamy forbade taking wives from other tribes.

            Generally the sedentary groups had smaller families than the nomadic

    groups.

            Some of the Kett beliefs were as follows: Everything that exists has a

    soul. Man has secen souls, and an animal one. The souls exist always and are

    immortal, living in either men or animals, or outside their bodies.

           

    Birth and Death

            An unborn infant has one to six souls received from those animals or

    plants that were eaten by the mother. A few days before birth it receives

    the principal soul, ulwej , which causes warmth in the mother's womb and thus

    016      |      Vol_VIII-0627                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

    induces labor spasms. But this soul is always just outside the man's body, and

    is actually his alter ego. Any sickness is really something that happens to

    the ulwej .

            Sometimes labor pains could be alleviated if the woman confessed illicit

    sex relations. It was believed that the unborn child was separated from the

    mother's bowels by a caul which was released with the afterbirth. The placenta

    was wrapped in birch bark and hung on a tree. The umbilical cord was preserved

    and kept near the child, and the stump was later sewn in a skin which was

    embroidered and fastened to the back of the child's fur coat. If it disap–

    peared, the child would die.

            A stillborn child was buried in a hole carved in a cedar tree and covered

    with wood and bark.

            The Ketts believed that a man dies when the goddess Khosadam devours man's

    chief soul, ulwej . But the goddess does did not know that this soul is immortal

    and that it is released with her excrements or her vomit. Often Alba , the

    heavenly blacksmith, would frighten her so much that she would have diarrhoea

    and thus liberate many souls, or Alba might hang her upside down and thus many

    souls would be vomited up.

            After death it was believed that all the souls stay in an enormous cave

    in the Lower World, where the only animal is the mammoth. There was no sun

    or stars, only complete darkness. The souls did nothing there, and after a

    certain period would come on the earth again as animals or plants.

            It was believed that the soul of a bear is a dead man's soul. When the

    time comes for a bear to die he goes to his relative, man, so that the man may

    kill him and liberate the ulwej . After the animal had been killed, the man

    would try to discover whose soul was living in the body of the bear. He did

    017      |      Vol_VIII-0628                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

    this by using the paw for divination and asking, "Who came , ? Grandmother or

    grandfather?" The bear was venerated and after a kill a special festival

    was held. The spoils of the hunt belonged to the group, the skin to the one

    who first tracked down the animal. When a man would eat too much bear fat

    at a bear festival and become sick, it was a sign that he would find no more

    bears. When a man was wounded by a bear, he would remain lying on the ground

    and the next day he would be given bear blood to drink.

            After the festival, an image of a man was made on a piece of board and

    together with the bear's gall bladder was hidden in a tree hollow.

            There was no special ancestor veneration among the Ketts, nor were mem–

    orial services held. The dead were not feared. While the coffin was being

    prepared the covered body was left lying on a bench. Formerly the bodies were

    buried in canoes or sleds, which had been previously broken, and personal be–

    longings were placed with the body. In later times burial was usually in a

    primitive coffin, which was covered with a piece of boiled birch bark. A

    broken cup was placed near the head, which was pointed eastward. Before the

    coffin was lowered into the grave, a fire was lighted, and as soon as the

    grave was filled the fire was extinguished.

            Sometimes a high tree stump was split and hollowed out. The body was p

    placed in this hollow and covered with the other half of the stump and secured

    with wooden hoops.

            The burial ground was always on an elevated place. A bunch of pine

    branches or a forked stick was placed on the grave, or, in recent times, the

    cross came into use.

            After the burial, the Ketts would sit silently for a while around a light–

    ed fire. After each of them had stepped over the fire in turn, the fire was

    018      |      Vol_VIII-0629                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

    extinguished and they would all go into the hut where the memorial feast took

    place.

           

    Religion

            The Ketts religion represents a combination of hunting beliefs and a

    strongly developed professional shamanism, but without differentiation into

    black and white shamans. Some of their religious concepts were: The universe

    consists of three parts equal to each other — the Upper World, the Lower

    World, and separating these a flat disk, the earth, which is the Middle World,

    the abode of people, animals, and souls of those who have committed some crime.

    These souls wander at night and feed on men whom they capture.

            Above the earth are seven layers of heaven, the Upper World, the abode

    of the great deity Es , who lives in a great birch bark tent, inhabited by the

    souls of Ketts who did not commit crimes. Below the earth are also seven layers

    of the Lower World with its own forests, rivers, mountains, and inhabited by

    the Lower World people who live much as the Ketts do. Around the earth are

    seven seas.

            The sun is a heavenly fire and each layer of heaven has its own sun.

    The moon, Khyp, is the grandfather. The fire, Bok , is referred to as Bokam ,

    Mother Fire, and is venerated. It is much disliked by the chief evil goddess,

    Khosadam .

            The Kett pantheon is headed by a male deity Es , visualized as an old man

    with a black beard, dressed in Kett clothing, who can not be seen, and if one

    sees him one becomes blind. Es lives above the seventh heaven in a transpar–

    ent palace, is kind, and omnipotent, but does not participate much in Kett lives,

    relegating this to a multitude of secondary spirits, warriors, and great shamans,

    019      |      Vol_VIII-0630                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

    his helpers. Once a year, on the longest spring day, he reviews the earth.

    On this day a special festival is held during which the women perform an erotic

    dance. According to other accounts, Es is a symbol of the sky. He may grant

    good luck.

            Some measure of dualism (already evident in the Upper and Lower World

    concepts, was expressed in the position occupied by the main evil spirit

    Khosadam (or Khosedenbam ), a female deity, formerly the wife of Es . Once

    Khosadam and her many servants went to the moon ( Khyp ) whom she married. The

    angry Es threw her down to earth, and now she lives there in a stone house

    which stands at the end of the world, far away on the sea where the waters of

    the Upper World empty into the Lower World. This evil spirit Khosadam was a

    symbol of cold, darkness, and epidemic who feeds on human flesh. The other

    spirits exiled with her were the own to earth and fell in various places, be–

    coming the evil spirits of the forest, mountains, marshes, etc. The spots on

    the moon are traces of Khosadam's life there. The moon was also punished and

    was forced to tell people the time and the weather.

            According to other accounts, the evil goddess lives in an ice hut on "dead

    men's island," where she was driven after many battles by the powerful warrior

    Alba . She reigns there with a mass of lesser evil spirits collectively called

    kyn and sends sickness and storms to people. The Ketts made a wooden image of

    kyn as a black bird, either with a snake's head or with a sharp beak curving

    downward. The mournful groaning of the wind is the cry of kyn . Numerous

    stories were told about the feud between Khosadam and the heavenly blacksmith

    Alba and the great shaman Dokh, relating the adventures of this great shaman

    who existed on earth when the gods lived there, his struggle against Khosadam,

    and his creating the half-wood, half-iron trees which grow in her country.



    020      |      Vol_VIII-0631                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

            Other evil spirits included the spirit of the forest - Litys - who is

    hairy as a bear, leaves reindeer tracks, is very lascivious, and at times

    rapes women who then give birth to monsters.

            The spirit of the water, Ullitys , a gray-bearded man, lives in the water

    and hibernates during the winter. He is not very harmful for he only tangles

    the fishing nets. Ullitiskim , the daughters of Ullitys , the water numphs or

    "white women," love the moon, sing beautifully, and lure men. The spirit of

    the mountain, Dototam , is an echo, assumes the shape of night birds, and his

    best friend is the bat.

            Third in importance was a benevolent female deity, Tomam , (Tom-mother).

    She lives in the south in a beautiful palace and is extremely beautiful: "her

    eyes are like the sky, and her cheeks like a sunset." Every spring she appears

    on the shore of the Yenisei and scatters the dawn from her sleeves, which is

    transformed into the geese, swans, and ducks that fly to the Ketts.

            There was a group of strong men, warriors, or cultural heroes who former–

    ly were mortals and lived on the earth. For their great deeds and to protect

    the Ketts from their enemies, they were taken to live in the first three heavens.

    The chief among them is Alba , the heavenly blacksmith, who has a great hammer

    with which he crushes rocks. He made a track on the sky, the Milky Way. When

    he returns to earth the good life will return forever for the Ketts.

            Next in importance was a series of great shamans with Dokh as their leader.

    They have the power to resurrect the dead, and they live in the sky. Most of

    the incantations of the shamans end with the statement: " Ton Dokh daskasiha ,"

    (thus saith Dokh.)

            Finally, there were eskinsi , heavenly spirits who live in the sky and

    serve Es . Some of them, in the shape of metal figurines and pendants, are the

    021      |      Vol_VIII-0632                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

    helpers of the shamans.

            Alalt was the Master, or Owner. There are Alalt's of various animals,

    such as Squirrel Alalt, Mice Alalt, etc. The House Alalt is a female spirit,

    the keeper of house and hearth. At night she takes care of the household,

    chases away the evil spirits, caresses sleeping children and braids their hair,

    keeps the fire burning, and helps in household work. If a stranger stays for

    the night, Alalt keeps the master from sleeping too soundly.

            The images of the House Alalt were made of cedar, and represent a crudely

    hewn small human statuette dressed in cloth and furs, and kept out of sight

    in a box, a miniature sled. It was inherited as the bulk of the property by

    the youngest son. When a man built a new home, he made an image of Alalt,

    and with the help of a shaman would induce the spirit to live in his house

            A typical diving myth accounts for the creation of the earth when the

    great shaman Dokh sent a bird to dive downtto the bottom of the sea and bring

    back some mud out of which he made the earth.

            Usually it was said that Es "gave," sent, men and animals. One story

    tells about a world where there were no men, and the women in need of pleasure

    used to go to the forest where phalluses grew in abundance. One lazy woman

    decided to bring one home, but while she was using it, it got stuck, so that

    neither she nor anyone else could take it out. Then Es sent a man who at that

    time had no phallus, and he was able to take it out. The grateful woman started

    to give him food and wine, so that soon both his hands were occupied. He put

    the phallus between his legs so that he could use both hands and the phallus

    became attached to his body.

            The four points of the compass were in relation to the Yenisei: uta , up–

    stream, south; tyna , down, north; tynban , the stone earth, east; and ulban , the

    water earth, west.



    022      |      Vol_VIII-0633                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

            The Ketts distinguished a number of stars: the Big Dipper, called Kaj ,

    the elk; Venus, Khynkakh , the morning star, the oldest of the shaman's stars;

    Orion, seld , the head of a reindeer, used by the great Alba .

           

    Shamanism

            No one could learn to be a shaman ( senin , temde , senim ) — one had to be

    born with this gift. Shamanism among the Ketts was hereditary, transmitted

    from parent to child, with a sex alternation each time: father to daughter,

    then to her son and to his daughter. If the turn was missed, for example, if

    a male shaman's daughter did not become a shaman, then it was transmitted to

    one of her sons, etc.

            Each future shaman received a "call" from his ancestor who appeared to

    the novice accompanied by a multitude of spirit helpers who would not leave

    him alone and caused him to wish to dance and sing. If a man resisted this

    call, he might die. In the state of transition to his profession he received

    the gift of clairvoyance; he behaved in a peculiar way, often cried without

    cause, and was easily frightened. He was seeking "his shamanistic road:"

    there were seven paths before him and he had to find the real one or he would

    become insane. This lasted from one month to two years.

            Once the shamn had found his road and had become the master of his spirits,

    he ordered a drum and drumstick to be made and received the title of Khyny–

    senin
    — the small shaman. The first drumstick was made of rotten wood because

    it would not be needed for very long. There was no initiation ceremony. About

    a year later the shaman ordered a new drumstick and head and chest pieces, and

    thus becmme a real shaman. He gradually ordered the other parts of his costume

    to be made in ritually prescribed succession.



    023      |      Vol_VIII-0634                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

            The Kett shaman paraphernalia was among the most elaborate in the whole

    of Siberia. It consisted of 10 items which the shaman received in the follow–

    ing order:

            1. The cedar drumstick ( Khat-bul ); the drum's leg had one side covered

    with reindeer skin; the other was decorated and the metal figurine of a lizard

    was attached. The lizard was a symbol of the third leg, which helped the shaman

    in his travels, and was used for fortune telling.

            2. The head band, sendady , the shaman's hat (received after one year)

    was a piece of cloth or reindeer skin which covered the forehead and was tied

    at the back. It kept the hair from the eyes and was supposed to protect the

    shaman's head from enemy blows in the same manner as the crown would later.

    Only male shamans received the crown, while the women retained the head band.

            3. The breast piece, kutn , also made of reindeer skin, was about 53 cm.

    long and 13 to 18 cm. wide (wider at the bottom). It was tied to the breast

    by strings around the neck and chest, and decorated with painted figures, copper

    and iron pendants, representing the great shaman, the sun, the moon, and leg–

    endary warriors, and was embroidered with reindeer hair. The ornaments usually

    represented a stylized penis and vulva, symbols of propagation and of the

    shaman's strength. The phallic motif was also found in other parts of the

    shaman's dress, and figures prominently in Yeniseian folklore.

            4. Shoes were of the usual design but decorated with black paint (made

    of soot mixed with fish glue) with representations of the phallus, men, trees,

    and stars. In addition there were several metal figurines representing a bear's

    thigh bone, leg, or paw designed to give the shaman's feet supernatural strength.

            5. Gloves of reindeer or elk hide were similarly decorated with embroid–

    ery and pendants.



    024      |      Vol_VIII-0635                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

            6. The drum, khas , was round in form and about 80 cm. in diameter.

    The making of a drum was a festival in which everyone in the camp participated

    except the shaman himself, who only directed the work. The rim was made of

    that portion of cedar which faces south. The women prepared the reindeer skin

    for the covering. The outer part of the skin was decorated with painted de–

    signs representing the whole world: the seven seas, the entrance into the Lower

    World, the seven heavens, the shaman, the sun, and the moon. A wooden handle

    with cut-out designs transversed the drum from the inner side across the dia–

    meter. Figurines and rattling objects (two-headed birds, the Dokh's eagle,

    a swan, grebes, etc.) were suspended on a network of iron rods and leather

    thongs which crisscrossed the inner side of the drum.

            During his lifetime the shaman would change his drums several times (from

    3 to 7 times). The first drum had no figurines, and each successive one was

    more ornately decorated, as the shaman's power increased. When the shaman

    died, the drum had to be broken by a hard blow.

            7. The staff was made of a thin iron rod, about a meter in length, termin–

    ating in either a trident or a double prong. Several short crosspieces showed

    the degree of the shaman's power. A shaman who had no drum would strike his

    staff, which he would hold in his left hand. If he had a drum, he alternated its

    use with the staff.

            8. The cape and crown of the shaman were his two highest attributes and

    were acquired only after many years of experience. The cape was made of rein–

    deer skin in the form of a coat, short in the front and open, but in the back

    it terminated in a long pointed tail (possibly the symbol of a bird). (It was

    the eagle who taught the Yeniseians how to shamanize, and thus the shaman could

    "fly"). Formerly the shaman killed a male reindeer, and with its blood sprinkled

    025      |      Vol_VIII-0636                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

    the metal pendants which he inherited. The cutting, sewing, and painting

    of designs was done by women, but the men attached the metal pendants. The

    shaman would fast for three to seven days before using a new coat. All the

    pendants were on the back (unlike the custom of other Siberian tribes).

            Most of the pendants had a symbolic meaning and represented reindeer

    horns, an eagle with the "wise snake," the grebe, the earth with seven seas

    and roads, the sun, the Milky Way, and the "shaman's sun," which would light

    his way during his travels. The representation of the ulwej , the shaman's

    soul, occupied an important place; and tiny copper and iron spears and a

    staff served as the shaman's supernatural arms.

            9. The crown was received at the same time as the cape. It was made

    of three iron bands. One formed a ring which encircled the head; the second

    was bent to form a half-circle in the form of a dome, atop which iron rein–

    deer horns were fixed; the third, also a semicircle, bent upward in a knife

    shape, and served to cut through the clouds in the shaman's travels.

            10. The second drum was almost the same shape as the first, but was

    acquired only when the shaman had attained the rank of Great Shaman, for only

    then could he have two drums simultaneously. On such an occasion there was

    great festivity in the camp. The position of Great Shaman was rare and diffi–

    cult and carried with it many responsibilities. Few attained it, usually only

    very old men.

            The functions of the shaman were to tell the future, to divine and prophesy,

    to cure, and to drive away the evil spirits. He would drive away the evil

    spirits at childbirth, going around the hut which he was not permitted to enter.

    He would determine the object from which the child's soul came and name the

    child, making a number of predictions. In marriage, he predicted good luck,

    026      |      Vol_VIII-0637                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians

    and in death he could tell whether the soul had departed to the Upper or

    Lower World.

            The Ketts turned to the shaman with every misfortune — lack of chil–

    dren, loss of something, bad luck in hunting, illness, etc. Finally, he

    could shamanize for entertainment, as he was the best teller of native folk–

    lore, a good mimic, and was often a ventriloquist.



    027      |      Vol_VIII-0638                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians - Bibliography


    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    1. Anuchin, V.I. "A sketch of Shamanism among the Yenisei Ostiaks."

    Sbornik of the Museum of Anthropology and Ethnology,

    Vol. II, No. 2, St. Peteraburg, 1914.

    2. ----. "Preliminary report on the trip to the Yenisei Ostiaks

    in 1905." Izvestia of the Russian Committee for the

    Study of Middle and Western Asia. No. 6, St. Peters–

    burg, 1906.

    3. Castren, M.A Versuch einer Jenissei-Ostjakischen und Kottischen

    Sprachlehre nebst Worteryerzeichnissen aus den gen–

    ännten Sprachen
    . St. Petersburg, 1858.

    4. Czaplicka, M.A. Aboriginal Siberia , London, 1914.

    5. Dobrove-Yadrintseva, L.N. The Natives of the Turukhansk District .

    Novonikolaevsk, 1925.

    6. Dolgikh, B. The Kets . Moscow-Irkutsk, 1934.

    7. Donner, Kai "Beitrage zür Frage nach den Ursprung der Jenissei–

    Ostjaken," Journal de la Societs Finno-Ougrienne ,

    Holsinki, 1920; Trudy of the First Siberian Ethno–

    logical Congress, Vol. V, Novo-Sibirsk, 1928.

    8. ----. "Ethnological Notes about the Yenisei Ostiaks."

    Memoires de la Societe Finno-Ougrienne , Vol. LXVI,

    Helsinki, 1933.

    9. Findesin, Hans "The Trip to the Keto in 1927-28." Soviet Asia ,

    Vol. II, Moscow, 1929.

    10. Jochelson, Waldemar Peoples of Asiatic Russia , American Museum of

    Natural History, 1928.

    11. Karger, N.K. "The Kett-Yenisei Ostiak language." Languages and

    the Art of Writing among the Northern Peoples.

    Vol. III, Moscow, 1934.

    12. ----. "Reindeer Breeding among the Yenisei." The Soviet

    North
    . No. 6, Moscow, 1930, pp. 28-38.

    13. Kytmanov, D. "The Natives of the Turukhansk Region." Soviet Asia,

    Vol. II, III, Moscow, 1927.

    14. Lvov, A.K. "A Trip to the Yeniseians of the Yeloguj Clan." Soviet

    Asia
    .



    028      |      Vol_VIII-0639                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Ketts or Yeniseians - Bibliography

    15. Marr, M.A. "From the Summerians and Hittites to the Paleo–

    asiatics." Doklad of the Academy of Sciences,

    Series B. Leningrad, 1926, Nov. -Dec.

    16. Pomanov, F. "The Natives of the Lower Yenisci." Siberian Life,

    1899, No. 2.

    17. Sinelnikov, N.A. "The Yenisei Ostiaks as observed by Anuchin."

    Izvestije of the Society of Lovers of Natural History,

    Anthropology, and Ethnography, Vol. XXIV, Trudy of

    the Anthropology section, Vol. XXVIII, Part 1, 1911.

    18. Skalon, V. N. "Fishing methods in the basin of the Taz River." The

    Soviet North
    , No. 9, Moscow, 1931. pp. 42-65.

           

    Eugene A. Golomshtok

    Yukaghirs


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0640                                                                                                                  
    EA- Anthropology

    [Eugene A. Golomshtok]


    YUKAGHIRS
    Page
    Introduction 1
    Physical and Other Characteristics 2
    History 3
    Dwelling 4
    Clothing 5
    Food 7
    Transportation 8
    Tools and Utensils 9
    Weapons and Armor 10
    Numeration and Measures 10
    Art and Pictograph Writing 11
    Occupation 11
    Social Organization 13
    Marriage 14
    Birth 16
    Death and Burial 17
    Religion 17
    Souls 19
    Shamanism 20
    Games 23
    Folklore 23
    Bibliography 23



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0641                                                                                                                  
    EA: Anthropology

    [Eugene A. Golomshtok]


           

    YUKAGHIRS

           

    Introduction

            The Yukaghirs, a rapidly disappearing Paleo-Siberian tribe, were, before

    their contact with the Russians, a numerous people occupying the area between

    the Lena and Kolyma rivers from the Verkhoyansk Range north to the Arctic Sea.

    At present isolated groups of Yukaghirs live in the midst of alien tribes which

    have settled on their former territory, and are assimilating them. One thousand

    and three Yukaghirs were counted in 1897 and only 45 registered during the census

    of 1927. The chief rivers, the Yana, the Indigirka, and the Kolyma with its

    tributaries that flow northward, provide a means of travel and a source of fish.

            The climate of the Yukaghir region is extremely severe and continental, with

    a very large amplitude of temperature range, and the area contains the coldest

    spots on the earth's surface. Only on the coast of the Arctic Sea are the severe

    winter frosts moderated by the proximity of the sea. The greatest precipitation

    occurs from August to November, and the least from February to April. Frost

    occurs even during the warmest months. The winds are chiefly moderate.

            The typical arctic flora includes the East-Siberian larch, stone pine, two

    species of poplar, aspen, birch, willow, alder, bushes of dwarf birch and arctic

    willow, mosses and lichens, and many edible berries.

            The fauna consist of black bear, polar bear, wolves, foxes, ermine, squirrel,

    polar hare, elk, reindeer, mountain sheep, and mice. There also are many species

    of water fowl and fish.



    002      |      Vol_VIII-0642                                                                                                                  
    EA: Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yukaghirs

           

    Physical and Other Characteristics

            The Yukaghirs and Chuvantzy ( q.v .) once formed a single ethnic unit, but

    [ ?] later became very differentiated. The present data applies mostly to the

    Yukaghirs proper. The term Yukaghir is unknown to the Yukaghirs themselves and

    its origin is not clear. [ ?] The Yukaghir self name is Odul (plural: Odulpe ), meaning

    the "strong one." The Chukchis and Koryaks call them Atal or Etal .

            The Yukaghirs are divided into two groups: the Reindeer Yukaghirs and the

    Dog-breeding Yukaghirs. The Reindeer Yukaghirs wander roughly between the lower

    reaches of the Kolyma and Yana rivers. The Dog-breeding Yukaghirs live in

    villages on the upper reaches of the Kolyma and its tributaries, the Yasachnaya

    and the Korkodon. A very small group lives in the Anadyr District. Their language

    occupies an isolated position and differs morphologically from the Ural-Altaic

    group. It has much in common with Paleo-Asiatic languages and some similarity

    with some of the American Indian languages. Lexically, it has borrowed numerous

    Russian, Yakut, and Tungus words. A number of dialects exist, the major ones being

    the Kolyma and Tundra dialects.

            The majority of the Yukaghirs speak some other tongue. In 1897 only 9% spoke

    their native tongue, but 307 Tungus considered the Yukaghir language their mother

    tongue. The tundra Yukaghirs and Tungus speak Yukaghir, Tungus, Yakut, and

    Chukchi.

            In spite of the fact that they are so intermixed, the Yukaghirs differ

    somewhat in physique from the Tungus, even today. As to stature, they are one of

    the shortest tribes in northeastern Siberia, the average for men being 156 cm.

    and for women 147 cm.

            The cephalic index averages 80.4 for men and 80 for women. There are two facial

    types; one an oval, flat shape with a straight, low forehead; the other an angular

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0643                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yukaghirs

    square face with prominent corners on the lower jaw — a face typical of many

    Tungus tribes. The nose is mostly short with a low bridge, but it is not flat.

    The hair is straight with a rich, dense growth; the predominant color is dark

    brown. The growth of hair on men's faces is scanty, often absent, and pubic

    hair is scanty in both sexes. The prevailing eye color is dark brown. The

    Mongoloid fold is only slightly developed and is sometimes absent. A marked

    percentage have a wide open eye.

            The Yukaghirs suffered greatly from measles, smallpox, and syphilis, which

    were introduced by the Russians. Rheumatism was prevalent, and influenza,

    bronchitis, and pleurisy often occurred. They also suffered from eye diseases

    and scurvy. Arctic hysteria occurred among the upper Kolyma Yukaghirs in its

    highest degree of development.

            The Yukaghirs had a fairly correct idea of human anatomy and were somewhat

    acquainted with the functions of the organs. They used herbs for medicinal

    purposes. Marriages are frequently sterile and there is a high percentage of

    infant mortality.

           

    History

            The first contact of the Yukaghirs with the Russians was in 1638. During

    the years that followed the Yukaghirs rebelled several times and killed a number

    of Cossacks in battles, though on several occasions they helped the Russians in

    expeditions against the Koryaks and Chukchis. Epidemics, especially of smallpox,

    in the 18th and the early 19th centuries resulted in the virtual extinction of

    this once numerous tribe.

            The best study of the Yukaghirs has been made by Waldemar Jochelson who

    visited them on several occasions in 1895, 1896, [ ?] 1901, and 1902.



    004      |      Vol_VIII-0644                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yukaghirs

           

    Dwelling

            The Russianized Yukaghirs of the lower Kolyma River lived in Russian type

    flat-roofed, roughly hewn log cabins, built of long-lasting Eastern Siberian

    larch. The earth floor was usually covered with planks, and the low door was made

    of planks joined by wooden pegs and covered with reindeer skin on the outside.

    Small windows were covered with stretched fish skin, animal guts, or split mica,

    or with thick panes of ice during the winter. The lower parts of the walls were

    insulated with snow and the seams were sealed with moist snow.

            Wide benches covered with reindeer skin were built along the walls and served

    as seats and beds. Small sleeping tents of reindeer skin or cloth were hung over

    the benches at night. Married couples and young girls had separate sleeping tents.

    The bench opposite the door was regarded as a place of honor for guests. At the

    right of the entrance, the chimney of the open hearth, on which the fire was kept

    burning all day, reached to the roof and ended in a funnel made of rods lined

    with clay, which was plugged at night.

            The upper Kolyma Yukaghirs lived in winter in similarly constructed but

    partly subterranean log huts, often with [ ?] storehouses attached. The log houses

    of the Korkodon Yukaghirs were half sunk into the ground and covered with earth.

    Formerly completely underground dwellings were used, but their exact form is not

    known.

            While hunting, the upper Kolyma Yukaghirs lived in portable conical tents of

    circular ground plan, with three smoked reindeer skins stretched over a framework

    of long poles bound on the top by a rope or a willow ring. The opening at the top

    served as a vent and permitted the penetration of sunlight. An opening between

    two poles formed and entrance which was covered by a reindeer skin flap. In the

    center of the floor was a fireplace encircled with stones, over which was set a

    005      |      Vol_VIII-0645                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yukaghirs

    a wooden tripod with hooks for banging pots. Seats of soft willow twigs covered

    with reindeer skins, which also served as sleeping places, were placed all around

    under the slope of the tent.

            The larger compound tent of the tundra Yukaghirs consisted of a lower

    cylindrical section one meter high and an upper conical section. The height of

    the tent in the center was 3.5 to 8 meters. The frame of the cylindrical section

    was formed of short stakes tied in pairs with crossbars forming a wide circle to

    which were tied the lower ends of the poles which formed the conical section.

    The upper ends of the slanting poles were held together with thongs, and supported

    by a tripod of heavier poles, the lower ends of which were dug into the ground on

    three sides of the fireplace. The cover was of dressed skin without hair. The

    inner arrangement was the same as in the conical tent. It is probable that this

    tent was adapted from the Tungus type.

            The Yukaghirs were much cleaner than their neighbors. They washed their

    faces every morning and often bathed in the river in the summer. They knew the

    value of soap and even bought it when they [ ?] could afford it. They wiped

    their dishes, kitchen utensils and tables.

           

    Clothing

            The M Yukaghirs adopted the Tungus type of clothing though it was not as well

    suited to the climate as was the ancient Yukaghir clothing, which was of Chukchi

    style. The recent Yukaghir costume consisted of tight trousers, an apron cover–

    ing the breast and abdomen, a closely fitting coat with flaring skirt and open

    flaps, and boots. The costumes of both sexes are fundamentally alike.

            The winter coat of the upper Kolyma Yukaghirs was made of reindeer skins

    with hair on and the summer coat was made of waterproof curried and smoked rein–

    deer skin trimed with calico or flannel. Two pairs of leather strips in front -

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0646                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yukaghirs

    were used to fasten the coat which was too narrow to close over the apron. The

    woman's coat was longer than the man's, reaching to the calf instead of the knee,

    and was more ornamented.

            While hunting, the man wore an ornamented belt with a small bullet bag

    attached. The hunter tucked the corners of the skirt under the belt when running.

    The tundra Yukaghirs wore reindeer skin clothing with the hair on all year round.

    Their coats were collarless and women's coats were made of white or light gray

    fawn skins and decorated with two long leather tassels at the side of the back.

    In winter the double overcoat was worn. The outer coat was of full-haired fall

    or winter reindeer skins and the undercoat was of short-haired summer skins or

    fawn skins with the fur inside. Two strips with tassels made of seal skin were

    attached to the back of the man's coat.

            Under the coat an apron was worn. The upper part of it was made of reindeer

    leather and the lower part of reindeer-leg skins. It was tied with leather strips

    at the neck and waist and the upper part was very narrow. Women's aprons were

    decorated with tassels, fringes, and metal pendants which had definite functions.

    The lower part of the body was covered with tight-fitting trousers, either short

    or long. Winter trousers were of reindeer skin with the fur inside; summer

    trousers were of curried and smoked reindeer leather. All trousers had an

    attached belt, with rings for carry i ng knife sheaths, which was regarded as the

    most characteristic part of the Yukaghir costume. Women seldom wore long trousers.

            Footgear consisted of [ ?] boots which [ ?] were made in two styles: short and high.

    Winter boots were made of reindeer-leg skin, hair side out. The leg was made of

    two kinds of fur, black in back and grayish white in front. The soles were made

    of the neck skin of elk. Summer boots were made of curried reindeer skin. With

    short boots and short trousers long leather stockings tied to the belt by leather

    thongs or leggings were worn.



    007      |      Vol_VIII-0647                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yukaghirs

            The Yukaghirs wore fur caps, cheek and chin protectors, boas, fur-lined

    mittens and gloves. Snow goggles of leather, wood, and birch bark were essential.

    Children over six months of age were dressed in fur trousers with a chest pro–

    tector instead of an apron, with the same slit in the crotch and fur flap as used

    by Koryak children. The trousers had closed bottoms and the fur coat worn with

    them had closed sleeves. Small infants wore a combination garment of the Koryak

    type.

           

    Food

            The staple food of the Yukaghirs was fish. In the fishing season it was

    mostly eaten fresh, dried, boiled, fried, or baked, and, in winter, raw and frozen.

    Fish heads were eaten raw and the cartilege was considered a dainty. Dried fish

    heads were used for dog food. Fish roe was dried. Lean fish was boiled, ground,

    and dried in the sun, yielding a flour to be eaten with fish oil as a delicacy.

    They were fond of salamat , a gruel made of fish guts cooked with berries.

            Reindeer or elk meat was also eaten boiled, sun-dried, fried, broiled on

    spits, or raw and frozen. Bone marrow and fat in any form were a favorite food.

    They ate the meat of the wild mountain goat, hare, waterfowl, ptarmigan and wood–

    cock. They did not eat decayed food.

            Vegetable food was seldom used, except when meat and fish were not abundant.

    They ate lichens extracted from the paunch of reindeer and mixed with blood, and

    the inner portion of willow bark. They drank the sap of poplars and willows.

            The Yukaghirs liked flour but it was usually too expensive for them. When

    obtainable it was boiled with water like gruel or baked into unleavened cakes.

    They considered bread and biscuits, which were imported, as delicacies. They ate

    moderately taking two meals a day and drinking tea between meals.



    008      |      Vol_VIII-0648                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yukaghirs

            The Yukaghirs are the most constant tobacco users of all the Siberian natives.

    Men, women, and children smoke and mothers place pipes in the mouths of suckling

    babes to quiet them. They do not chew, but old people sometimes snuff tobacco

    ground and mixed with ashes.

           

    Transportation

            Reindeer and dog sleds, boats, snowshoes, and skis were used for transporta–

    tion. The Yukaghirs used the East Siberian loop type of dog harness. The lower

    Kolyma Yukaghirs attached the dogs in pairs, on bothsides of the main leather line

    which runs to the middle of the front bow of the sleigh. Upper Kolyma Yukaghirs

    used only six or seven dogs alternately on the right and left of the trace. Due

    to the scarcity of driving dogs, several families would join their dogs, attach–

    ing them to one sleigh and sometimes women and girls would harness themselves to

    the sleighs to help the dogs draw them. Little children, the old and the infirm

    alone were carried on sleighs, which were primarily for freight. The Yukaghir

    dog sleigh was made of birch and had three pairs of stanchions with each pair

    joined at half its height by a round crossbar. Three planks, fastened together,

    rested on these crossbars, and two rails attached to the upper ends of the stan–

    chions and lashed to the boards with thongs formed a netting on each side of the

    sleigh. The runners were flat with sharply curved front ends which were tied to

    a strong wooden [ ?] bow that was lashed to the foremost stanchions. The runners

    were about 3 meters long, 9 cm. wide, and 3 cm. thick.

            The reindeer sleighs were of the Chukchi and Koryak type ( q.v. ), with arches

    instead of stanchions, and were made of larch, except for the runners which were

    of birch imported from the Omolon River. Reindeer sleighs were ridden astride.

    Pack sleighs were wider and used to carry family freight and tent covers and

    009      |      Vol_VIII-0649                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yukaghirs

    poles. The trace of the reindeer was attached to a crosspiece fastened to the

    horizontal arch in front of the sleigh. If two animals were used, their har–

    nesses were joined by a large strap of hide which is slung across the crossbar.

    The Yukaghirs also rode the reindeer, using a saddle without stirrups, fastened

    by means of a leather saddle girth. Very young children were carried in orna–

    mented cradles which hang on both sides of the saddle like double saddlebags.

            Before they learned to build Russian-type boats, the Yukaghirs used, in

    addition to canoes, a kind of triangular raft. Upper Kolyma Yukaghirs made and

    used dugouts and board canoes. The dugout, made of poplar, was 5 to 6 meters

    long, and about 65 cm. wide, and weighed about 65 pounds. The board canoe,

    made of thin boards sewn together with sinew threads, was more stable than the

    dug-out because the bottom was flat. They used a double paddle or put with two

    slender sticks.

            The boats, 18 to 24 feet in length, were made of poplar and larch, in three

    parts. They were caulked with moss and had oarlocks. They were towed by long

    ropes when traveling upstream.

            Yukaghir skis were broader than those of other northeastern Siberian tribes.

    They were 149 cm. long and 29 cm. at the greatest width. Netted snowshoes 65 cm.

    long and 20 cm. wide were also used.

           

    Tools and Utensils

            In recent times the Yukaghirs did not work in stone, but did some work in bone,

    and perhaps they used bone implements and weapons before they became acquainted

    with metal. Most Yukaghir tools and implements were made of iron. They evidently

    learned the blacksmith's art from the Yakuts and used the same kind of double

    bellows, but they were not acquainted with the art of tempering iron. Among the

    010      |      Vol_VIII-0650                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yukaghirs

    homemade iron tools were the axe, adze, curved adze, various kinds of knives, strike–

    a-light, iron pincers for pulling out facial and pubic hair, bow drills, planes

    (copied from the Russians), and iron scrapers used in dressing skins (which is

    done by women).

            The Yukaghirs used lamps [ ?] made of scrap metal which burned fish oil and

    reindeer tallow, and imported iron or copper kettles and teapots. Among the home–

    made utensils were wooden trays and dishes, birch-bark cups, and spoons made of

    reindeer antlers and wood. Ancient stone axes of unknown origin were used to chop

    meat and grind fat and berries. Reindeer and fish skin bags were used for [ ?]

    carrying household utensils.

           

    Weapons and Armor

            The ancient Yukaghir warrior wore armor consisting of rings of reindeer ant–

    ler strung on elk sinew. His chief weapon was a spear with a point of elk rib,

    and a knife or dagger of the same material. He carried a bow and arrows which

    he used from behind the protection of a circle of upright sleighs. The Yukaghirs

    had two kinds of bows, a compound bow used for hunting, and a simple bow, used

    for practice. The compound bow, averaging 164 cm. in length, was made of larch

    and birch glued together with sturgeon glue. The outer side was covered with

    sinew. The bow string was twisted reindeer hide. Arrowheads, both single and

    double pointed, were formerly made of bone, ivory, or wood, and were later mostly

    of iron.

           

    Numeration and Measures

            The Yukaghir system of counting was based on two principles: the quinary and

    the tertiary. They used notches made on sticks for keeping accounts and for a

    calendar. Length and breadth were measured in fingers, hands, steps, etc. Distance.

    011      |      Vol_VIII-0651                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yukaghirs

    was usually measured in terms of time such as a midol — distance covered in a

    days' traveling. The year was divided into twelve lunar months and there were

    six seasons.

           

    Art and Pictograph Writing

            The Yukaghirs of the Yasachnaya and [ ?] Korkodon rivers used pictographs

    as a device for communication. They traced figures and lines on the inner sur–

    face of birch bark with a knife point. One type, with realistic symbols, was used

    to communicate the exploits and experiences of one person or group to others, and

    to draw maps, which show the relative location of geographical landmarks and a

    knowledge of the four cardinal points. Highly conventionalized human figures,

    expressing abstract ideas, were used in love letters written only by girls.

    Yukaghir carving and engraving was very rough. Wooden objects were ornamented

    with painted engravings of geometrical designs.

           

    Occupation

            The main occupation of the tundra Yukaghirs was reindeer breeding, with some

    hunting and fishing. The sedentary dog-breeding Yukaghirs were, in the main,

    fishermen and hunters.

            The herds of the tundra Yukaghirs were small and the whole reindeer complex

    was probably a comparatively recent acquisition. The recent Yukaghir reindeer

    were of Tungus stock. They bore a strong resemblance to the mountain wild reindeer

    and were gray in color, taller, longer legged, and with lighter weight antlers

    than the Chukchi Koryak animals. The reindeer was used for both driving and rid–

    ing. Most families had fifteen reindeer each, and such a herd was not sufficient

    for leading a nomadic existence. To move from place to place the owners of such

    small herds joined their herds and took turns carrying their belongings from place

    012      |      Vol_VIII-0652                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yukaghirs

    to place. The Tungusized Yukaghirs of the Indigirka region were much richer than

    those of the Kolyma tundra.

            Only about 25% of the Yukaghirs bred dogs which they used for driving. The

    sedentary fishing Yukaghirs subsisted mainly on [ ?] various species of migrating

    salmon which entered the rivers in the spring, and also on the numerous other types

    of fish found in lakes and rivers. Formerly they used only willow traps and seines

    in fishing. In more recent times the Yukaghirs used nets or seines made of im–

    ported twine, and also fish gates to which large trammels or willow traps were

    attached. Sometimes several owners would pool their nets and divide the catch,

    according to their needs. In winter they broke holes through the ice for their nets.

            The elk, once the most important game animal of the [ ?] Yukaghirs, is now

    practically exterminated and is rarely killed. The wild reindeer has also lost

    its former importance because of its scarcity. Nevertheless when fish supplies

    were low at the end of the winter and in the spring, the sedentary upper Kolyma

    Yukaghirs depended on the wild reindeer for their subsistence, which they hunted

    on snowshoes, with [ ?] guns or bow and arrow. The tundra Yukaghirs also used decoys

    when hunting.

            Birds were hunted with shotguns and caught with sinew snares. The molting

    waterfowl were driven into nets. In some localities the technique of killing

    waterfowl with a [ ?] bird-dart and bola survived.

            The red fox was the most important fur-bearing animal and was caught in

    traps adopted from the Russians. In fox hunting dogs were used to discover the

    burrow and kill the fox after it had been smoked out. The squirrel was hunted

    with firelock guns, snares, and automatic bows.

            The ermine, bear, polar hare and polar bear were also hunted. About

    013      |      Vol_VIII-0653                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yukaghirs

    10,000 ermine skins were exported annually. On the tundra the wolf was hunted in

    order to protect the reindeer herds. The skins were used for trimming but were

    not exported.

           

    Social Organization

            Among the Yukaghir there was a very feeble consciousness of ethnic unity in–

    asmuch as definite tribal organization was absent.

            The ancient Yukaghir clan consisted of a number of families inhabiting

    a common territory with a central group [ ?] comprising several families claim–

    ing common patrilineal ancestors, which included sons-in-law who came to live–

    with the wife's family.

            The Yukaghir clan was based upon the supremacy of the oldest male ( po'lut ).

    The po'lut dealt with the Russians, who divided the Yukaghirs into administra–

    tive groups along the native clan lines, preserving the native names. The clan

    elder, later elected, directed war and hunting expeditions, selected fishing places,

    made sacrifices to clan ancestors, and officiated at festivals. He acted with

    the support of a council of older men of the separate families. Eachclan had one

    dead and onel living shaman who had to be a member of the original clan. In addio

    tion to his other duties he [ ?] acted as an intermediary between the dead and the

    living members of the clan. The third member of the clan in importance was "the

    strong man," who was traditionally endowed with some supernatural strength with

    which to defend the clan against its mortal enemies. Wars were often decided by

    combat between these "strong men." Finally "the clan hunter," with the assistance

    of others, was in charge of hunting. He received the head of the killed animal,

    while the rest was distributed equally among the clansmen.

            The family was a much more stable unit, headed by the father. Property

    rights were affected by the communal distribution of the results of hunting and

    014      |      Vol_VIII-0654                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yukaghirs

    fishing. All furs were turned over to the family elder for payment of tribute

    and for barter with merchants. In later times some adults kept some furs for

    private use. Individual ownership applied to clothing, hunting implements,

    ornaments, and smoking [ ?] gear. Boats, fishing nets, houses, and household im–

    plements were communally owned by the family.

            After the father's death the mother would take control as the head of the

    family, and upon the death of both, control was transferred to the next oldest

    member of the family.

           

    Marriage

            There were three major bases of Yukaghir marriage regulations: relatively

    free sex relationships, the avoidance taboo, and the rules imposed by the

    Christian church, which was officially embraced by the Yukaghirs soon after

    its introduction by the Russians.

            Sex life proper began at puberty when a girl was given a separate tent, and

    could receive visitors. These free sex liaisons occurred only among those who

    were permitted to marry, and were usually based on mutual attraction. However,

    in the practice of hospitable hetaerism, the lover accepted without protest the

    fact that his sweetheart was given to a guest; the latter's refusal of this hos–

    pitality was considered [ ?] an insult to the girl.

            The system of reckoning relationship was characterized by age groups, recog–

    nition of seniority, and descent through the male and female line.

            Thus the term emjepul designated an age group of brothers and sisters and first

    cousins (male and female) on both sides for every generation. Special terms for

    each with distinctions for elder or younger emjepul existed. The emjepul of the

    older generation included father, mother, and their brothers, sisters, and cousins.

    015      |      Vol_VIII-0655                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yukaghirs

    The father's elder brother was called "big father" and his younger brother" little

    father." Similar terms existed for the mother's sisters.

            A special group called n'exi'yini (the bashful ones) had to practice certain

    forms of avoidance, and this group included all those who are in the enjepul type

    of relationship, as well as some relatives by affinity: father toward sons and

    daughters-inlaw, mother toward son-in-law, elder brother or cousins toward younger

    brother's or cousin's wife, or the wives of their children. Yukaghirs, even of

    the same sex, in an avoidance of relationship, could not speak directly to each

    other, look into each other's faces, use relationship terms, speaks of sex matters

    in the presence of each other, expose the sexual organs, or, of course, marry.

            On the other hand, people not included in the n'exi'yini group were in the

    so-called "joking" relationship, in which a great deal of license of speech and

    action, and marraige were permitted.

            Thus, while in practice the Yukaghir marriage was closely [ ?] endogamous,

    and a man seldom married into a strange clan, it had exogamic tendencies. In

    addition to n'exi'yini rules, Yukaghirs were subject to and usually observed

    Russian Church regulations prohibiting the union of blood relatives to the sixth

    degree of consanguinity, which covered practically the class of people included in

    the n'exi'yini (avoidance) group.

            In practice the "free love" relationship of the young people amounted to a

    trial period before the permanent relationship was established. Having made

    his choice the young man began to work for the [ ?] girl's relatives. If he

    was undesirable he was told to go. His work was not regarded as payment, but

    as a test of his ability and character. The length of the period depended on his

    ability or the will of the father. On the day of his marraige he would spend the

    night in the girl's sleeping tent, as he had done before, but this time he would

    016      |      Vol_VIII-0656                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. GolomshtokS: Yukaghirs

    bring his gun, bow, etc., into the house, and place them in a prominent spot,

    symbolizing that he had made his home there. This constituted marriage.

           

    Birth

            A pregnant woman, her husband, and those around her e were subject to numerous

    taboos designed to ease her labor. At the first sign of labor pains, the woman

    and the midwife would undo their braids, and both women and the future father had

    to unbutton all buttons, unfasten all hooks and buckles, and untie all knots in

    their clothing, so that the birth of the child would not be hampered.

            All males, except the husband [ ?] and the father of the girl, were sent out

    of the house in which all the women of the village gathered to assist in the

    delivery. The expectant mother had to walk around the room supported by two

    women. Finally she was seated upon her husband's knees, while he braced his

    feet against specially set stakes, encircled his wife's body with his arms, and

    pressed downward on her abdomen. Two women helped him by pressing his arms

    against his wife's body. His father-in-law embraced [ ?] the couple from behind

    to add more pressure. Sometimes a towel or leather belt was used for this purpose.

    From the front a midwife pressed on the lower part of the woman's abdomen, while

    she supported herself on a leather strap suspended from the ceiling. Jochelson

    ascribes the large number of mother deaths during childbirth and the high rate

    of still-born children to this method of delivery.

            For forty days after childbirth, the mother was considered "unclean" and for–

    bidden to touch the hunting or fishing gear.

            The child was nursed for four years unless another pregnancy interfered. In

    the pre-Christian era, the child was not named until it began to speak. The entire

    village celebrated the birth of a child. Sterility was thought to be a punishment

    of the spirits, and was grounds for divorce.



    017      |      Vol_VIII-0657                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yukaghirs

           

    Death and Burial

            It was believed that death was caused by an evil spirit which entered the

    body and destroyed the inner organs, or occurred as a result of the long absence

    of the head soul.

            Except in the case of a shaman, whose body was dissected, the Yukaghirs

    used to place the bodies of the dead on four-posted, elevated platforms ( kuril )

    in a wooden coffin. These platforms, situated near the larger villages, were

    at one time very numerous, but were ruthlessly destroyed by the Russian priests

    and officials. The platforms for the coffins may have originated from a desire

    to protect the dead from carnivorous an i mals, since it was possible to dig only

    shallow graves in the permanently frozen soil. After each hunt, a fire was made

    under the platform and a burnt fat offering made to the dead.

            In more recent times, in accordance with the Christian faith, the dead were

    interred. The body was carried to the grave on a sleigh. The more recent

    burial prayers also reflected the Christian influence. After the burial, the

    harness was cut, and the sleigh and tools broken ("killed"), and the reindeer

    were also killed in order to provide transportation in the other world. The

    tundra Yukaghir, probably under Tungus or Yakut influence, would break the

    sharp points of arrows or tools to prevent the dead from using them against

    their relatives. Before they returned home, the mourners would perform a

    series of purification rituals.

           

    Religion

            Although the Yukaghirs were officially Christians, they showed many Tungus,

    Yakut, and Russian influences in their religion. It was characterized for

    the most part by the cult of the "owner" connected with hunting and fishing,

    and the cult of the ancestors and shamans. There was an almost complete lack

    of higher deities and cosmogonic folklore.



    018      |      Vol_VIII-0658                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yukaghirs

            The term Pon (something) referred vaguely to a concept of the Supreme

    deity who supposedly controlled all the visible [ ?] natural phenomena, but to

    whom no prayers or sacrifices were addressed. The Father-Fire, residing in the

    sky, was thought to be a benevolent spirit. When the sky opened and one could

    see the surora borealis it was thought of as the light emanating from the

    Father-Fire.

            The sun was the protector of the oppressed, guardian of justice and morals.

    The sky was the spirit which supplied men with food. When fish were abundant,

    the Yukagirs said they had fallen from the sky.

            The various "owners" were more clearly defined and more numerous. These

    spirits controlled various domains of nature. The most important of these was

    the "Owner of the Earth." Others were the Owner of Fresh Water, of the Sea,

    and of every mountain, forest, tundra, and other distinctive locality. All of

    them were supposedly subject to the Owner of the Earth.

            The secondary order of spirits: moye or moru , "keepers" or "guardians,"

    were in charge of various types of animals. Every animal also had a special

    individual protector, pejul , whose permission had to be obtained before a hunter

    could kill the animal. After the animal was killed, he was treated like an

    honored friend. Inanimate objects had no pejul .

            The Owner of the Fire, the guardian of the family hearth, appeared at times

    as a tiny naked girl, without any hair on her head. The crackling of the fire

    was the spirit's way of warning against misfortune or of foretelling famine.

            The Owner of the House guarded it against evil spirits.

            A number of amulets, miniature wooden images of men, endowed with souls

    ( pejul ) with representations of birds and animals drawn on them, served as family

    guardians and protectors, and as helpers of travelers and hunters. In more recent

    times, iron crosses came into use as well.



    019      |      Vol_VIII-0659                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yukaghirs

            Evil invisible spirits which brought disease were called kukul ; they

    entered a man's body and caused illness. They lived in the underworld which

    was divided into an abode of the dead, inhabited by souls, and a lower part

    which was the land of the Grandfather with the Pointed Beard, the leader of

    the evil spirits. Only the most powerful shamans dared descend to the lower

    underworld.

            Another type of evil invisible spirit was thought to live on earth and had

    a special name. Some of these were ni'nyuoye , which lived in clothing, looked

    like elk, and caused rheumatism. "One-who-leads-into-sin," would seduce sleep–

    ing women, thus causing the birth of monsters, nervous diseases, and womb

    hemorrhages.

            The Echo, another evil spirit living on cliffs over valleys, would catch

    passers-by with their words and drag them to him with these words.

            Foreign evil spirits were thought to cause a number of important diseases.

            There was also a mythical race of giant cannibals capable of carrying an

    elk tied to the strings of their coats, which used to attack men. They were

    infested with mice instead of lice.

            A special category of spirits was made up of the spirit helpers of the

    shaman. This included the souls of birds and animals, and even those of mammoths.

    The most powerful of these were the spirits of dead relatives who had been shamans.

           

    Souls

            According to Yukaghir beliefs, there were three souls ( a'ibi ): The first

    dwells in the head and perhaps represents the intellect; the second, in the

    heart, [ ?] controls motion or the ability to change their place; and the third,

    inhabiting the entire body, governs the physiological functions.



    020      |      Vol_VIII-0660                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yukaghirs

            When a man became sick it was believed that the head soul had been

    frightened by the evil spirits in the body and had departed into the country

    of shadows, or escaped to the underworld to its relatives. The shaman could

    retrieve this soul and save the man's life. The vital life principle resided

    in the heart soul. The third soul threw shadows on the ground, as the dead

    had no shadows.

            Before birth it was believed that the head soul of some deceased rela–

    tive entered the child. Such souls were released by the deceased relatives

    only out of sympathy for the living, and none was sent if the duties toward

    the dead had not been fulfilled. A shaman could plead for a soul, or even take

    one by force to be placed in the womb of the pregnant woman. The identity of

    the relative whose soul had entered the [ ?] infant was determined by divination,

    by lifting the bones of a dead shaman and naming the various deceased relatives.

    When the right name was uttered, the weight of the bones became less.

           

    Shamanism

            Among the Yukaghirs, the shamans, a'lma , with the aid of special spirits,

    could influence the course of events, cure the sick, foretell the future, and

    hurt the enemies. Formerly the shaman was the protector of a related group —

    the clan. In more recent times the Yukaghir shaman acquired a number of Tungus

    habits and lost much of his ancient character. Every Yukaghir could trace his

    origin to some shaman, thereby combining the concept of clan shaman with the cult

    of shaman ancestors. Vestiges of this cult could be seen in the elaborate

    ceremony of shaman burials.

            Upon the death of a shaman, his body was dissected. The bones were removed,

    dried, and distributed among the relatives. The flesh was cut into strips, dried

    021      |      Vol_VIII-0661                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yukaghirs

    in the sun, and then worn in leather pouches as amulets. The shaman's children

    kept the skull, which was set on a round block of wood and covered with a mask.

    This figure, called xoil , (the Yukaghir term for the Christian God and also

    for ikons and saints), was kept in a wooden box. Before embarking on a trip or

    a hunt, they would make a sacrifice to this image by throwing some fat into

    the hearth. The outcome of the expedition could be determined by the relative

    ease with which the image was lifted.

            The image of the ancestor shaman, called can-coro-mo (wooden man) was for–

    merly hung on trees near mountain paths, and was the object of sacrifice and

    prayer. The supernatural ability of the shaman and his skills were considered

    hereditary and were passed on to his sons. Later changes in the Yukaghir

    shamanism resulted in a loss of clan and hereditary affiliations, and the shamans

    acquired a professional status as healers.

            There was an ill-defined division into good and evil shamans, the latter

    called antaja-ye (one who pronounces incantations), but these are considered

    later (Tungus) innovations.

            There were no women shamans among the Yukaghirs, either in fact or in folk–

    lore. Even the presence of women, except virgins, was an impediment to the

    summoning of the spirits during the shamanistic ceremonies. Family shamanism

    such as occurs among the Koryaks and the Chukchis was not found among the Yukaghirs.

            The shaman's dress was borrowed from the Tungus ( q.v. ) and the metal decora–

    tions were derived from the Yakuts ( q.v. ). These were representations of a bird,

    giving rise to the idea that the shaman could fly. The tassels represented the

    feathers; the fringes, the bottom of the tail; and the sleeves, the wings.

            The drum of the Yukaghir shaman was oval, measuring 88 cm. along the axis,

    with iron cross handles inside the drum, and small rattling attachments, which

    022      |      Vol_VIII-0662                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yukaghirs

    stem from Yakut influence. The term "to drum" was equal to the term "to act

    as a shaman."

            The shaman's incantations for curing the sick were held in a hut, where he

    would sit on a reindeer skin, beat his drum, imitate the cries of animals and

    birds, and conjure the spirits. Often he would fall into a trance, u du ring which

    time he was supposed to be traveling into the Lower World, where he tried to

    retrieve the sick soul.

            When he would come out of his trance, his rigid legs were rubbed by two

    virgins who were present for this purpose. Then he approached the patient and

    restored the soul. The Yukaghir shaman also acted as an intermediary between

    the hunter and the spirit owners controlling various animals. In special per–

    formances, which at one time were part of the summer games, he would fall into

    a trance during which he traveled to the Owner of the Earth, and begged him to

    give him the soul of a reindeer stag, which he then took to earth and tied to

    the chief hunter's head. The next morning the hunter would go to the river where

    a reindeer would come to meet him. The shaman could also address the Onwer of the

    Forest and ask that a fox hunt be successful.

            Numerous legends tell of the battles believed to have taken place between

    rival shamans.

            Sacrifices were of two types: bloody sacrifices of dogs, and later of rein–

    deer, made to placate the anger of offended spirits and to appease the spirits

    of a deceased shaman. For this each relative killed his best dog.

            Bloodless sacrifices of food, ornaments, and reindeer antlers were made to

    benevolent spirits, ancestor spirits, and hostile spirits. Reindeer tallow

    burned in the hearth was the most common offering, and was given to the skull of

    the shaman and placed uner the elevated graves of relatives.



    023      |      Vol_VIII-0663                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yukaghirs

           

    Games

            Ball games were played with a large skin ball which was kicked upward with

    the feet.

            Other games included: arrow-shooting contests, running, walking, jumping,

    and pushing of the log, when two parties of opposite sex lift a heavy log and,

    pressing it with their chests, try to throw their opponents to the ground.

           

    Folkore

            The bulk of the Yukaghir folklore is composed of animal tales, epic poems,

    songs and riddles.

            At its present stage the Yukaghir folklore shows many traits borrowed from

    Tungus, Russians, Yakuts, and [ ?] Chukchis. It is characterized by a lack of

    cosmogonic tales. Animal tales are very plentiful with the raven an important

    chara c ter, not as a creator but as a trickster. The hare is pictured as being

    [ ?] clever and alert, and the fox as a sly and deceitful animal. Episodes

    involving transformation of men into animals are common. Mythical headless

    people are met, with one eye in the middle of the chest and a mouth under the

    arm. The theme of giant cannibals who hunt men frequently occurs. Marriages

    of men and animals, chiefly between boys and mice, girls and frogs, are described.

            Usually any mention of iron men, iron house, silver clothing, etc., indicates

    the Yakut or Tungus influence.


    Bibliography

    Bogoras, Waldemar: The Psychology of Shamanism Among North-Asiatic Tribes , The

    [ ?] Ethnographical Review, 1910, No.1-2.

    Diachkov, G.: The Anadyr Region. Zapiski on the Society for the Study of Amur

    Region
    . Vladivostok, 1893



    024      |      Vol_VIII-0664                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Golomshtok: Yukaghirs

    Jochelson, Waldemar: The Peoples of Asiatic Russia . Am.M.N.H. 1928

    ----. Trip on the Rivers Yashachnaya and Korkordon . Izvestia of Geographic

    Society, V. XXXIV, 1898.

    ----. Materials for the Study of Yukaghir Language and Folkore , St. Petersburg,

    1900.

    ----. The Yukaghir and Yukaghirized Tungus . Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol.

    9, Leiden-New York, 1920-24.

           

    Eugene A. Golomshtok

    Acculturation

    Acculturation: Eskimo-White and Indian-White


    001      |      Vol_VIII-0665                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (T. F. McIlwraith)


    ACCULTURATION: ESKIMO-WHITE AND INDIAN-WHITE

            At the time of European contact, not only were the natives of North

    American living under varied climatic conditions which in themselves pro–

    duced cultural diversity, but in their own social and religious life there

    were differences even more significant than those enjoyed by environment.

    Some Indians were hunters, Others were agriculturists; some Indians lived

    in flimsy bark shelters, others in houses of clay; some Indians were ruled

    by powerful hereditary chiefs, others had no chiefs at all; some Indians in

    Central America were proficient metal workers, others used the crudest stone

    and bone tools. These diverse forms of life were relatively stable. Changes

    were going on, but, by and large, each tribal group had become completely

    adjusted to its mode of life; and that mode of life was integrated into a

    sum total of sociology, religion, economics, and mythology. Everywhere life

    was full, and everywhere the natives regarded their way of life as the normal

    one, the one which they knew and liked. In every case the coming of the white

    man was a cataclyam. New tools, new materials, new drinks, new standards, and

    a new religion came in contact with this range of conservative aboriginal

    cultures. To a great extent, the impact was disastrous. The importations

    of the white man were too strong for the native way of life, and partly de–

    liberately, partly unthinkingly, the old was swept away. It was not a develop–

    ment, it was a replacement. The old standards and the old skills were no longer

    of value, and, particularly in those areas where the white man settled, the

    002      |      Vol_VIII-0666                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McIlwraith: Eskimo-White and Indian-White

    Indians had to start afresh as ignorant hangers-on of a dominant and arrogant

    white civilization in a land that had once been their own.

            In the Arctic, both among the Eskimos and among the northern Indians,

    the pattern of culture contact followed these lines, although the slowness

    and sparseness of European settlements has delayed the most serious problems

    of cultural adjustment. To understand these problems, one must understand

    the significant aspects of both cultures. Too often it has been assumed that

    the point of view of the white man alone is important; for the purpose of

    this article it may be taken for granted that the reader knows in general the

    policy of European expansion in the Arctic. The way of life of the northern

    natives is equally significant in the process of cultural change, and to under–

    stand this it is necessary to grasp the outstanding features of Indian and

    Eskimo life.

            To begin with the Eskimo: Along the shores of the Arctic, from Bering

    Strait to Greenland, the Eskimo has lived in sparse communities for several

    thousand years. It is not necessary to consider their origin, nor indeed to

    discuss the varying facts which throw light upon their history, nor to surmise

    what may have been the reason for the richness of life in early times along

    the shore of Bering Strait. Our problem is the small groups of Eskimos who

    lived in this enormous area in the 18th and 19th centuries when the white man

    came. First of all, it must be remembered that they were seashore dwellers,

    dependent upon the seal to a greater extent than almost any group of mankind

    has been dependent upon any single mammal. To the Eskimo, the seal meant food,

    the rich food needed in the arctic cold; the seal meant clothing, clothing both

    for protection by day and covering by night; the seal meant light; the seal

    meant the material for tool handles; and the seal was prominent in the mythology

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0667                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McIlwraith: Acculturation: Eskim o -White and Indian-White

    of the people. The hunting of the seal was almost everywhere a dominant

    feature of Eskimo life, a long, laborious task. If successful, here was

    light and food and clothing; failure meant death. The Eskimo survived, which

    meant that the number of seals was sufficient to supply his needs. The dead

    seal was carried in not as a mere carcass, but, in the central regions, as a

    child of a supernatural Mother of Marine Beasts, a creature which had allowed

    itself to be taken for the benefit of mankind. It was laid on a pillow of

    snow, water was poured in its mouth, and all unseemly behavior was forbidden

    while the seal was in the house. Truly the hunting of seals was not a mere

    economic occupation, it was the very core of Eskimo life.

            Seals were not the only source of food in the Arctic. Fish and birds

    were important in summer; some Eskimos hunted whales, others used the walrus

    for dog food. It must always be remembered that the taking of these marine

    mammals meant arduous labor. So would it have been to any people, but the

    Eskimo depended for his weapons upon bone and stone and ivory, and the problem

    of killing a walrus with a stone-pointed harpoon was one which taxed his in–

    genuity and his courage to the full. Similar paucity of material was char–

    acteristic of every phase of Eskimo activity. In Greenland and in Alaska the

    houses were rude cave-shelters or semisubterranean dugouts covered with the

    large bones of whales over which a covering of turf was allowed to freeze.

    Clothing was entirely of seal and caribou skins; cooking in stone lamps or

    cooking pots was a difficult task with blubber, and everywhere the difficulties

    of existence demanded ingenuity and cooperation to a degree. The Eskimo sur–

    vived because of his skill in carpentry and his willingness to cooperate with

    his fellows in a series of small family groups.

            But life was never a mere struggle for existence without the development

    004      |      Vol_VIII-0668                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McIlwraith: Acculturation: Eskimo-White and Indian-White

    of other activities. The Eskimos lived not only in a world of seals and fish,

    of storm and of short summer; they lived in a world populated by equally real

    beings of their own imagination. To win the support of these creatures de–

    manded a way of life which was as exacting as the actual struggle in their

    own physical environment. Taboos were numerous and rigidly observed. Signs

    and omens were followed and the seer who had supernatural assistance was a

    leader in the community. True chieftainship was unknown; each man was the

    equal of his fellows and the respect shown to the successful hunter was his

    in virtue of his prowess, but lasted only as long as he was able to command

    the respect of his fellows. Even the priest was a person whose prestige de–

    pended upon his success; once it was felt that he was no longer en rapport

    with the supernatural, his influence waned.

            There were small semipermanent settlements on the Alaskan coast and in

    Greenland, and still smaller and less permanent settlements in Arctic Canada.

    Nowhere was there the concept of a tribe, and nothing approaching the idea of

    a hereditary chief. The Eskimos were completely ignorant of the existence

    of their fellows beyond those living in a limited environment within range of

    their own settlement. They were a merry people, fearful at times of the forces

    with which they were surrounded, but capable of finding pleasure in their

    simple life and facing the future with fortitude. Death and starvation were

    near at hand, but life prevailed and the Eskimos tended to look on the cheer–

    ful side. In many ways they may be described as a simple people whose outlook

    was circumscribed by their environment, but within which they had developed

    a high degree of specialization.

            I have treated the Eskimos as if they were culturally uniform; this is

    not the case. For example, on the west side of Hudson Bay a small handful of

    005      |      Vol_VIII-0669                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McIlwraith: Acculturation: Eskimo-White and Indian-White

    Eskimos lived entirely upon the region of vast rolling plains known as Barren

    Grounds, seldom seeing the ocean and lacking the seal blubber which was the

    essential of all other Eskimo groups. In spite of this it has been possible

    to speak of the Eskimos as a unit, while the northern Indians present an en–

    tirely different picture of cultural diversity. In Alaska the Eskimos were

    in contact with small tribes in Cook Inlet and elsewhere, who were profoundly

    influenced by the rich cultural heritage of the northwest coast, from whom

    they had even derived ideas founded upon wealth and totemic cults. In Alaska,

    the Northwest Territories, and on the arctic prairies there lived Athapaskan

    "tribes," purely inland hunters whose linguistic affinities were with some of

    the wandering tribes of the southwestern United States, while across on the

    eastern side of Hudson Bay were to be found the Montagnais and Naskapi, lin–

    guistically and, to a certain extent, culturally akin to the widespread Algonkian

    tribes of whom the Cree and the Ojibwa are well-known examples. Finally, in

    Newfoundland the Indians were represented by the Beothuk, that peculiar "tribe"

    now extinct, about whom so little is known. A Montagnais transported by some

    magical means to the country of the Loucheux on the Alaska border would have

    felt far more a stranger than an eastern Eskimo similarly transported to the

    Eskimos of Alaska.

            Nonetheless, there were certain cultural traits running throughout the

    Sub arctic. The caribou, and to a lesser extent the rabbit, were the dominant

    mammals, not those of the ocean. The caribou served as food and clothing.

    From its sinews and tendons were prepared the babiche used so extensively for

    snares and netting. Houses varied from semisubterranean shelters in the west

    to conical skin tents in the east, but everywhere life was hard and rigorous,

    depending upon seasonal changes in the everlasting quest for fish and mammals.

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0670                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McIlwraith: Acculturation: Eskimo-White and Indian-White

    Life was on a family basis; concept of the tribe was practically unknown,

    and the idea of chieftainship was rudimentary except perhaps in a few of

    the western tribes. Material culture was weak, and comforts, in the European

    sense of the word, were almost as few as among the Eskimos. The pattern of

    life, however, as among the Eskimos, though it varied appreciably from one

    area to another, was still a pattern to be followed without question.

            It is unnecessary to sketch the approach of the white man to these hunt–

    ers of the north. Influenced in part by the hope of finding a short route to

    the Orient, and later by the wealth of arctic foxes, maritime explorers pen–

    etrated to the Arctic, both from the east and from the west. Contact with the

    Indians was on the whole a contact for trading purposes alone. Posts were

    established at strategic points and the Indians lured to them to exchange

    their furs for the white man's goods.

            Strangely, perhaps, it is the northern Indians rather than the Eskimos

    who have suffered the most severe dislocation by cultural contact. The white

    man wanted the skins of beaver and of arctic foxes and was willing to give

    iron and guns, traps and flour, and other unobtainable luxuries in exchange

    for selected skins. Consequently the Indian tended to abandon subsistence

    hunting, whereby he pursued different game at different seasons of the year,

    and instead concentrated on whatever type of skins the white man wanted. In

    this way he obtained the white man's wealth, but in so doing he lost his own

    independence to become a parasite upon the vagaries of fashion of an alien

    civilization. Metal traps and guns facilitated hunting, and within a genera–

    tion or two the northern Indian lost his own knowledge of snares and deadfalls,

    of the bow and arrow, and of the stone-tipped spear. As a result of this they

    were bound forever to the white man. Their own manufacturing went by the board,

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0671                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McIlwraith: Acculturation: Eskimo-White and Indian-White

    their clothing was replaced by importations; they could no longer support

    themselves in their own land without the aid of the alien trader. Trading

    posts vecame the center of their social and economic life. Native languages

    tended to give way, particularly in the Northwest Territories, to that of the

    superior white man. Indian religions were profoundly influenced by the works

    of the missionaries; their social structure was no longer sufficient to hold

    its own in a new world.

            It would be possible to describe the cultural adjustments of the northern

    Indians in the legal terminology of treaties and of government regulations.

    I have chosen, rather, to describe it in terms of cultural change; and the

    general point of view which I have outlined above is that which governs their

    life today. Hunting is still their main occupation. Canadian and American

    governments alike take responsibility for these northern Indians and give them

    varying assistance in the way of education, of guidance, and of medical care,

    but in the last analysis the Indian must still seek his means of subsistence

    by hunting, and by hunting those mammals which he can sell to the trading post.

    Where species have been depleted, his life is hard indeed. However, hunting

    is still one of the dominant industries of the north, and the Indian has,

    therefore, still a significant part to play. In mining and prospecting he

    serves as a canoe man and as a packer, but the fact remains that his own cul–

    ture is no longer able to support him.

            Perhaps as the Subarctic is opened up, the northern Indian, who alone is

    accustomed to it, will again be able to take a full part in the life of this

    area. As it is he lives in the north, dependent upon the white man, with most

    of his old culture a thing hardly remembered, but lacking the educational facil–

    ities and the occupational skills which would enable him to compete on equal

    008      |      Vol_VIII-0672                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McIlwraith: Acculturation: Eskimo-White and Indian-White

    terms with the white immigrants. His natural advantages have not been suf–

    ficient to compensate for the disadvantages which he has suffered in the

    b reakdown of his own culture. His food has become scarce, and with depend–

    ence upon that of the white man his health and energy have been impaired.

            The picture among the Eskimos is a rather different one. The Eskimo

    also has suffered from new tools, new materials, and new ambitions, but his

    way of life has survived to a greater extent than that of the Indian, or in–

    deed of that of any other native group in North America. The reason for this

    is that Eskimo culture, though rigid, was capable of assimilating certain new

    materials without destruction of everything that had gone before. Metal tools

    facilitated seal hunting and house-building, but they did not eliminate either.

    In places the caribou has been exterminated by the introduction of the white

    man's gun, but the seal and the arctic fox still hold their own in most areas

    and the Eskimo is still a successful hunter.

            Most whie traders and missionaries use Eskimo clothing and, on occasion,

    fall back on Eskimo houses as well as depending on Eskimo dogs and Eskimo sled ge s

    for traction. Thus there have been a considerable number of Eskimo traits which

    have had transfer value into the culture of the newcomer. In maritime activity

    the Eskimo has shown a great facility in mastering motorboat engines; many of

    the small craft of the Arctic are owned and run by Eskimos. No arctic expedi–

    tion would think of traveling without the aid of Eskimos. Intermixture between

    Eskimo and white has taken place on an extensive scale, as between white and

    Indian, but the half-breed offspring play a considerable part in the modern

    life of the Arctic.

            Many Eskimos have been converted to Christianity, and have taken a full

    part in Christian life. In regard to houses, many of the Eskimos continue to

    009      |      Vol_VIII-0673                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McIlwraith: Acculturation: Eskimo-White and Indian-White

    use the simple structures of Alaska and Greenland, and in the Canadian Arctic

    the snowhouse is still the common winter dwelling. In clothing, most of the

    Eskimos use their own style of fur garments, except in those areas where the

    caribou have been so depleted that skins are not available. For food, too,

    they still rely upon seals, fish, and birds; the foods obtained from traders

    are luxuries and their teeth show the ill effects of too much sugar, but they

    have been less contaminated by the lures of the white man than have their

    southern Indian neighbors. Or to put the same statement in another form, more

    of their traits have had a survival value.

            What of the future? The Eskimos are fortunate in having had relatively

    well supervised white contact, limited to well-equipped arctic expedition, whalers? in W. Arctic

    to government officials, police, and missionaries. They have been spared the

    degrading influence of the down-and-out white man who was such a curse to the

    Indians of the last century throughout the Middle West and the Plains. Their

    religion is changing, their taboos and their rich mythology are passing away,

    but enough of the old remains to carry over into a new life, so that there will

    not be a complete breakdown of Eskimo morale. The white man's education, the

    white man's trades, are being taken over by the Eskimo and adjusted to his own

    particular needs, without the wholesale elimination of his own aboriginal crafts,

    an elimination which, elsewhere, has proved so demoralizing. Government con–

    tacts have been reduced to a minimum; the police rest rict the Eskimos in var–

    ious ways, but their mode of life has not passed away.

            These, then, are the principal problems of cultural adjustment in the

    Arctic. It should be possible to integrate much of aboriginal life into the

    future of the north. Its complete disappearance would be an irreparable loss.

    Northern Eskimo and Indian alike have adjusted themselves to a specialized and

    010      |      Vol_VIII-0674                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. McIlwraith: Acculturation: Eskimo-White and Indian-White

    rigorous environment. The Eskimo particularly has shown himself able to

    incorporate a great many developments of the white man into his own life, th

    thereby enriching it without destroying it. The northern Indians, on the

    other hand, are more culturally disintegrated, and the problem of adjustment

    to chan g ing conditions is a more severe one. Care and judgment on the part

    of the government is needed if both groups are to survive the inevitable dis–

    turbance of the imposition of an alien culture, and to avoid the cataclysmic

    disaster that has followed such contacts in many parts of the world.

           

    T. F. McIlwraith

    Northern Athapaskan Acculturation


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0675                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Richard Slobodin)


    NORTHERN ATHAPASKAN ACCULTURATION

           

    CONTENTS

    Page
    Introduction 1
    Tribal Distribution and Nomenclature 1
    Basic Conditions of Acculturation 1
    History of Culture Contact 2
    Monopoly Fur Trade 3
    Culture Change in Early Contact 4
    Yearly Cycle in "the Old Days" 5
    Missions 6
    Competition in the Fur Trade 8
    The Gold Rush 8
    The Rise of the Muskrat 10
    The White Trapper 11
    The Second World War 12
    Postwar Tendencies 12
    Contemporary Material Culture 13
    Subsistence Activities 13
    Dwellings 13
    Food Habits 14
    Liquor and Tobacco 14
    Dress and Ornament 14
    Transportation 15
    Government 15
    Economy 16
    Kinship and Marriage 17
    Recreations 18
    Religion 18
    Health and Welfare 19
    Population Figures 20
    Basic Attitudes and Personality Structure 21
    Literature on Northern Athapaskan Acculturation 22
    Bibliography 24



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0676                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Richard Slobodin)


           

    NORTHERN ATHAPASKAN ACCULTURATION

           

    Introduction

            Tribal Distribution and Nomenclature . The northern Athapaskan-speaking

    peoples discussed here are those of the Arctic and Subarctic, whose territory

    is contiguous with that of Arctic Eskimos. Following Osgood's nomenclature

    and grouping (1936; p. 4) they are, from west to east: Ingalik, Koyukon,

    Kutchinm, Hare, Bear Lake, Dogrib, Yellowknife, and Chipewyan.

            The cohesiveness and stability of these groupings diminishes as one

    passes from the relatively sedentary and complex cultures of the Pacific

    drainage to the simpler, atomistic cultures of the Arctic drainage. Extensive

    aboriginal commerce and the influence of North Pacific coast cultures led to

    the development among northwestern Athapaskans of political controls and dis–

    tinctions based on wealth. These did not exist among the eastern tribes.

            Basic Conditions of Acculturation . The history of contact between whites

    and northern Athapaskan Indians has been largely conditioned by the relative

    absence of permanent white settlement and exploitation of the territory. The

    principal medium of contact has been the fur trade, monopolistically controlled

    for a long period. This trade has been dependent upon the preservation of

    the native population and the precontact ecology, in contrast to colonial

    economy in other areas, which has involved the destruction or enslavement of

    native peoples.



    002      |      Vol_VIII-0677                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation

            The remoteness of the region from industrial centers, and the difficul–

    ties of transportation and supply have necessitated white dependence on native

    good will in many situations, and white adaptation to native cultural traits.

           

    History of Culture Contact

            Like most non-Europeans, the northern Athapaskans experienced indirect

    effects of white expansion before encountering the whites. Central Algonkian

    tribes, supplied with firearms and organized for the fur trade during the

    seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, expanded their hunting grounds at the

    expense of tribes to the west and north. The tribal designation "Slave" is

    said to derive from this period, having been contemptuously applied by the

    Cree to Athapaskan groups which they dislocated during their westward expan–

    sion. (V. Mackenzie, 1927; p. 137n.)

            Fort Churchill was established by the Hudson's Bay Company in 1717 as a

    deliberate attempt to circumvent Cree opposition to direct trade with the Atha–

    paskans. The Chipewyans thus contacted followed a course similar to that of

    the Cree, driving west to the Athabaska and Peace rivers, and maintaining a

    profitable position as middlemen between the posts on Hudson Bay and the Beaver

    and Slave Indians.

            As the white traders advanced form Hudson Bay and from the Pacific, each

    tribe in turn resisted, with varying force, the abandonment of a lucrative

    position as middlemen. Notably truculent in this regard were the Kutchin —

    Alexander Mackenzie's "Quarrellers" — who succeeded during the first half of

    the nineteenth century in preventing direct trade between the Hudson's Bay

    Company and Mackenzie Eskimos. The violent opposition of a Kutchin band to

    what they considered a disturbance of their Eskimo market by Sir John Franklin

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0678                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation

    nearly resulted in the ambush of his party in 1826. (Franklin, 1828; p. 177ff).

    Murray (1910) described the unsuccessful attempt of the Kutcha Kutchin to pre–

    vent other tribes from trading at Fort Yukon in 1847-48.

            Monopoly Fur Trade . From 1799 until the sale of Alaska in 1867, trade

    on the Yukon, below Fort Yukon, was controlled by the Russian-American Company.

    During early decades of American ownership, the trade was dominated by the

    Alaska Commercial Company of San Francisco. In Canada the trade was completely

    controlled by the Hudson's Bay Company until several decades after the sale of

    its royal land grant in 1869.

            A function of the monopoly situation in this region was the wide spacing

    of trading posts, in contrast to the frequent pairing of posts by rival compan–

    ies during the fur wars around Hudson Bay and on the northern plains. Posts

    were established for the most part at or near the mouth of a tributary of the

    Yukon or Mackenzie. Trade was carried on at each post with members of several

    tribes, some of whom traveled nearly five hundred miles each spring. Shifts

    in trade routes and occupation centers thus induced led to the disappearance

    of some bands, such as the Tokkuth Kutchin, and the emergence of others, such

    as, perhaps, the Great Bear Lake groups. (Osgood, 1933; p. 33)

            Developing the fur trade has involved in each area the establishment of

    a demand for novel commodities and the re-direction of economic activity. In

    the region of monopoly control, tobacco was employed, rather than liquor, as

    a habit-forming luxury. Tobacco did not impair the efficiency of the natives

    as hunters and trappers, nor did it involve precautions against violence. The

    tobacco of the early trade, in coiled black strips, was given away at first,

    as were a few clay pipes for each band, until the smoking habit had been well

    established.



    004      |      Vol_VIII-0679                                                                                                                  
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            In the Pacific drainage and on the lower Mackenzie, strings of dental–

    ium shells, prime objects of intertribal trade, were important in the establish–

    ment of the white man's trade. The use of the shells as body decoration and

    symbol of wealth reached a climax during the decades immediately following

    white contact.

            As elsewhere, the whites set up or confirmed in authority leaders through

    whom they might deal with each group. These men were usually given uniforms

    and badges of distinction. Among the eastern peoples, the power of the fur

    trade chiefs has not been widely recognized. In the Pacific drainage, however,

    where authoritarian patterns had been rather well established before contact,

    the chiefs controlled trapping and trading to a considerable extent. Many of

    them were outfitted by the whites for secondary trade among their own people.

            Culture Change in Early Contact . Each trading post, of necessity almost

    self-sufficent, employed dog drivers and trainers, fishermen, hunters, carpen–

    ters, and boatwrights, as well as traders and clerks.

            First of these functions to be assumed by local Indians was that of post

    hunter. Able hunters might eventually be rewarded by possession of the muzzle–

    loading muskets they used. Muskets were so expensive that their possession

    through trade spread very slowly.

            European tools and techniques in carpentry and boat building remained

    for several generations in the control of sedentary mixed-blood families. The

    same was true of the manufacture and use of twine fish nets.

            Except on the lower Yukon, where the Ingalik had long been strongly in–

    fluenced by Eskimo culture, the use of dog-traction spread slowly during the

    nineteenth century.

            Most widespread change in clothing habits until the close of the nineteenth

    005      |      Vol_VIII-0680                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation

    century was the diffusion of the parka, long in use among the Ingalik. As

    adapted from upper garments of North Pacific coast peoples, this design was

    carried up the Yukon and Kuskokwim by employees of the Russians. Its use

    spread slowly in the arctic drainage, where the aboriginal caribou-skin tail

    coat was fairly common until the First World War. The blanket parka appears

    to be partially a development from the cloth capote of the Canadian fur trade

    voyageur.

            The distinctive lower garment of the Kutchin with foot-and leg-covering

    combined, was abandoned soon after contact in favor of caribou-skin trousers

    and various types of moccasin.

            During the monopoly period of the fur trade, few items of food and cloth–

    ing were imported. Tea early assumed importance as did flour during the later

    nineteenth century, followed by rice, oatmeal, and raisins.

            Yearly Cycle in "the Old Days ." A yearly cycle of activities developed

    which persisted throughout the nineteenth century and, in some areas, well into

    the twentieth. It is this annual round, stable throughout several generations,

    that is referred to by natives as "the old days."

            In late summer, shortly before freeze-up, the Indians would leave their

    fishing locations on foot, in poled scows, or in large bark canoes. Mackenzie

    and Yukon drainage peoples journeyed upstream into mountainous country for

    the winter. The more easterly peoples went into the Barren Lands by way of

    lake-and-stream waterways.

            As before white contact, the winter hunting and trapping was conducted

    in groups ranging from two to a dozen families, the larger groups centering

    around a fur trade chief or other able and influential hunter. Such stability

    as the larger groups maintained depended primarily on the prestige of the leader.

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0681                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation

    There appears at this time to have been no concept of hunting territory, or

    trap line tenure.

            At rare intervals throughout the winter, young men would be sent on foot

    to the trading post for tobacco and tea.

            In the Mackenzie and Yukon drainages, a majority of each tribe gathered

    far up their home river at spring break-up, and constructed a number of flat–

    bottomed boats. These were made of about twelve moose skins each, sewn to–

    gether and stretched on spruce frames. Although part of the precontact culture

    of the mountain peoples, such boats appear to have gained greatly in importance

    during the nineteenth century. On their arrival downriver at the trading post,

    the skins of whi c h the boats were made were sold to the traders, either intact

    or in the form of babiche.

            The tribe's stay at the trading post was marked by intense trading carried

    on through interpreters or in a trade jargon, and by social activities. The

    latter included feasts, games, dances and — among the western tribes — pot–

    latches. The rest of the summer was occupied in fishing and preparing dried

    fish. Many fish eddies had been identified with particular families since

    aboriginal times.

            Missions . Probably the northern Athapaskans who first encountered the

    white man's forms of worship were those trading into Hudson Bay in the early

    eighteenth century. However, the first white missionary reported among the

    northern Ind ians penetrated the western periphery of their territory. This

    was Father Kolmakov, of the Russian Orthodox Church, who established a mission

    among the Ingalik on the lower Kuskokwim in 1818.

            The first missionaries in the Northwest Territories were Roman Catholic

    priests of the Oblates of Mary Immaculate, who arrived at Great Slave Lake in

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0682                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation

    1852. 4? One of these reached the Arctic at Fort McPherson in 1850, closely

    followed by a minister of the Church of England.

            Rivalry between denominations throughou y t the area, which in some cases

    was bitter, frequently involved the traders. The predominance of Catholicism

    in northwestern Canada despite the opposition of most Hudson's Bay Company men

    there has generally been explained, as by Stefansson (1913; p. 25), in terms

    of highly trained personnel, devoted to lifetime work. Corroborating this view

    is the fact that where Protestants have succeeded in maintaining a firm posi–

    tion, there have usually been long incumbencies by strong and able missionaries.

    The dynamics of the acceptance of Christian worship and denominational prefer–

    ences can be understood only in terms of the value-systems and and personality pat–

    terns of those who are being converted. Stefansson (1913; chapters 26 and 27)

    has shown this strikingly for the Mackenzie Eskimos, while Honigmann (1946;

    p. 135n) has an interesting comment on northern Athapaskan Catholicism.

            Occasional efforts were made by missionaries to equate Biblical figures

    with northern Athapaskan supernaturals. Thus the Kutchin understood Archdeacon

    James MacDonald to assert that their culture here was John the Baptist. Father

    Petitot (1886; III), who considered the Janus supernatural of the Mackenzie

    Athapaskans to be their supreme deity associated this concept to some extent

    with the Christian God in his missionary work. Petitot (1876; p. 65) also

    at–

    tributed to the Hares a belief in a trinity.

            Of great importance in the establishment of Christian doctrine and ritual

    was the activity of the many native catechists trained by the pioneering mission–

    aries, a nd of Indian women church workers. The latter were in many cases the

    wives of traders, and thus among the first natives to acquire some mastery of a

    European language. These persons assisted in the translation of Scriptures,

    008      |      Vol_VIII-0683                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation

    prayers, and hymns into the native languages. They were the first natives

    to attain literacy, usually in transcriptions of the native languages which

    were developed by missionaries with their help.

            Among the social changes wrought by nineteenth century missionaries were

    the introduction of Christian baptism, marriage forms, and burial ceremonies,

    and the discontinuance of polygyny. The obsolescence of wrestling for wives

    and some other forms of courtship was in part due to Christian influence. Most

    natives were in contact with the missionary only during the summer gathering

    at the trading post, although religious service conducted by catechists in the

    camps became increasingly common.

            Competition in the Fur Trade . Monopoly control of trade kept the northern

    Athapaskans from direct contact with the money economy until the late nineteenth

    century on the Yukon; and until after World War I, east of the Mackenzie.

            Competition among American trading companies on the Yukon in the 1870's

    brought some money into that region, while American whalers wintering at Herschel

    Island from 1890 to 1904 constituted a strong challenge to the private currency

    and credit system of the Hudson's Bay Company on the lower Mackenzie.

            The Gold Rush . Far more important in its impact on the northwestern Atha–

    paskans was the influx of gold seekers into the Yukon drainage at the turn of

    the century. Large parties of prospective miners camped among Kutchin, as well

    as Han and Tanana, in regions which no whites had visited before, and where few,

    if any, have been since that era.

            The d iversity of trade goods at the mining centers, and the gold-boom

    profits to be made in selling meat to the miners constituted an attraction

    that drew northwestern Athapaskans into concentration around the major boom

    towns. The yearly cycle of the monopoly fur trade was interrupted.



    009      |      Vol_VIII-0684                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation

            Breech-loading rifles and shotguns, which had begun to appear among Yukon

    natives in the early '90's, became fairly common. Caribou lodges were rapidly

    displaced by canvas wall tents. At the same time, the open fire in the lodge

    was replaced by sheet-metal heaters with stovepipe, although there was consid–

    erable resistance to this innovation, due to the emotional importance of the

    open fire.

            Cloth dresses, shawls, costume jewelry, three-piece suits, and Stetson

    hats became marks of distinction. Serge trousers tended to replace caribou–

    skin undergarments as male working attire. Blanket parkas became standardized,

    as did duffle socks of blanketing materials.

            Dog teams became increasingly common. The hand-drawn runner sleds of

    the Kutchin and Koyukon were replaced by toboggans. The light, built-up Yukon

    sled appears to be a nineteenth century development.

            Canvas and paint for canoe construction were among the many novel items

    stocked by the established fur traders at this time to offset the attractions

    of the gold rush.

            Novel occupations as well as novel materials and techniques came into

    northern Athapaskan life at this period. Some Indians took up mining, usually

    as employees of whites. Many worked as deckhands on river boats in the Yukon

    system. A few became river pilots. Work on the boats conformed with northern

    Athapaskans' high valuation of travel. Reminiscences of experiences on the boats

    indicate an interest in the trips for their own sake.

            The natives say of this period that they became "rich" quickly and that

    they died as quickly. The introduction of foreign disease spread by unwonted

    crowding, the accessibility of liquor, and sudden changes in dietary habits

    contributed to high mortality.



    010      |      Vol_VIII-0685                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation

            With the decline in gold-mining activities during the second decade of

    the twentieth century, the northwestern Athapaskans tended to move back into

    their old hunting grounds. They were able to do so easily because they had

    been for the most part peripheral to the mining centers rather than incorpor–

    ated into them. The basic sub s sistence activities and the values attached

    to them had not been deeply affected.

            The Rise of the Muskrat . Before 1917, muskrat pelts were of almost no

    economic importance. Demand for low-priced fur during and immediately after

    World War I brought the muskrat price u to $1.50 and $2.00 a pelt. It be–

    came possible for a family in a favorable creek and lake district to make a

    larger profit in four months of trapping and shooting muskrats than in eight

    months of much more arduous pursuit of fine fur. Muskrat country, such as the

    Yukon Flats, the Crow River Flats, and the deltas of the Mackenzie, Yukon, and

    Kuskokwim, assumed new significance. Before this, year-round residence in

    these and similar lowlands had been disdained by all but a few specialists in

    beaver hunting. Now, the long winter journeys into the mountains or the Barren

    Lands became shorter and less frwquent.

            It became the custom to return to the settlement before Christmas for

    trading, churchgoing, and holiday festivities lasting well into January. Many

    families then waited downriver until the opening of the ratting season. An

    Easter ingathering at the settlement, to trade the early trapped rats, also

    became increasingly popular.

            The settlement, centering around trading posts and mission, acquired more

    importance in native life than it had had anywhere except on the lower Yukon,

    where community ceremonialism was strongly developed. During the 1920's, most

    families erected for the first time a permanent home at the settlement, for

    011      |      Vol_VIII-0686                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation

    occupation chiefly during the Christmas-New Year, Easter, and summer in–

    gatherings.

            A more direct result of the increase in ratting activity was the rapid

    diffusion of factory-made ratting canoes and of outboard motors. This was

    closely followed by increase in the use of inboard boat engines in homemade

    wooden scows.

            The use of steel traps had not spread rapidly among northern Athapaskans

    during the nineteenth century. Before dog traction became common, it was al–

    most impossible for a family to carry an adequate supply of them during the

    winter. Moreover, nineteenth century steel traps were less reliable and more

    damaging to fur than were aboriginal snares and deadfalls. The rise of the

    muskrat to economic supremacy appears to have been responsible, more than any

    other single factor, for the establishment of the steel trap among the northern

    peoples. Deadfalls, such as those used for beaver, were not practicable for

    the large-scale trapping of muskrats on the ice in early spring. As the emphasis

    in ratting is on quantity rather than quality, occasional damage to pelts is

    of less importance than facility of use.

            Intensified contact between Indian, Eskimo, and white trappers, in the

    muskrat-bearing river deltas, has resulted in rapid convergence of clothing

    habits and design. It is striking that Eskimo and Indian food habits remain

    sharply distinct.

            The White Trapper . The number of white trappers in the area has been

    slowly increasing since World War I. As elsewhere, the white are likely to

    trap out a region, whereas the Indian tends to be a conservationist. On the

    other hand, white trappers have been largely instrumental in teaching natives

    how to ship their best fur out to the auctions, and to arrange transfers of

    012      |      Vol_VIII-0687                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation

    credit from fur auctions to supply firms.

            White trappers, especially those who have married natives, stand in a

    social position intermediate between sedentary white residents of the north–

    ern settlements, and the natives. Cultural change has been by no means one–

    sided in the North, and among the whites it has been the trappers particularly

    who have shown the effect, not only of the compelling arctic ecology, but of

    native values and attitudes.

            The Second World War . World War II was a boom period for northern Atha–

    paskan trappers. Fur prices were the highest in history, fur returns good in

    many areas, and competition from white trappers was reduced. The debts and

    deprivations accumulated during the depression of the 1930's were greatly al–

    leviated.

            Some of the young men experienced war service or labor on military con–

    struction, and returned with some money and increased prestige.

            The unprecedentedly high fur prices of the 1942-46 period coincided with

    a peak in the muskrat population cycle throughout much of the North. This

    situation drew men into the ratting areas from all parts of the Mackenzie and

    Yukon drainages. At the same time the Eskimo coastal population tended to

    concentrate in the delta regions. The ensuing conflicts in trap line rights,

    and strain on the faunal resources in these areas has been a conservation

    problem and a source of friction among Eskimos, Indians, and whites.

            Postwar Tendencies . The return to the North of native and white trappers

    at the close of World War II, as well as an accelerated immigration, have ex–

    acerbated this problem. This further increase in exploitation of the ratting

    areas has coincided with a sharp fall in fur prices, and in a reducation, pre–

    sumably cyclical, of the muskrat population. Economic competition and inter–

    group friction has been intensified.



    013      |      Vol_VIII-0688                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation

            In Alaska particularly, the resulting abrogation of native land rights

    has in recent years been following the pattern characteristic of white expan–

    sion on this continent. (See letter of Mrs. Amy Hollingstad, President of the

    Alaska Native Sisterhood, Published by National Congress of American Indians,

    Washington, D.C.) In the Canadian North the competition for faunal resources

    has not become as severe as in American territory. The Dominion Department of

    Mines and Resources has extended throughout the Mackenzie valley the registered

    trap line system in anticipation of further immigration, and has enlisted the

    cooperation of trappers in planning for conservation. Noteworthy in this re–

    spect is the Trappers' Club of Aklavik, N.W.T., Canada, organized by whites,

    but now including Eskimo, Indian, and mixed-blood trappers. It has provided

    the local Game Warden with suggestions for conservation and for control of trap

    line disputes.

           

    Contemporary Material Culture

            Subsistence Activities . Subsistence activities remain essentially those

    of hunting, fishing, and trapping. The breech-loading rifle has made obsolete

    such techniques as caribou surrounds, communal drives on caribou and musk ox,

    use of animal disguises, and many skills in butchering game. The tracking of

    moose, however, has changed little. Snares of brass wire or netting twine are

    set for grouse, the snowshoe rabbit, and sometimes for liynx. Occasionally a

    babiche snare is set for caribou or moose.

            Manufactured twine gill nets are used in seining and drift-netting; fish

    wheels are common in Alaska.

            Dwellings . Log cabins, as used in the settlements, are each erected by

    the head of a household with some help from kinsmen. A typical cabin has plank

    014      |      Vol_VIII-0689                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation

    flooring; immovable small-paned windows; a cast-iron wood-burning stove and

    oven; homemade bunks on which sleeping robes, bearskins, or caribout skins are

    placed; chairs; tables; and shelving. Frequently there is an attic. Older

    people prefer to sit, sleep, and eat on the floor, as in tents. Many settle–

    ments have community halls, cooperatively built, for dances and feasts. These

    have generally replaced the kashim on the lower Yukon.

            While away from the settlement, most families live in canvas tents, and

    many families who do not have cabins in the settlement erect tents there for

    the periodic ingatherings.

            Food Habits . Very strong emotional value has always been attached to food

    habits by the peoples under discussion. It appears that methods of preparing

    local foods have not been much affected by white contact. On the contrary, the

    whites, here as elsewhere, have learned Indian techniques for preserving meat

    and fish.

            No strong attachment to recently introduced vegetables can be discerned,

    although some canned fruits are popular as a luxury. A main course of meat

    is held essential to any meal.

            Liquor and Tobacco . As no alcoholic beverages may be sold to Indians in

    Canada, the natives of the Dominion are restricted to home-brews based on

    corn meal, raisins, dried fruits, or potatoes. A large variety of patent medi–

    cines has been tried for intoxicating effect. At some of the larger settle–

    ments in the Canadian North there are bootleggers, while in Alaska liquor may

    be purchased legally.

            Smoking habits are at present similar to those of Rural Americans.

            Dress and Ornament . The dress of whites and Indians in the North is almost

    indistinguishable. It is likely that more white men than Indians own deerskin

    shirts.



    015      |      Vol_VIII-0690                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation

            The working parka is of duffel, blanketing, or stroud cloth, with a

    separate cover of duck or canvas for males, and of print cotton for females.

    There are minor sex differences in design. The heavy under part of the parka

    is edged with v w olverine or wolf fur around the hood, at the wrists, and often

    at the lower hem. Moosehide mitts with blanket lining, trimmed with beaver

    fur strips and deerskin fringes, are worn for winter travel, with mitt-strings,

    frequently of braided wool yarn. The design of the Eskimo sealskin boot has

    been imitated in that of the snowboot, with moosehide soles and leg-piece of

    canvas, cowhide, or caribou-leg skin.

            Other garments are purchased at the stores or made from imported mater–

    ials. There has been a tendency during the past thirty years for men's cloth–

    ing to become less heavily adorned, as beadwork, quillwork, and silk embroidery

    have disappeared from garments other than dress moccasins and mitts. At the

    same time, women's clothing has been increasing in clorfulness with the im–

    portation of dyed and printed textiles and, especially, with the growth of

    the mail order trade.

            Transportation . Convergence of white and Indian methods of transport has

    been complete. The snowshoe, unchanged by white contact, is used by all.

            Methods of transport are: (1) The northern Athapaskan snowshoe, unchanged

    by white contact. (2) Dog traction, using tandem hitch of di o gs and toboggan

    in the arctic drainage; paired hitch with the leader in front, and runner sleds,

    in the Pacific drainage. (3) Factory-built canoes, with outboard motor except

    for ratting. (4) Plank scows, of local design, and manufacture, with marine

    engine. (5) Chartered aircraft on floats or skis, increasingly used by native

    as well as white trappers.

            Government . The land-cession treaties between the Dominion of Canada and

    016      |      Vol_VIII-0691                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation

    the more northerly of the Canadian Athapaskans recognized the fur-trade chiefs

    as representatives of their communities. The United States has made no treaties

    with Alaskan Indian tribes, nor have reservations been established for Athapas–

    kan groups in Alaska.

            Formal education for Canadian Athapaskans is provided principally in

    mission residential schools. Recently the Indian Affairs Branch of the Canadian

    Department of Mines and Resources has established several day primary schools

    in the area under discussion. In Alaska, there was for a long time no differ–

    entiation between schooling of whites and natives. In 1905, a dual system of

    education was established, with schools operated by the Office of Indian Affairs,

    Department of the Interior, for "tribal" natives. Territorial schools were for

    white children "children of mixed blood who lead a civilized life." (Cohen,

    1945; p. 406.)

            With the extension of the Wheeler-Howard Act of 1934 to Alaska in 1936,

    the legal position of Alaskan natives has become almost identical with that of

    Indians in the United States.

            Economy . Still prevalent is the fluctuation between individualism of

    consumer's goods in time of plenty, and relative communalism under scarcity

    conditions. Even in the most acculturated groups, the etiquette of moose-meat

    distribution is practiced.

            In prosperous seasons, property won in games of chance is retained by the

    winn t er. In bad times there is tendency to "lend" the winnings back to the

    original owner, in consonance with strong disapproval of the deliberate impover–

    ishment of a family. Such "loans" are frequently cancelled in subsequent gambl–

    ing or other obligations.

            The credit or "debt" relationship with fur traders still prevails among

    017      |      Vol_VIII-0692                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation

    northern Indians. I n this, a family is outfitted at the beginning of the

    trapping season, in return for its catch or some portion thereof. As indicated

    previously, some native trappers have freed themselves from this relationship.

            In aboriginal northern Athapaskan society, a man gained prestige in great

    part through success in hunting, trading, and warfare. Property thus acquired

    was a symbol of this success. Equally important to prestige was the distribu–

    tion of this property. The first emphasis, the equating of wealth and ability,

    has been easily directed to the individualistic, acquisitive motivation of

    frontier economy. The second emphasis has been in conflict with the white man's

    economic motivation. Evidence of this conflict is the difficulty that chiefs

    have experienced when functioning as secondary traders for the fur posts.

            The saving of property for private use is regarded with considerable dis–

    approval. However, an increasing number of Indians now save money and property,

    albeit somehat surreptiously.

            Kinship and Marriage . The basic social and economic unit is the bilateral

    family, centering in man and wife in their active working years, and their chil–

    dren. This household unit may also include parents of either man or wife, sib–

    lings, siblings-in-law, and children of the latter. Children of siblings call

    each other brother and sister, and in many families no distinction from own

    sibling is felt.

            Marriage ideals have been little affected by white contact. Ability to

    work remains the quality pre-eminently desired in a spouse. Compatability of

    personality is important, but probably no more so than aboriginally. Marriage

    continues to be regarded as an alliance of households, as well as of domestic

    partners. Sibling-in-law remains an important relationship, preferred as a

    w orking partner.



    018      |      Vol_VIII-0693                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation

            Recreation . Feasts range in size from distributions of moose and other

    meat, to potlatches costing several thousand dollars. Following are some of

    the occasions for giving a feast and refreshments for a dance: first kill by

    son; first large animal killed by son; death of spouse or sibling; marriage

    of son, daughter, sibling, sibling-in-law, sister's child.

            A feast is opened and closed by prayer, prononnced by a catechist, and

    is featured by speeches discussing the occasion and expressing thanks for the

    entertainment.

            Dance types range from aboriginal forms accompanied by flat drum and sing–

    ing, to fox trots and waltzes with radio music. Most widely popular are his–

    torically intermediate forms: square dances, reels, drops-of-brandy, and jigs,

    accompanied by fiddle and guitar or accordion.

            Aboriginal song forms are disappearing rapidly, but singing remains an

    important accompaniment, Christian hymns and cowboy-hillbilly ballads are widely

    sung. Story telling also remains an important pastime for both sexes.

            The hand game is played, for the most part in camps away from the settle–

    ments. In the settlements, poker and dice are pastimes of the younger men,

    while whist is played by men and women of the middle generations.

            Northern Athapaskan culture was rich in active sports, and almost all of

    them have survived. Most important is football, using a moosehide ball stuffed

    with fur or moose hair. Postcontact sports are dog-team racing, swimming, and,

    in Alaska, baseball.

            Religion . At present most Canadian Athapaskans are Roman Catholic, with

    a minority of Anglicans. Alaskan Indians are Russian Orthodox, Roman Catholic,

    Episcopalian, and Moravian.

            Shamanism is practiced in many though not all groups. Where it has obsol-

    019      |      Vol_VIII-0694                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation

    esced, the feeling is that it was valid formerly but has been superseded by

    the greater power of the white man's supernatural. The Nakani or Bush Man

    beliefs are of wide distribution, as are variants of the aboriginal concepts

    of reincarnation.

            Nativistic movements do not appear to have been of great importance.

    Osgood (1933; p. 87) reports a messianic cult among the Dogribs and Great Bear

    Lake people in 1925-26. This may have been a diffusion of the prophet cult

    developed south of Great Slave Lake in the early 1920's. There have been hints

    of witch killings around Fort Yukon, and in this region Mason recorded belief

    in a messiah who would "rid the country of the white man, while keeping tea,

    tobacco, and metal implements." (Mason, 1924; p. 61.)

           

    Health and Welfare

            Smallpox is mentioned in the eighteenth century. As early are references

    to respiratory diseases, enc k o uraged by "unaccustomed confinement." (Kenney,

    1932; p. 62.) Stefansson points out the high incidence of tuberculosis fostered

    by insanitary wooden houses as contrasted with mobile camps. (Stefansson, 1913;

    pp. 22-24.)

            The influx of gold seekers into the Yukon Territory and Alaska spread

    respiratory diseases and measles in the most disastrous epidemic recorded for

    the northern natives. Anderson and Eels attribute the drop of 14.2 % in the

    native population of Alaska between 1900 and 1910 to this complex of diseases.

    (Anderson and Eels, 1935: p. 104. The authors quote the World Missionary Atlas

    Institute of Social and Religious Research, 1935, as estimating that one-fourth

    of the native Alaskan population was lost in the 1900-1910 period due to in–

    troduced diseases.) Measles, carried eastward from Dawson in 1902 by Kutchin

    020      |      Vol_VIII-0695                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation

    (Whittaker, n.d.; pp. 225-226), was estimated to have killed about one-fifth

    of the population of the Mackenzie valley. (Stefansson, 1913; p. 26, quoting

    Father Giroux, O.M.I.)

            The World War I pandemic of Spanish influenza reached the northern Atha–

    paskans in 1920-22, killing a high proportion of older persons. Influenza

    has visited the region several times since. [espey?] 1928

            Tuberculosis remains the greatest health problem of the northern Indians.

    Among the arctic groups, the bovine type is the most common, while some groups

    to the south now show a h higher incidence of pulmonary tuberculosis. (Personal

    communication, Dr. E. L. Stone, Regional Superintendent, Indian Health Service,

    Edmonton, Alta., Canada.)

            Unbalanced, vitamin-deficient diet especially in the settlements, is

    another major welfare problem, recognized by many natives as well as by white

    authorities.

           

    Population Figures

            Population figures are for the northern Athapaskans very inadequate. As

    with most North American Indian groups, the population of Alaskan Athapaskans

    has shown an accelerated rate of increase since 1910. In that year it was

    3,916; in 1920, 4,657; in 1930, 5,060.

            In 1880, mixed bloods comprised 5.3% of the total native population of

    Alaska, including Eskimo. In 1930, they comprised 26.1% of that total.

            The Indian population of the Northwest Territories and the Yukon Territory

    totalled 5,347 in 1944, almost all of the number being northern Athapaskan.



    021      |      Vol_VIII-0696                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation

           

    Basic Attitudes and Personality Structure

            No studies are available of the peoples discussed here by observers

    trained in psychological and psychiatric techniques. However, it may be stated

    that here as elsewhere the covert aspects of culture, and modal personality types,

    have changed more slowly than have material culture, the forms of institutions,

    and the behavior patterns specifically related to the latter.

            Most whites have characterized northern Athapaskans as introverted. The

    tendency is to a few strong attachments, which are more or less institutional–

    ized, as the best friend or favorite sibling. Other than these, intense inter–

    personal relationships, either positive or negative, are rare. Relationships

    seem guarded, and tempered by mistrust. For example, suspicion invariably at–

    taches to survivors of parties where a death has occurred. This suspicion is

    at the root of the Nakani belief.

            With this, verbal assertion and aggression are strongly inhibited. To talk

    up one's own exploits is considered inadvisable. The tendency is to minimize

    them, in strong contrast to the almost ritualistic boasting of frontier whites.

    That younger Indians experience a conflict of tendencies is seen in the verbal

    aggression that characterizes Indian drinking bouts.

            Converse to this psychological situation is the ability of many northern

    Athapaskans to approximate to their ideal of emotional and physical self-suffic–

    iency. This self-sufficiency is a function of the instability of social group–

    ing and the great physical mobility conditioned by the ecology of these peoples.

            The fur t trade has ten d ed to preserve that ecology and with it the orienta–

    tion of northern Athapaskan culture to forest dwelling and travel. To the extent

    that these have been preserved, the northern Indians have been able to feel rela–

    tively self-sufficient. Where the ecology has been markedly changed, natives

    022      |      Vol_VIII-0697                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation

    have been unable to maintain a semblance of self-sufficiency, with consequent

    demoralization.

           

    Literature on Northern Athapaskan Acculturation

            The only reports of acculturation processes among northern Indians are

    those of the Honigmanns on the Kaska and western Slave, and those of Hallowell

    on the Saulteaux (Ojibwa). These emphasize value-attitude systems and person–

    ality structure and changes. Although dealing with peoples outside of the

    region considered here, they provide valuable comparative data.

            Useful for details on the impact of the fur trade on the most northerly

    Athapaskans in Canada are the early documents published by the Champlain Soc–

    iety (e.g., Tyrrell, 1931) and the Hudson's Bay Rcord Society (e.g., Fleming,

    1940). Also useful are the diaries and travel accounts of fur traders such

    as James Knight (Kenney, 1932), Alexander Mackenzie (1801), Samuel Hearne

    (1911), Alexander Henry (1921), Thomas Simpson (1843), Alexander Murray (1910),

    and those contained in Masson's collection (1890). [ ?]

    [ ?]

            Zagoskin (1847, 1847-48) gives information on conditions of Russian–

    Indian contact on the lower Yukon. Tikhmenev (1861-63) describes the early

    fur trade in that area. Curtis (1928) records a Chipewyan tradition of initial

    contact with European traders.

            The explorer John Franklin (1828) refers to northern Athapaskan-Eskimo

    trade. Information on early effects of white contact is incidentally provided

    by some of the Franklin searchers (Richardson, 1851; Hooper, 1853).

            Pioneering Roman Catholic missionary work among Canadian Arctic Athapas–

    kans is described by Clut (1887) and Duchaussois (1923). Accounts of present

    activities are periodically given in the Petites Annales des Missionaires

    023      |      Vol_VIII-0698                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation

    Oblats de Marie-Immacul e é e . In addition to their contributions to northern

    Athapaskan ethnography, Fathers Petitot and Morice provide incidental informa–

    tion on acculturation, and considerable evidence on missionary attitudes. In–

    formation on the Anglican work among these tribes is to be found in the bio–

    graphy of Bishop Bompas (Cody, 1908) and in his own description of the Mack–

    enzie district (Bompas, 1888).

            Travelers and explorers during the later nineteenth and early twentieth

    centuries provide descriptions of northern Athapaskans seen chiefly at trading

    posts and as guides. For the lower Mackenzie and the Barren Lands there are

    Ralph (1892), Pike (1892), Whitney (1896), Russell (1898), Hanbury (1904), and

    Mason (1924). Stefansson (1913) provides data on Eskimo Indian relations in

    that area before white contact and as affected by contact. For the Yukon,

    t here are Dall (1870), Schwatka (1900), Ogilvie (1913), Whymper (1868, 1869),

    Stewart (1906), Hrdlicka (1930), and Petroff's compilation (1900).

            Bonnycastle (1943) has defended monopoly control of the fur trade as en–

    suring conservation of faunal resources and preservation of native cultures.

    Finnie (1942; Ch. 3) summarizes the adverse criticism of such control as ex–

    ploitative and reactionary.



    024      |      Vol_VIII-0699                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation - Bibliography


    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    Anderson, H. Dewey, and Eels, W. C. Alaska Natives . Stanford Univ. Press,

    Stanford, Calif. 1935.

    Bompas, W. C. Diocese of Mackenzie River . London, 1888.

    Bonnycastle, R. H. G. "The Role of the Trader in Indian Affairs." The North

    American Indian Today
    , ed. by C. T. Loram and T. F. McIlwraith,

    Toronto, 1943.

    Clut, I. "Vicariat apostolique d'Athabaska-Mackenzie." Annales de

    la propagation de la foi pour les provinces du Qu e é bec

    et de Montr e é al.
    n.s. Vol. 31.

    Cody, H. A. An Apostle of the North: Memoirs of the Rt. Rev. William

    Carpenter Bompas, D.D. London, 1908.

    Cohen, Felix S. Handbook of Federal Indian Law . Fourth Printing. Washing–

    ton, D.C., 1945.

    Curtis, Edward S. The American Indian . Vol. XVIII. Norwood, 1928.

    Dall, W. H. Alaska and Its Resources . Boston, 1870.

    Duchaussis, P. Mid Snow and Ice . London, 1923.

    Finnie, R. Canada Moves North . New York, 1942.

    Fleming, R. H. (ed.) Minutes of Council , Northern Department of Rupert Land,

    1821-31. Toronto, 1940.

    Franklin, J. Narrative of a Second Expedition to the Shores of the

    Polar Sea in the Years 1825, 1826, and 1827
    . London, 1828.

    Hallowell, A. I. "The Passing of the Midewiwin in the Lake Winnipeg Region."

    American Anthropologist , vol. 38, pp. 32-51. 1936.

    ----. "Sin, Sex, and Sickness in Saulteaux Belief." British

    Journal of Medical Psychology
    , vol. 18, pp. 191-199. 1939.

    ----. "Acculturation Processes and Personality Changes as Indicated

    by the Rorschach Technique." Rorschach Research Exchange ,

    vol. 6, pp. 42-50. 1942.

    ----. "The Rorschach Technique in the Study of Personality and

    Culture." American Anthropologist , vol. 47, pp. 95-210. 1945.

    -----. "Some Psychological Characteristics of the Northeastern Indians.

    Man in Northeastern North America , ed. by F. Johnson. Andover,



    025      |      Vol_VIII-0700                                                                                                                  
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    Hanbury, D.T. Sport and Travel in the Northland of Canada . London, 1904.

    Hearne, S. A Journey from Prince of Wales Fort in Hudson's Bay to

    the Northern Ocean
    . Ed. by J. B. Tyrrell. Toronto, 1911.

    Henry, A. Travels and Adventures . Ed. by M. M. Quaife. Chicago, 1921.

    Honigmann, I.

    and

    Underwood, F. W. "Some Aspects of Personality Patterning in Kaska Indian

    Children." In "A Comparison of Socialization and Personality

    in Two Simple Societies." American Anthropologist , vol. 49,

    pp. 557-577. 1947.

    Honigmann, J. J. Ethnography and Acculturation of the Fort Nelson Slave .

    Yale Univ. Publications in Anthropology, No. 33. New Haven,

    1946.

    ----. "Witch-Fear in Post-Contact Kaska Society." American Anthro

    pologist, vol. 49, pp. 222-243. 1947a.

    ----. "Cultural Dynamics of Sex." Psychiatry , vol. 10, pp. 37-47.

    1947b.

    Honigmann, J. J. and Honigmann, I. "Drinking in an Indian-White Community."

    Quarterly Journal for Studies in Alcohol . vol. 5, pp. 575-619.

    1945.

    Hooper, W. H. Ten Months in the Tents of the Tuski . London, 1853.

    Hrdlicka, A. "Anthropological Survey in Alaska." Forty-Sixth Annual Report

    of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1928-29. pp. 19-374.

    Washington, 1930.

    Kenney, J. F. The Founding of Churchill . London, 1932.

    Mackenzie, A. Voyage from Montreal through the Continent of North America

    to the Frozen and Pacific Oceans
    . London, 1801.

    Mason, M. H. The Arctic Forests . London, 1924.

    Masson, L. R. Les Bourgeois de la Compagnie du Nord-Ouest . Quebec, 1890.

    Morice, Adrian Gabriel Au pays de l'ours noir . Paris, 1897.

    ----. The Great Dene Race . Anthropos, I-V. Mödling, 1906-10.

    ----. "Smoking and Tobacco among the Northern and Southern Dene."

    American Anthropologist , Vol. 23, pp. 482-488.

    Murray, A. H. A Journal of the Youcon, 1847-48 . Publications of Canadian

    Archives, No. 4. Ed. by L. J. Burpee, Ottawa, 1910.

    Ogilvie, W. Early Days on the Yukon . Ottawa, 1913.



    026      |      Vol_VIII-0701                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Slobodin: Northern Athapaskan Acculturation - Bibliography

    Osgood, Corneliue B. "The Ethnography of the Great Bear Lake Indians."

    Annual Report for 1931 of the [ ?] Department of

    Mines National Museum of Canada, Bulletin No. 70,

    Ottawa, 1932.

    ----. The Distribution of the Northern Athapaskan Indians

    Yale University Publications in Anthropology, No. 7.

    Petitot, L'Abb e é Emile F. S. Monographie dea Dene-Dindlie . Paris, 1876.

    ----. Traditions indiennes du Canada nord-ouest . Les Litt e é ra–

    tures populaires de toutes les nations. XXIII. Paris,

    1886.

    ----. En route pour la mer glaciale . Paris, 1887.

    ----. Quinze ans sous le cercle polaire . Paris, 1889.

    Petroff, I. Compilation of Narratives of Exploration in Alaska .

    Washington, 1900.

    Pike, W. The Barren Ground of Northern Canada . London, 1892.

    Ralph, J. On Canada's Frontier . New York, 1892.

    Richardson, J. Arctic Searching Expedition . London, 1851.

    Russell, F. Explorations in the Far North . University of Iowa, 1898.

    Schwatka, F. Report of a Military Reconnaissance in Alaska, Made in

    1883. Washington, 1900.

    Simpson, T. Narrative of the Discoveries on the North Coast of America .

    London, 1843.

    Stefansson, V. My Life with the Eskimo. New York, 1913.

    Stewart, Elihu Down the Mackenzie and Up the Yukon in 1906 . London,

    New York and Toronto, 1913.

    Tikhmenev, P. Istoricheskoe Obrazrenie Obpazobania Rossiicko-Amerikanckoi

    Kompanii 1 Deistvii yeya do Nastovashchave Vremoni
    .

    St. Petersburg, 1861-63.

    Tyrrell, J. B. (Ed.) Documents Relating to the Early History of Hudson Bay .

    Toronto, 1931.

    Whitney, C. On Snow-Shoes to the Barren Grounds . New York, 1896.

    Whittaker, C. E. Arctic Eskimo . London, n.d. (circa 1942)



    027      |      Vol_VIII-0702                                                                                                                  
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    Whymper, F. "A Journey from Norton Sound, Bering Sea, to Fort Youkon."

    Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, vol. 38, pp. 219–

    237. 1868.

    ----. Travel and Adventure in the Territory of Alaska. New York,

    1869.

    Zagoskin, L. Puteshestvie 1 Otkrytia v Russkroi Amerike . St. Petersburg,

    1847.

    ----. Peshexodnaya Opic' Chasti Russkix Vladenii v Amerike .

    St. Petersburg, 1847-48.

           

    Richard Slobodin

    Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0703                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Margaret Lantis)


    ALASKAN ESKIMO ACCULTURATION

           

    CONTENTS

    Page
    Introduction 1
    Demographic and Social Influences 3
    Economic Changes 13
    Changes in Technology and Daily Life 29
    Changes in Organization 43
    Changes in Belief and Value System 48
    Bibliography 54



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0704                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Margaret Lantis)


           

    ALASKAN ESKIMO ACCULTURATION

           

    Introduction

            Acculturation, a larger, more complex process than diffusion or trade,

    "comprehends those phenomena which result when groups of individuals having

    different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact, with subsequent

    changes in the original cultural patterns of either or both groups."

    (Redfield-Linton-Herskovitz) It has also been defined as comprising "the

    processes by which aspects or elements of two cultures mingle and merge."

    (Alexander Lesser)

            On much of the landward border of Eskimo territory there have been fre–

    quent contacts between Eskimos and Indians. There is some question, however,

    as to how many of the customs that are characteristic of Alaskan Eskimos but

    not of other Eskimos have been learned from the Indians. On the Yukon and

    Kuskokwim rivers, Eskimos unquestionably learned from the Atha b p ascans a few

    such techniques as making birchbark canoes and containers, but the contact

    changed very little social pattern of their lives. The most noticeable change

    here was an increased attention to the dead, indicated by memorial feasts,

    carved wooden grave markers, and other customs. On the whole, though, the

    Indians learned more from the Eskimos than vice versa. On present evidence,

    even including likely protohistoric changes, it appears that the basic

    002      |      Vol_VIII-0705                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    principles of Eskimo culture have not been much modified by contact with

    Indians except in the Cook Inlet-Prince William Sound area and the northern

    interior (upper Koyukuk River area). As changes there occurred before the

    discovery, they are not included in this survey of recorded acculturation.

            In contrast, modification by contact with Caucasian groups has been

    pervasive and fundamental even in Eskimo villages where no Caucasians have

    resided continuously, since new techniques in daily living, economic values,

    and religious concepts have come to all Alaskan Eskimos as a whole new

    culture configuration, not merely as isolated factors of change. By now,

    moreover, white have lived in every section of Eskimo Alaska except possibly

    the upper Colville River and the heart of the Brooks Range.

            A people might buy kitchen utensils from an itinerant trader or might

    order lumber and nails from a trader stationed 50 to 100 miles away from

    their home without having to accept that man's ideas of personal cleanliness,

    his ideas of disciplining children or of valuing a mining claim. However,

    when peoples of different culture must live in the same village, or trap

    and fish over the same territory, or enter into business dealings affecting

    their basic livelihood, the attitudes and expectations of each become very

    important to the other. Hence such nonmaterial aspects of culture as ideas

    of right and wrong and the status system of the group matter as much as the

    material or technological aspects. In sum, who the bearers of culture are and

    how they act are as important as the material things that they bear.

            The only published study of historical culture change among Alaskan

    Eskimos is contained in Anderson and Eells's Alaska Natives , Pt. I, Sec. 2,

    "Present Sociological Condition," covering communities between Noorvik and

    Bethel.



    003      |      Vol_VIII-0706                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

            The area covered in the present article is that included in "Bering

    Sea and Arctic Coast Eskimos of Alaska" ( q.v. ).

           

    Demographic and Social Influences

            Many of the Russian and mixed-blood traders who established posts, 1818–

    42, at Nushagak (Fort Alexander), Kolmakof, Nulato, Russian Mission, St.

    Michael, and Unalakleet considered themselves part of the Alaska population,

    in contrast with the American whalers who reached the Eskimos soon thereafter.

    The Russians' manner of living was physically adapted to the environment. A

    few individuals undoubtedly treated the Eskimos harshly but by this time,

    unlike early days in the Aleutian Islands, some were becoming socially adjusted

    to the country, also. Although the Russians established the fur trade and

    introduced a few trade goods, on the whole they did not disrupt native life.

    Their most fundamental innovation was the Greek Orthodox religion, but its

    effect was felt only in the vicinity of the Russian redoubts. As their farthest

    northern station was on Norton Sound, they never influenced strongly the

    Arctic Coast Eskimos. Even in the area of Russian trade, one generation later

    (1880's) Church of England missionaries appeared on the Yukon River, Moravian

    missionaries on the Kuskokwim and at Nushagak, and Swedish Lutherans at Unalakleet.

            The two important effects of Russian expansion were ( 1 ) cessation of

    warfare among Eskimo groups and between Eskimos and Indians, ( 2 ) introduction

    of smallpox and other diseases. Although travel and trade evidently were

    extensive before white conquest, warfare and witchcraft had deterred individual

    Eskimos from traveling or relocating over such long distances as they have

    traveled since white settlement. At first they undoubtedly learned the new

    culture as much from other Eskimos whom they met in their travels as directly

    from Caucasians.



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    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

            The epidemics facilitated acceptance of the newcomers and their

    culture by weakening the manpower of Eskimo communities, even wiping out

    whole communities, by discrediting the curative powers and religious

    leadership of the shamans, by frightening the people and inducing them

    to accept any help, from missionaries or other sources. The death of many

    older people cut off the sources of knowledge of the old culture, cut off

    possible opposition to the whites and guidance of the young Eskimos in

    maintaining or adjusting native life. This process did not reach full force,

    however, until the period of American settlement, about 1900.

            The American whalers were the sheerest exploiters, with no responsibility

    or permanence in the Alaska community. Yet their effect was great. The

    American whalers seem to have been more destructive of the Eskimo way of

    life in Alaska than were the whalers along West Greenland and northeastern

    Canada.

            The whalers' influence came principally in three ways, all of which were

    initially physical changes, with cultural effects.

            1. While Russian traders north of the Alaska Peninsula sought the

    inland fur-bearing animals, most of which were not important food animals,

    the whalers — who took walrus and polar bear as well as whales — took the

    Eskimos' source of food, fuel, clothing, rawhide line, baleen and ivory for

    implements. Then, in the Eskimos' economy, hair seals and caribou had to

    take the place partially of the larger animals until they, too, became less

    plentiful. Also, the Eskimos' acquisition of guns made possible greater

    slaughter and had the effect of frightening away the animals. Because of

    the loss of old resources, bringing even starvation, the Eskimos had to

    accept changes, whether or not novelty might also have induced them to

    005      |      Vol_VIII-0708                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    accept new techniques and materials and whether or not, on the other hand,

    they were resentful against the Caucasians.

            2. The whalers reversed the usual process in opening up a frontier:

    they did not live in Eskimo villages except in instances of shipwreck, but

    they took both men and women — especially the women — on board ship, for

    long periods in some cases. Eskimo men, by their work with the whalers on

    whip and shore, learned about guns, ship gear, and later steam engines.

    Eskimo women from St. Lawrence Island and the whole arctic coast of Alaska

    were taken and in some cases carried along by the whaling fleet to Herschel

    Island, the mouth of the Mackenzie, and farther east. They brought a mixture

    of heredity and cultures to the latter stretch of Canadian and Alaskan coast

    and left demoralized villages on the former coast. Since some women were

    returned to their villages, it is difficult to tell what was the residual

    shift of population after the whaling industry died out. The women acquired

    European-style cooking and other household techniques and a knowledge of some

    attitudes of white men, unfortunately not those conducive to good cultural

    adjustment. Because whaling crews prior to the Gold Rush did not settle and

    establish identifiable families, their offspring were absorbed into the

    Eskimo population, not clearly designated as mixed-blood, unlike most off–

    spring of Russians, miners, and storekeepers.

            3. The whalers' trading of liquor — or of molasses and flour with which

    the Eskimos made their own liquor — helped demoralize hunting and fishing

    routines and village life. Drinking, by thus decreasing food, lowered

    resistance to disease. The Eskimos' value system was upset when in return

    for raw materials, many of which were po r tential production goods, they

    received only consumption goods, especially consumption goods with as little

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0709                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    durability as liquor.

            The whalers' trade and their ideas started other changes that became

    stronger and more widespread later. For example, they introduced to the

    arctic coast such foods as flour and beans, not good substitues for the

    oil, blood, and other animal products that they largely supplanted, and

    they induced the Eskimos to build wooden houses entirely above ground, also

    not adapted to the environment.

            In the fifty years of whaling in the Alaskan Arctic (there was much

    less activity after 1900 and almost none after 1906), the Eskimos very

    rarely fought back openly against the whalers. The Eskimo ideal of acceptance,

    plus their physical weakening and confusion, partially account for this.

    Other more reassuring factors were the Eskimos' freedom to maintain their

    religion, ceremonial, and art (so far as the whalers were concerned), the

    restricted seasonal nature of the invasion, and the fact that white men who came with the whaling industry did not usually try to remain when it died out.

    Also, by the time the full effects of the whaling movement were apparent

    (1880's and 1890's), the Eskimos were dependent on it for trade goods, for

    tobacco and liquor especially, and did not want to oppose it. They looked

    forward eagerly to the annual arrival of the fleet at Port Clarence, Point

    Hope, and other arctic villages even though it would bring disease and

    quarrels. Wales and Diomede villages were notable exceptions to this attitude.

            N M ost exploring expeditions did not remain long enough in a locality to

    have deep effect. The Western Union Telegraph Expedition (1865-67), which

    remained the longest, established crews at St. Michael, Unalaklest, Nulato,

    and Port Clarence. Such expeditions initiated dog-team freighting. While

    the Eskimo did not change his own ways much, he learned what the American did,

    and what the American expected of him. Although since then the Eskimo's

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0710                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    behavior in his own group has resembled increasingly his behavior toward

    the white man, there still are differences. For example, usually in

    slaughtering reindeer for his own use, he sticks it so that there will be

    internal bleeding and blood can be eaten; for the Caucasian's use, he lets

    the carcass bleed.

            Another influence, most evident in the area between Kotsebue and

    Unalakleet, was that of the Lapps. They were brought — men, women, and

    children — to teach reindeer herding to the Eskimos. The latter took over

    almost completely the Lapp methods of handling reindeer and some of their

    decoration and patterns for clothing, especially the fur-soled boots with

    upturned toes. These were not substituted for Alaskan forms but were added

    to the local cultural inventory.

            In the 1880's salmon canning was started at Nushagak, bringing both

    Caucasian and Chinese workers. The drying and salting of fish was already

    undertaken around the southeast side of Bristol Bay, and the fur trade had

    been well established in the Bristol Bay area by the Russians even earlier.

    Thus native peoples here felt the disintegrating effects of civilization

    almost as early as on the arctic coast.

            The next big wave of outsiders, viz., the gold seekers, differed from

    whalers and commercial fisherman in three ways: ( 1 ) In the same period as

    their influx, the teachers, missionaries, and government officials also

    came, as an avowed controlling influence. ( 2 ) More white women came.

    ( 3 ) A larger number of white men remained, as prospectors, trappers,

    boatmen, roadhouse keepers, and in other occupations. Although the Gold

    Rush itself was short, ultimately the effects on the Eskimos were great,

    because it established new towns, a mining industry, transportation, and

    008      |      Vol_VIII-0711                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    a more varied trade. Outsiders settled in the northern inland for the

    first time, for example, at Klery Creek, Shungnak, and Wiseman.

            In the first rush, these people, irresponsible, urgent, and with

    little to trade, often did not barter with the Eskimos. They stole what

    they needed and brought the same havoc as the whalers. In other cases,

    they paid fantastic prices for dogs and boats. Both groups of outsiders

    had an unintentional function in the accultural process: they prepared the

    way for missionaries and teachers. The principal Eskimo areas overrun by

    gold seekers were Seward Peninsula, St. Michael and the lower Yukon, the

    Kobuk and upper Koyukuk areas.

            A few communities have been influenced strongly by institutions main–

    tained for the Eskimos chiefly or solely, but managed by whites: orphanages

    and boarding schools. These have been located in Teller, White Mountain,

    Unalakleet, Akulurak, Pilgrim Hot Springs, Holy Cross, Carmel (near Nushagak),

    Kanakanak, and Akiak (Nunapitsinghok). Some have now closed. Of the Eskimo

    children sent to mission homes outside Eskimo territory, such as Unalaska

    (no longer in operation) and Seward, apparently most have returned to their

    home areas as another source of new ideas. The only Government boarding

    school within Eskimo territory is at White Mountain on Seward Peninsula,

    but before it was reconstructed in 1942 a few Eskimo adolescents went to

    south Alaska to Eklutna and Wrangell boarding schools. Now a few attend

    the new boarding school at Sitka. A still smaller number went even farther,

    for example to the college at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, and then returned,

    usually as school teachers. Probably the most important, because affecting

    the greatest number, have been the private mission-orphanages in the heart

    of Eskimo territory. Their young people, settling in villages roundabout,

    009      |      Vol_VIII-0712                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    maintained important attitudes learned from the Caucasians regarding family

    life, hygiene, religion, and personal values such as individual possessive–

    ness and providence.

            In both World Wars, the locality in Eskimo territory most influenced

    by servicemen was Nome. The effects were increased drinking and general

    social demoralization. The Eskimos who migrated to Fairbanks have fared

    even worse.

            The region that remained almost completely untouched by all the forego–

    ing and even was little affected by reindeer herding was the coastal and

    adjacent inland tundra region between Goodnews Bay and Scammon Bay. Here

    most of the Eskimos were poor. Still, as one observer said, "For squalor

    and apparent misery of circumstances and surrounding, the Mumtrahamiut people

    stand pre-eminent even in this most primitive of Alaskan district; but this

    seems not at all to interfere with their happiness and general health."

    (The incidence of tuberculosis has been high in this region in recent years,

    however.)

            The permanent American settlers had a few common characteristics: Scan–

    dinavia was their principal national background other than the United States;

    they had a high rate of employment and composed a working-class group; liter–

    acy was high, and there was a high ratio of males. There were 500 males per

    100 females in 1910, the ration dropping steadily to 188.5 in 1940. Otherwise

    they were diverse in background and tended to become individual types rather

    than to be grouped into classes. The whites have been until recently unorgan–

    ized and independent in economic matters and even in social relationship, a

    condition to be expected in such a scattered population, with a high propor–

    tion of self-employed males.



    010      |      Vol_VIII-0713                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

            The proportion of Caucasians to aborigines has not increased in the

    Eskimo areas (except Kodiak Island) as much as it has in the Indian and

    Aleut areas. Of the 8 incorporated towns in Alaska with more than 1000

    population, according to the 1940 Census, only one was in Eskimo territory: Nome.

    (Kodiak no longer is considered Eskimo.) In the 2nd Judicial Division, covering

    northwest Alaska, i.e., Eskimo country, and containing virtually no Indians,

    the "native stock" was 85.9% of the population in 1940. By comparison, it

    was 25.7% in the 1st Judicial Division, covering southeast Alaska, where the

    native population is entirely Indian. Fewer than 70 of the 200 to 220 recog–

    nizably Eskimo villages — it is difficult to designate some as specifically

    Eskimo — have had Alaska Native Service schools, and only a very few other

    villages are served by mission schools or "white schools." There are adminis–

    trative and budgetry obstacles to establishment of schools in the numerous

    very small villages. Consequently in 1940 still only 51.0% of Eskimo chil–

    dren 5 to 14 years old, inclusive, were attending school, while 76.1% of

    Aleuts and 69.8% of Indians of these ages were in school. In 1947-48 in

    Eskimo communities there were 47 Alaska Native Service schools for native

    children (provided by the Federal Government) and 8 Territorial schools,

    primarily for white children (provided by the Territorial Government of

    Alaska). After several other A.N.S. schools were closed, 1946-47, for lack

    of funds and other reasons, there were no longer both types of school in the

    same village, as there had been in a few cases previously. Whereas formerly

    there was a general, although not rigid, segregation of native from white,

    now both attend the same local school, no matter which school system it

    belongs to. This change will hasten the acculturation process in a few

    villages, but will have little effect in most.



    011      |      Vol_VIII-0714                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

            The most significant change has been the increase in number of

    Caucasian women and children. When more of them come into a community,

    the Caucasians tend to form their own society apart from the Eskimos. The

    latter, and the white men who marry them, usually then are regarded not

    merely as a separate society but an inferior one. Because of this and

    other factors, there is a significant increase in the mixed-blood popula–

    tion, not because of more intermarriage between whites and Eekimos but

    because of increased marriage within the mixed-blood population. In small

    villages the latter usually does not constitute a separate social group.

    In villages of more than 300 population, there is a tendency to recognize

    them as distinct.

            Casual contacts with whites have been more numerous and culturally more

    important in Alaska than in the Canadian Arctic — not including Labrador —

    or in Greenland, because there has been more incentive for commercial sea and

    air shipping and there have been more "bush pilots." Now (1948) a plane

    visits several arctic villages like Chandalar and Noorvik at least once a

    week in the winter and larger villages like Notzebue twice a week. The more

    remote villages on the coast between the mouths of the Yukon and Kuskokwim

    rivers receive a mail plane at least once a month. Consequent decrease of

    isolation means all these: ( 1 ) increase in number and especially variety of

    people visiting a locality, ( 2 ) some increase in variety of goods, e.g.,

    perishable foods, ( 3 ) contemporaneity of reading material, ( 4 ) quicker

    response to changes in fur prices and other "Outside" occurrences, with

    consequent feeling of closer association with the Outside, and ( 5 ) develop–

    ment of a Caucasian community covering a large region. The Eskimos have

    been great travelers, but Caucasians for a long time were restricted in

    012      |      Vol_VIII-0715                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    movement, especially the women. With plane travel and radio, they now

    become acquainted with whites in other villages but not with Eskimos.

    Thus the latter are further set apart from the white community. As for

    the Eskimo communities, most affected by air transportation have been

    St. Lawrence and Nunivak islands, formerly isolated in the winter, and

    the tundra villages of the Kuskokwim Delta and Goodnews Bay, which have

    been hard to reach at all seasons.

            Another factor for cultural change has been the disappearance of many

    small Eskimo villages, e.g., the Sledge Island village, and the trend

    toward concentration of population where there are nuclear white communities.

    Other villages have periodically risen and declined, like Wiseman.

            Very important has been the continuous effect of tuberculosis. People

    struggling through their daily activities until a few weeks before their

    death are not dynamic acceptors or rejectors of a new culture. They take

    the way of least resistance, whether that be continuance of old habits with–

    out selective adjustment to new requirements, or acceptance of commercial

    goods and Government aid without retention of old skills. The specific

    choice depends upon local cultural pressures and material resources.

    Invigorating influences have come periodically. After the whaling period,

    venereal disease, drinking, and the uncritical hysteric dependence on the

    Outsiders died out of the arctic villages. They reorganized their lives and

    developed domestic reindeer herding to supplement the diminished food supply.

    Recently the school-lunch program has brought improvement in the children's

    health and if continued, with the current immunization program and the drive

    to control tuberculosis, will make possible physical self-sufficiency.

    Whether this actually will occur depends upon economic and other factors.



    013      |      Vol_VIII-0716                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

           

    Economic Changes

            Fur Trade . When the Russians started the fur trade, they introduced

    new incentives to trade: tobacco, tea, guns and lead, flint and steel, a

    few copper kettles, spoons, beads and other trinkets. But the fur trade,

    even with modern commercialization, never has meant in west Alaska what it

    has meant in northern Canada. ( 1 ) It was not the sole or even principal

    motivation or mechanism of cultural contact. ( 2 ) It did not induce Alaskan

    Eskimos to substitute trapping for sea-mammal hunting except around Bristol

    bay, and here other factors strongly abetted the decline of sea hunting.

    In those inland areas where trapping has become important, for example the

    Kuskokwim valley, the Eskimos already had removed themselves from coastal

    hunting. For other Eskimos, trapping was supplementary. ( 3 ) There has not

    been a single large institutional system, like the Hudson's Bay Company.

    Prices, amount of credit extended, types of trade goods, and other elements

    of business therefore have varied considerably from one area to another.

    Locally, however, several individual traders and trading companies have

    dominated their communities as completely as the Hudson's Bay Company in

    Canada. ( 4 ) The country yielded other products so that there could scarcely

    be a concentration on fur-bearing animals. Unworked ivory and carved and

    etched ivory objects, basketry, and other craft products are traded. Commer–

    cial fishing in south Alaska, mining in north Alaska, lighterage, construction,

    and for 20 years the reindeer industry on Seward Peninsula (approximately

    1916-1936) have provided seasonal wage work.

            Even though trapping is a better business for the Eskimos than others

    developing in Alaska, in that it does not require large organization, crew,

    or much outlay of capital for mobile equipment and no stationary equipment,

    014      |      Vol_VIII-0717                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    nevertheless it is fortunate that so few Eskimos try to get their living

    solely by trapping. Besides the great fluctuation in price and natural

    supply of furs, there is an artifically induced fluctuation. The white

    trapper (not including the occasional prospector-trapper) runs a longer

    trap line and works it harder because he can afford more traps, better

    dog team, etc., and does not divide his effort among several occupations.

    The animals disappear more quickly than with native trapping alone. Then

    the white trappers shift their lines, leaving the area to the Eskimos.

    Gradually the animals return and the cycle is repeated.

            At first, furs were bartered directly for store goods or for seal oil,

    walrus hide, and similar products that the trader had bought from other

    Eskimos. Later, there was more granting of credit and purchase of only

    store goods. Today, with so many airplanes, fur buyers can visit many

    localities at a favorable moment and pay cash for the furs. Other alterna–

    tives are sale through the Eskimos' community stores, and shipment directly

    Outside for sale. Even though some of these changes have brought improvement,

    almost none has been initiated by the Eskimos. The changes have been

    fortuitous.

            Eskimos everywhere of course learned the techniques of commercial

    trapping. It abetted changes in dog harness, size and shape of sleds, camp–

    ing equipment, use of skis, travel of men alone without their families, and

    decreased use of luxury furs for their own clothing.

            The market for inland fur-bearing animals and decrease of sea animals

    shifted the Eskimos' attention toward the interior for food and cash-income

    sources but still centered their interest on the coast for trade, medical

    and other services. The coast generally continued to win this contest until

    015      |      Vol_VIII-0718                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    the 1940's when development of airfields and military establishments,

    growth of towns like Fairbanks, prospecting for the minerals of modern

    industry, and high price of short furs like mink have induced individual

    Eskimos to resettle inland or work in the interior seasonally. In fact,

    most large construction projects are not only inland, they are entirely

    outside Eskimo territory, Point Barrow being the notable exception. Most

    affected are the young people. One cannot see yet whether they will shift

    from sea-mammal hunting to other occupations permanently. Meanwhile, most

    Eskimo villages follow their old routines of hunting and fishing with

    surprising tenacity.

            Other Enterprises. Of those types of activity (self-employment rather

    than wage work) besides trapping, no business so far has proved valuable to

    the Eskimos for more than restricted localities or occasional individuals.

    These are fur farming, mining, operating a commercial fishing vessel,

    freighting, and storekeeping. There is little demand for sportsmen's guides.

    Dog-tem mail contracts are giving way to air-mail contracts.

            The most promising new livelihood 30 years ago lay in reindeer owner–

    ship and herding. With Government and private funds, domestic reindeer were

    introduced from Siberia in 1892-1902 for the benefit of the Eskimos, and were

    distributed to all major localities from Barrow to Kodiak. By 1915, interest

    in the deer, understanding of their requirements and of the possibilities

    of the business, and pride in ownership and skill were developing. Then

    because of competition from the reindeer business of a white family, of

    the changes of policy (especially abandonment of close herding) and occa–

    sionally poor supervision by the Reindeer Service, of the drawing off of

    animals by caribou herds and heavy depredations by wolves, the Eskimo-owned

    016      |      Vol_VIII-0719                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    reindeer industry nearly collapsed. Since purchase of all non-native-owned

    herds by the Government in 1939, a rehabilitation of the Reindeer Service

    and the herds has been progressing despite continued depletion of the herds

    by wolves.

            In 1947 there were 27 herds under general supervision of the Reindeer

    Service (branch of the Alaska Native Service), distributed as follows:

            Owned by Eskimos, continued from the original system of individual Eskimo

    ownership: 3 (2 at Barrow, 1 at Wainwright).

            Eskimo corporations: 7 (Wainwright, Point Hope, Noatak, Buckland, St. Lawrence

    Island, Teller, interior of Seward Peninsula).

            On loan to individual Eskimos under new system: 11 (3 at Barrow, 2 at

    Kotzebue, one each at Selawik, Shungnak, Deering, Golovin, St. Michael, Bethel).

            Government ownership and management: 6 (Kotzebue, Hooper Bay, Nunivak Island,

    Alitak on Kodiak Island, Umnak Island, Atka Island). See "Nunivak Island."

            Under the new program, an Eskimo (half of those who have qualified are

    World War II veterans) is loaned deer to be repaid in 5 years, the borrower

    keeping the increase. In return, he accepts training and superivision in

    reindeer care and management.

            In the early period, the European system of "close herding" was used

    with good results for the deer. This meant staying with the herd through

    blizzard, spring thaw, summer mosquitoes, Christmas holiday, summer whaling

    and its festivities on the coast, moreover in very bad country for overland

    summer travel. Especially for the shore-dwelling groups, the revolution

    in their way of life required by herding a semidomesticated animal was

    difficult. The people wanted to return periodically to their villages

    whether or not this was good for the herd. Today, young men who want to

    have a business of their own are willing to make the effort to protect

    their herds. There are not enough reindeer now, however, to give material

    017      |      Vol_VIII-0720                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    security to very many families or communities.

            Except in their community stores (see below), Eskimos have not done

    especially well in community enterprises. A sawmill at Noorvik prospered

    for a few years under good leadership of a Caucasian but declined after

    his departure. Whether due to other factors besides leadership is not

    known. Most Eskimos have not yet had enough experience in business manage–

    ment to be able to operate such an enterprise, and probably they are not

    sufficiently interested, regardless of ability.

            Wage Work . The Eskimos from 1941 onward have had their greatest range

    of job opportunities since the Gold Rush, but they are not keeping pace with

    the whites in Alaska in rate or range of employment expansion, especially

    for full-time work. At best they become operators of caterpillar tractors

    and other heavy equipment or bosses of native crews. Their inferior command

    of English keeps them from such skilled occupations as radio work, for which

    many could qualify in intelligence, interest, and resourcefulness. Gradually,

    young people are learning to do this work.

            A recent development has been work, for a short season, in the salmon

    canneries of Bristol Bay and Prince William Sound. The workers are men

    transported by plane from the Delta villages, such as Eek, Kwigillingok,

    Tununak (Nelson Island) and Askinak (Hooper Bay). During World War II

    when Filipino and other customary cannery labor was scarce, the fish-packing

    companies began to hire more Alaska labor. Although the men receive good pay

    in most years, many individuals do not have much money when they arrive home,

    having spent it in Bethel and other towns en route. Men employed in lighter–

    age at Nome have the same experience. Furthermore, the salmon-canning

    season and other late-summer work may overlap more or less the season when

    018      |      Vol_VIII-0721                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    they might obtain, in the home locality, a supply of fish for their own

    winter use. They usually are not kept from fishing at home entirely,

    however, and the threat is not so serious as it would be if the men were

    absent for longer periods. Perhaps altogether 1,000 to 2, 1,200 Eskimos

    are employed seasonally in commercial fishing, including small enterprises

    on the rivers.

            Although statistics are difficult to obtain, it appears that 250 to 300

    Eskimos are employed in mining, almost exclusively in the summer. There

    are 75 to 100 in varied positions of the Alaska Native Service, including

    teachers, nurse's aides, clerks, maintenance workers, and others.

            Eskimos who are dissatisfied with their home villages or anxious to

    get things that can be secured only by money (having accepted the white man's

    values) travel to construction, mining, oil-drilling projects, and work in

    large crews despite their cultural history of self-directed activity. They

    make the best adjustment, however, when they can handle the mechanized equip–

    ment individually, continuing their old work habits and their interest in

    mechanized things.

            When the Eskimos get into a limbo, having given up most of their old

    techniques of subsistence and not yet acquired skills in demand on a regular–

    work basis in the American economy, they are extremely weak and vulnerable.

    This means dependency or exploitation, or both. Except for the very few

    who are employed the year around, Alaskan Eskimos as a whole are most secure

    when they can keep, individually, a variety of resources and activities,

    possibly including some wage work. That their wage employment remained

    minor in the 1930's is indicated by the following figures. (No similar

    figures are available for the 1940's.) An economic survey of 44 Eskimo

    019      |      Vol_VIII-0722                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    villages from the Ugashik River to Point Barrow in 1932 showed: Domestic

    service, mining, and the reindeer industry (at that time largely a private

    industry) yielded $93,555 for 589 people, plus some food for home consump–

    tion. The largely self-directed activities, hunting, trapping, fishing,

    craft work, storekeeping and other business proprietorship, yielded

    $363,653 for 3,329 workers. It is difficult to put a cash value on hunting

    and fishing for home consumption, hence these figures may not be accurate;

    nevertheless the comparative size of the two total amounts given was probably

    typical for the 1930's.

            Shift to Money Economy . Whalers and American settlers brought new

    economic concepts: money, credit, land ownership and leasing, rental (of

    such things as plank boats), paid labor and paid supervision, and investment

    of capital. While most of these were not entirely unknown to the Eskimos,

    they had remained incipient. Other concepts, important to the Eskimos (for

    example, periodic distribution of accumulated wealth), were customs of

    whites too, but insignificant in their economic system. The difference was

    one of emphasis.

            Regarding the Eskimos' previous experience with the new concepts, for

    example, a man might loan another some materials that the latter needed for

    building a storehouse or might loan furs needed to fulifi fulfill a gift

    obligation. The lender would receive not only return of the loan but

    perhaps some fish in addition, as a kind of interest. (There was not, however,

    anything like the Southeast Alaskan Indian system of fixed interest rates.)

    Or two men would agree to exchange a wolverine and an ugrug (bearded seal)

    skin, the latter to be paid from next season's catch, a form of credit.

    And in each locality there was some medium of exchange of standard of value

    020      |      Vol_VIII-0723                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    such as bundles of squirrel, fawn or bird skins for parkas, or pokes of

    seal oil. None of these was fully standardized. Yet the principles of

    the new economy were understood by the Eskimos - especially in southeastern

    Alaska - better than the Outsiders realized.

            Even the southwestern Eskimos were at a loss, however, in not having

    a sound basis for judging prices of specific store goods and judging what

    would be a safe amount of credit. From the time of the whalers to the

    present, the Eskimos have had a distorted money-value system in comparison

    with U.S. values. They sold too cheaply and bought too dearly. The new

    things had rarity value, some of which was justified in the 1880's and

    1890's. But the Eskimos continued to pay high prices even in the depression

    of the 1930's. Although traders had some justification for high prices of

    manufactured goods, to cover high shipping costs and their losses in the

    erratic fur trade, nevertheless these prices did not fluctuate much in

    adjustment to U.S. economic changes while prices of the Eskimos' products

    did fluctuate, or remained low. If Eskimos had received full value, they

    would have had money for more cloth, outboard motors, window glass, etc.,

    even while remaining in a hunting and trapping economy. Whether their

    restricted purchasing power should be regarded as good or bad would depend

    on the type of goods they might have purchased, and whether these were

    adaptable to their way of life.

            Besides ignorance of relative values, older Eskimos did not have the

    means of keeping accounts; hence, they were victims of the traders' bad

    judgment or deceit in extending credit and keeping a record of it. Both

    misunderstanding and deceit are decreasing as Eskimos become educated,

    as cash supplants credit, and as the natives' community stores, managed

    021      |      Vol_VIII-0724                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    by themselves and guided by A.N.S. teachers — also the mail-order trade

    and new storekeepers — offer competition to the monopolies of old-time

    storekeepers.

            Working against self-sufficiency and control of credit is the Eskimos'

    dependence upon store goods, which is increasing slowly even in the most

    "backward" villages. At first there were cultural additions such as tobacco

    and tea, then simple cultural substitutions: metal blades substituted for

    [ ?] stone ones in knives, adzes, and scrapers, with retention of the old wood,

    antler, or ivory haft, and iron or granitwara kettles substituted for

    aboriginal pottery. Gradually the substitutions became more complex, requir–

    ing adjustments in basic techniques. Then some of the old techniques were

    entirely forgotten, so that the new things became essential, for example,

    chinaware in place of wooden or baleen dishes. Nest (in some cases, simul–

    taneously) entirely new needs developed which could not be satisfied by any

    local methods and materials, for example, spectacles and binoculars. At

    this stage, the native people become dependent on the modern industrial

    economy and its local representatives. Different Alaskan Eskimo groups

    today are at different stages on this course, but even the most conservative

    have reached at least the third stage.

            The concept that they found most difficult to apply was capital, also

    the Americans' concept of ownership. An Eskimo's ultimate capital consisted

    of (1) labor and (2) incorporeal property that Caucasians either did not

    recognize or which they undervalued, viz., his knowledge, skill, and magical

    equipment which produced the wealth in seals and whales. If one seeks a

    more tangible form of productive capital, one can cite hunting and fishing

    implements and skin boats. These ordinarily were made by the hunter himself

    022      |      Vol_VIII-0725                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    from materials that he had secured himself, hence were derived from his

    ultimate capital, viz., skill, without necessary intervention of any

    other agency. These things had the function of the manufacturer's

    machinery, which he buys with his financial capital.

            The closer to the actual production of wealth, the less lending or

    giving was practised, as in an industrial economy. An Eskimo would not

    divulge to any except immediate relatives the incantation to help him when

    hunting or would not lend a big ugrug harpoon with his mark, just as the

    manufacturer does not lend to his competitor his copyright and patent

    material or his factory and machinery. On the other hand, the Eskimo's

    work tools were borrowed quite freely, food was shared in times of scarcity

    and even at other times, and his accumulated raw materials and luxury items

    were given away lavishly in festivals. The explanation is that these things

    could not directly create wealth, and they were not literally sacred. More–

    over, many of them had no trade value. Skin scrapers and ice chisels rarely

    entired into trade. Even goods that could be traded produced only an

    approximate equivalent, not new wealth. Neither Caucasians nor Eskimos

    could see the similarities and understand the differences between their

    respective economies.

            Though they have made material substitutions — guns for arrows — most

    Alaskan Eskimos have not made conceptual substitutions. Some believe that

    prayer to the Christian Deity brings economic success, while others have no

    substitute for their old magic formulae.

            According to the Eskimo code, a person's house, cache (storehouse), and

    boat and their contents are inviolable. Stealing is a serious crime. These

    possessions are a part of the individual: intentionally damaging or stealing

    023      |      Vol_VIII-0726                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    a man's skin boat are nearly as bad as intentionally chopping off his

    finger. But a person can lend or give the boat as he would give his

    energy to help another. (This code did not prohibit stealing from an

    enemy.) Thievery within the community, which is increasing apparently,

    indicates that the old concepts and code are breaking.

            Land was, in a general way, an asset, but there was no con c ept of land

    "ownership." It was not owned individually, could not be sold or transferred,

    and was not thought to produce wealth. One obtained wealth by dealing directly

    with the animals and the spirits controlling them, not by doing anything to

    the land. The Eskimos regarded as a sorceror anyone who deliverately with–

    held or decreased basic resources, e.g., an important species of fish. Any–

    one who broke a tabu and thereby threatened the food supply, by incurring

    the displeasure of Powers that controlled it, was a sinner. (Groups by

    over-hunting or fishing depleted natural supplies, but this was done uninten–

    tionally. Grass, clay, slate, and almost all other products were either

    abundant or equally accessible to all. Most Alaskan Eskimos lived in tree–

    less country. Wood, like everything else, was secured by exerting oneself,

    usually by collecting it from the beach. Perhaps theoretically it would

    have been possible for one man to own miles of coast in order to get all

    the driftwood, shellfish, or stranded sea animals. But if he had attempted

    that, he would not have been part of the community: the other people, unable

    to exist without free use of the coast, would have killed him or left him.

    Their existence could not tolerate land ownership.

            It was customary for a fmily to set out a seal net at a particular

    point on the coast or for a village to drive caribou into a particular

    lake, yet these human habits changed with the habits of the animals. No

    024      |      Vol_VIII-0727                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    person, family, or village had exclusive rights in perpetuity to such things

    as a spring, mineral deposit, bird rookery, or place for setting traps.

    These customs would still work if it were not for several elements in modern

    economy. When the white man enters an area, he demands exclusive rights to

    resources, even to potential resources not demonstrated or used. Further,

    his mechanical and monetary powers and often his personal motivation for

    extraction of the resource are very much greater than those in the native

    culture, or available even to an accultural but unorganized native group.

    Hence the competition is very unequal. To even up the competing elements,

    the following policies are being tried although none has become a fixed or

    general policy of the Federal Government toward natives of Alaska ( 1 ) reserva–

    tions for native and Government use only; ( 2 ) designation of use-areas, in

    reservations or without reservation, by a leasing system; ( 3 ) lending to

    the aboriginal people financial and material means of [ ?] claiming and

    developing resources in equal competition.

            Commerce. The arts and crafts program in Alaska, which markets

    Eskimo, Aleut, and Indian craft products, handles a larger business than any

    arts and crafts unit among Indians in the United States. (The program is

    supervised by the U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, whose local branch is the

    Alaska Native Service.) The Nome Skin Sewers sold $35,504 worth of fur

    clothing in 1945 and $32,081 worth in 1946. This is entirely an Eskimo

    project and not limited to the town of Nome. The larger Arts and Crafts

    Clearing House, marketing basketry, ivory and wood carving and other objects,

    did a $420,201 business in 1944 when the expanded Armed Forces in Alaska

    provided a market, $212,512 in 1945, and $113,680 business in 1946. This

    includes only items shipped out by teachers and other representatives of the

    025      |      Vol_VIII-0728                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    A.N.S. or sold through native community stores. Private traders also buy

    such products, with valuation not included in the above figures.

            Community stores can obtain loans from a revolving credit fund which

    began functioning in Alaska in 1939. Of the 17 Eskimo communities to

    which such loans had been committed as of May 31, 1948, 8 had repaid one

    loan in full and had obtained other loans. The largest loan paid in full

    was $25,000. In 1930, 18 Eskimo villages had community stores; in 1947,

    there were 30. These were managed by the villages themselves, under

    Federal sponsorship. In December 1947, a new cooperative of 27 village

    stores was announced, including Aleut and Indian also. It purchases

    supplies and merchandise for the stores and plans to develop a system for

    marketing furs and other native products in the States. While many of the

    stores have required considerable direction by Caucasians, the Eskimos are

    learning commercial methods and gradually assuming independent management.

            Principal goods purchased are dry foods and canned milk, household

    supplies (matches, lamp mantles, soap, etc.), underclothing, rubber boots

    and other work clothes, petroleum products, ammunition, hardware of great

    variety, and some lumber. Larger household articles are purchased increas–

    ingly. Small luxuries like chewing-gum and watches are large in quantity

    and total value (unfortunately, there are no estimates of total trade by

    Eskimos), indicating the great expansion of material culture despite the

    loss of many ancient tools and luxuries.

            Socio-economic Problems . Missionaries and others contributed uninten–

    tionally to a fundamental economic change by inducing most Alaskan Eskimos

    to abandon the pre-European Messenger Feast. It had been customary in this

    big festival in which one village entertained one or more others — also in

    026      |      Vol_VIII-0729                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    the memorial feasts of the Norton Sound to Kuskokwim area and the whale-hunt

    celebrations of the arctic coast — to give the oldest people first choice

    of the gifts being distributed by wealthy hunters. In some localities, goods

    were exchanged by individuals, then extra goods were given to people who

    needed assistance. When the festivals were eliminated on grounds that they

    impoverished the hosts and that shamanic performances, dances, and songs

    portrayed the old religion, a good method for helping the old and indigent

    also was eliminated. However, where whaling by native crews continues,

    the captain of the successful umiak still usually gives first choice of meat

    to the old people.

            In the second development, still without intent, missionaries and teachers

    provided a new substitute means of distributing gifts: Christmas. Great piles

    of presents are accumulated for several months and given in a program in school

    or church. Although there are local variations, usually today each gift is

    prepared for a specific individual according to American custom. Where the old

    mutual-help partnerships and distant kin relationships still have meaning,

    presents are given to such partners and kin as well as close relatives, and

    the system works toeveryone's advantage. It is not always an adequate substi–

    tute for the old system, however.

            Formerly young people gave day-by-day food and care to their own elder

    relatives, and the wealthy men provided for unadopted individuals lacking

    close kin. If food was scarce and even vigorous hunters could not obtain

    a surplus, old people had to be abandoned. With current strictures against

    this, there are only two possibilities: suicide, or care by agencies possessing

    outside resources. Today the church missions provide fewer orphanages and

    boarding schools than 30 years ago, but more young people are being assisted

    027      |      Vol_VIII-0730                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    by the Government schools. The U.S. Social Security System applies to

    Eskimos, and some are given Old Age Assistance and Aid to Dependent Children.

    Others who might qualify for it do not know that it is available or how to

    secure it. By the nature of their employment, very few can qualify for

    Unemployment Insurance or Old Age and Survivors' Insurance. Although the

    Alaska Native Service employs a traveling social worker and the Federal

    Security Agency has field workers in Alaska, the available services have

    not actually created attitudes of dependency among Eskimos. If a village

    has widow or other indigents to be care for by Outside agencies, then it

    already has relinquished old methods of being self-sufficient, and its

    moral code has changed, becoming more "humanitarian" in the American sense.

    Greater rigidity of the marriage institution, e.g., restriction to monogamy,

    and increased individualism also account for present lack of village care

    of all its members.

            Regarding position of women and children, there is somewhat greater

    freedom now (use of own funds, etc.), but women's basis economic status is

    not greatly different. It was quite satisfying, aboriginally. Most women

    themselves now sell fur boots, dolls, or their other products, whereas in

    the trade of 60 years ago the men conducted the family's trading. The

    biggest change has appeared when any individual, male or female, has spent

    his income primarily on himself rather than his family. This appears

    increasingly among those living in white men's towns and working for wages,

    but it is not characteristic of Eskimo villages.

            There may be, occasionally, greater dependency of those who cannot

    be full economic producers, but among those who are capable of working,

    there still is little personal disorganization and inability to provide at

    028      |      Vol_VIII-0731                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    least subsistence, unless there is drunkenness. While not so vigorously

    or openly competitive as Americans, there is enough competitiveness in

    their culture and a high enough standard of workmanship so that Alaskan

    Eskimos fit into American work-patterns fairly well. They probably work

    best when they can make the task a pleasant individual race. It is claimed

    that they do not like highly repetitive routine work, especially when its

    fruits are to be enjoyed far in the future (not exclusively an Eskimo trait!)

    but other factors probably are involved. The young people understand private

    ownership and lease of real property, for example in the staking of claims,

    further assisting them to fit into the American economic system. However,

    with widening individualism and private ownership, with more emphasis on

    goods and prerogatives, go other traits: decrease in generosity; thievery,

    charges of thievery and deceit; and lack of unanimity regarding providence

    and improvidence. Most Eskimos and Caucasians have difficulty agreeing on

    provision for the future. Apparently many Eskimos are still acting with the

    confidence regarding future provision that they had when natural resources

    were more abundant, when there was less competition for them and more expecta–

    tion of sharing. Also, probably they were more mobile — seeking the

    animals where they could find them — than today when many families try

    to stay in one village for longer periods, to keep their children in school.

    Other Eskimos, following white example, store large supplies of food, then

    criticize and decline to help the "improvident." Too, the whole community

    may count on the annual freighter arriving at a particular time. When it is

    delayed, they have no flour, milk, and other foods on which they depend as

    much as seal oil.

            Of the two important requirements for future economic adjustment --

    029      |      Vol_VIII-0732                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    education and year-round occupation, or a stable combination of comple–

    mentary seasonal occupations — the second is not provided by any policy

    now in general operation, except mere freedom to hunt. If there is en–

    croachment on hunting territory by Caucasians or dissatisfaction with the

    old livelihood by the Eskimos, then little security is in prospect without

    larger economic planning than is now being done. A field investigation by

    two economists of the General Land Office in 1940 showed this: On Kodiak

    Island (mixed Eskimo-Aleut-Russian population), which has been European–

    dominated for 150 years and is more changed than any localities in the

    heart of Eskimo country, the native population was largely dependent on

    seasonally operated canneries. It badly needed an economic base giving

    greater self-sufficiency and security. Today a Government reindeer herd

    provides some supplementary food and skins, and there is other localized

    employment such as construction work. However, the complete loss of old

    sea-hunting techniques and of satisfaction with hunting and its products

    are irreparable. A whole new economy (based on stock raising, for example)

    needs to be built at considerable expense, because once the native economy

    breaks up, changes progress until a whole new one is required. Fortunately,

    most Alaskan Eskimos still can carry on a combination of hunting, fishing,

    and trappling.

           

    Changes in Technology and Daily Life

            These have been too numerous and too variable from region to region

    for cataloguing here. The men have suffered much greater loss of skills

    than the women. Comparison of the artifacts collected by E. W. Nelson in

    the rich area of Norton Sound and the lower Yukon, about 1880, with tools

    030      |      Vol_VIII-0733                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    in use there today shows that at least 160 different types of tools,

    hunting and fishing implements, ornaments, and other small devices formerly

    made by the men in any one village no longer are made. These do not in–

    clude the even greater number that could be enumerated on the basis of

    individual stylistic [ ?] differences. Some Alaskan villages, like those on

    Nunivak Island and the Delta tundra, have not lost so much. Some, like

    Egegik, have lost more.

            Native Products. Aside from war implements (armor, quiver, etc.), the

    articles most completely supplanted by manufactured articles are household

    and personal objects: toys, labrets, combs, boxes, buckets, seal-oil lamps

    and lampstands, needles and needle cases, ivory-handled storage bags, water

    bags, wooden hats and eyeshades, shovels, rakes, and fire-making tools.

    Some of the knives, skin scrappers, mallets, adzes and digging tools,

    meat hooks, etc., are still used, whereas other categories of tools have

    disappeared completely. The nest largest loss has been the bo w s-and-arrow

    complex, with various throwing-board and hand-thrown implements almost as

    universally discarded, though still occasionally used in conservative

    localities.

            Fishing equipment seems to have changed least. Mesh-knots, sinkers,

    and floats (handles) of the seine are the same even though sommercial cord

    is used instead of sinew twine. The large salmon [ ?] harpoon of

    southwest Alaska disappeared early, and the multipronged fish spear has

    nearly given way before the hook and jiggle for fishing through the ice.

    But wicker traps, dip nets, ice scoops, and most other items have changed

    little. In sum, materials have changed, but most forms and methods have not.

            The most remarkable changes in native products have been ivory objects

    031      |      Vol_VIII-0734                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    of commerce substituted for formerly numerous amulets and toys: today

    they are etched ivory letter openers and pickle forks; bracelets, buttons,

    and paper weights in animal form; and separate small figures of birds and

    animals. This work is more limited geographically now: approximately

    Bering Strait to Nunivak Island. Wooden masks are carved for sale through

    the Arts and Crafts Guild rather than for personal use. Some implements

    for home use now are made from old metal saws, axes, and knives while others

    are bought and used without change. For example, large ulu blades are made

    from saws. Where there is a school, well-equipped mission, or generous

    trader, their tools are used freely by the community. In most A.N.S. schools

    there is a workshop which has largely supplanted, although it has not fully

    taken the place of, the ancient kazgee (kashim).

            Women no longer make 25 to 30 types of articles formerly made. The

    only complete loss by them is ceramics, no great loss as the pottery was

    of unusually poor quality, with little decoration. The explanation of the

    difference is that ( 1 ) the women formerly did not make so many different

    articles as the men, and ( 2 ) the class of goods on which they spent most

    time and elaborated most, viz., clothing, has remained most universally in

    demand. Women now rarely — in many places, never — make rawhide buckets,

    rawhide tents, woven-grass socks or mittens, matting sails, fishskin clothing,

    elaborate fur caps for the men, ceremonial head fillets, anklets, feather

    wands, and feather parkas. Not all of these ever were used by all groups.

    Apparently, tents never were used in southwest Alaska until canvas ones

    were brought in. The people of the north coast of Alaska never wore grass

    and fishskin mittens. The above lists, however, indicate range and type of

    change.



    032      |      Vol_VIII-0735                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

            Even though a few commercial crafts have been learned (largely

    adaptations of old skills in sewing, carving, and etching on ivory),

    the Eskimos have acquired few substitute skills as meticulous as those

    required in making old-time implements. The men's new skills are mostly

    not hand skills but are more general: handling reindeer, trapping, dog–

    team driving, navigation. The new specific skills are in mechanics,

    seamanship on large vessels (for a few young fellows), care and use of

    guns, construction and repair of stoves, simple furniture, and occasionally

    radios. While Eskimos show real aptitude in learning the mechanism of guns

    and engines, they seldom give these adequate maintenance care. There are

    several explanations, involving both knowledge and personal values:

    ( 1 ) Eskimos do not yet know the properties of metals, plastics, etc., well

    enough, ( 2 ) do not accept the principle of hoarding, or they esteem use

    above hoarding, ( 3 ) value production of new implements above care of old

    ones although will do the latter if need be. This agrees with the attitude

    that creative use of energy and skill is the most estimable trait.

            Since the discovery, Eskimos have imitated each other more; general

    economic development has overcome many local resource deficiencies; and

    trade has provided universal items. Thus, even in native goods there is

    greater uniformity than formerly, especially in clothing. Where sealskin,

    fox, muskrat, or birdskin parkas formerly were worn, today almost universally

    the reindeer-skin parka is worn by both sexes. The pattern of the garments

    went through local elaborations but now is becoming more uniform, although

    few have yet imitated the white man's adaptations by putting pockets, lining,

    and zipper in their parkas. As an example of uniformity, women wear the

    short fur-boot rather than the various bulky trouser-boots formerly worn.

    033      |      Vol_VIII-0736                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    More and more are learning the superior Norton Sound technique of

    crimping boot soles with an ulu instead of the teeth, although the spread

    of modern tanning and boot-shaping methods has been comparatively slow.

    The whole skin-preparation complex is one of the most resistant to change

    despite commercial incentives. Even so, one-half to two-thirds of the

    items of clothing now are store-bought.

            Transportation . Least changed have been umiaks and kayaks. Wooden

    oarlocks and commercial oars, a well in the keel for insertion of a motor,

    and occasionally canvas sails have been added to the umiak. It has not

    changed in lines, construction, or materials so far as known. The kayak

    is essentially unchanged except that it and the umiak are not decorated

    with painted totemic designs as they were formerly around east and south

    Bering Sea. In a few localities, a canvas cover is placed on the kayak.

    As with nets, the material may be changed but not the form. The pattern

    of native travel from winter village to summer fishing camps has not changed

    although cabin launches of various types, small sailing vessels, and, in

    the Kotzebue Sound area, flat river boats with low cabin occasionally have

    been added to native means of transportation. That is, again means may

    have changed but not use and purpose.

            Boat landing and harboring facilities are no better than they were

    in 1900, hence the villages are no more accessible to large vessels from

    outside. The current expansion of air traffic and radio communication thus

    presents the first important change since settlement by Caucasians. Air

    traffic still cannot handle such heavy freight as fuel because most villages

    do not have landing facilities for large planes or sufficient commerce to

    justify the expense. But since spark plugs or baking powder and nursing

    034      |      Vol_VIII-0737                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    bottles can be brought on regular schedules of the small airplanes, the

    Eskimos do not have to return periodically to old techniques when supplies

    run out. They will forget the old ways [ ?] faster now.

            Dog traction has changed more than boat transportation. Longer freight

    sleds, with steel-shod runners and steel-toothed brake, and leather dog–

    harness, even sometimes with padded collar, were induced by the freighting

    needs of gold prospectors and explorers. Gee-pole and whip, still not used

    in conservative villages, evidently also are post-discovery in south Alaska.

    The greatest change has come in the care of dogs. Until the coming of whites

    and especially the introduction of domestic reindeer, dogs were allowed to

    run free, seeking their own shelter, food, and water. Some dogs went feral;

    others were killed by wolves; others, when still puppies, were killed to

    obtain soft fur or occasionally food. As a result, dogs were not a burden

    in feeding or even training, dog traction not being commercially important.

            When rules were made for tethering dogs, at all villages except a few

    like Little Diomede where there were neither reindeer nor caribou, the dogs

    became a problem that most Eskimos have not yet solved. Securing dog food

    became difficult. At first, tabus against allowing dogs to gnaw seal bones

    and the bones of other locally important animals (because of affront to those

    animals) limited the available dog food, and still does in some localities.

    Aften there was insufficient food of any kind to provide for large teams.

    Dogs, thought to have no souls or otherwise disesteemed, were given only

    the minimum essential care to keep the strongest alive for drawing sleds.

    Almost never were they watered (following old habits when they were allowed

    to run free). Gradually Eskimos here and there, under example and criticism

    of some of the Lapps, teachers, and professional dog-team drivers, have built

    035      |      Vol_VIII-0738                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    dog houses, watered the dogs in summer and fed them better. On the whole,

    dogs have suffered as much in the acculturation process as the people.

            House Types. Because of scarcity and high price of lumber and other

    commercial building materials, many villages of ne [ ?] essity have kept basi–

    cally the old house form. Throughout the interior, a trend toward construc–

    tion of log houses had begun before the discovery and is now general. For

    example, at Wiseman there are sound log cabins. On the coast, at villages

    like Elim and Unalakleet where the tree line comes close, good log houses

    can be built easily.

            At the famous arctic villages, Wainwright, Tigara, Wales, and Little

    Diomede, driftwood-and-sod or whale rib-and-sod houses still are used. The

    King Island house is still the boxlike structure for which the island is

    noted. Wealthy St. Lawrence families (Gembell) have two houses: summer

    frame dwellings like those in the States and a low walrus-hide lined wooden

    house for winter. At Savoonga, a relatively new village, all houses are

    constructed of lumber. At Shismaref and Kotzebue, a house of tar-papered

    plank construction, banked with sod blocks, is the customary type. Some

    of these and most houses at other Seward Peninsula and Norton Sound villages

    are poorly built of logs, planks, or anything the Eskimos can get. At

    several other villages where there has been strong Caucasian influence, the

    Eskimos have had inadequate shanties, e.g., at Bethel and Barrow. In 1947,

    with Federal Government aid, materials for new houses for all Barrow Eskimos

    were provided. While many Bristol Bay and Delta tundra houses also have

    been inferior, the climate is not so rigorous and the need not so great as

    at Barrow. In most villages between the lower Yukon and lower Kuskokwim

    rivers, there still are principally driftwood-and-sod houses, with a few small

    036      |      Vol_VIII-0739                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    frame houses or log cabins in more prosperous settlements. Some Bristol

    Bay villages have only modern frame houses while others have modified

    old-style log-and-sod dwellings, depending largely on amount of income

    from cannery work.

            Stools and tables — usually very low ones — kerosene or gasoline

    lamps, homemade stove or a "range," sewing-machine, home-made upboards or

    chests, bunks and other characteristic furnishings of a frontier rural home

    are common now, including blankets, pillows, towels, wash basin, a small

    mirror, scissors, some dishes and cutlery, cooking utensils, galvanized

    washtubs and buckets. The old items still used are deerskin mattress,

    seal poke for oil storage, wooden dish and tray, and the ulu. A few pros–

    perous Eskimos have well-furnished homes like those of the Caucasians.

    At. Lawrence Island people are hotable in this regard.

            Such articles as flashlights are considered almost indispensable now.

    Even thermos bottles are coming into general use. Thermos bottle and primus

    stove, sleeping-bag and teakettle are customary equipment for the trail.

    Nearly all coastal Eskimos, except at Wainwright where there is coal, have

    difficulty getting sufficient fuel for their new stoves. Imported coal and

    fuel oil, used in creasingly, are expensive, and are among the chief incen–

    tives to trapping and other occupations providing cash income.

            Changes in Habits. One of the most significant changes in daily habits

    resulting from technological change, which in turn requires further cultural

    modification, concerns need for water. When animal skins were cleaned with

    urine and people washed their hair in urine, when moss was used for babies'

    diapers and shredded grass for towels, when dishes were merely wiped clean,

    when there were no wooden floors to scrub or cloth garments to wash, very

    037      |      Vol_VIII-0740                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    little water was needed. Today, tea, coffee, more boiled foods, tethered

    dogs to be watered, and much greater incidence of tuberculosis and other

    contagious diseases make an urgent need for good water supplies, especially

    in summer. So far, no general inexpensive and expedient solution of the

    problem has been found, especially in tundra villages which have only

    muck-filled pond water.

            A change in eating habits has occurred, besides increase of commercially

    prepared foods (crackers, breakfast cereals, rendered fats, canned milk, and

    dried fruit). Formerly meals were likely to be irregular if the village

    wanted to play ball through moonlight nights or work on bright summer nights

    or fish with the tide, day or night. Today, while whale and walrus hunting

    still are imperative determinants of eating and sleeping, there is greater

    cultural pressure for a routine so that children can fit into the school

    routine. Other introduced institutions — hospitals, mines, canneries,

    construction projects — establish time scheudas. The Eskimos possess

    calendars and clocks and have made some adjustment to new schedules, yet

    still may send children to school without breakfast or lunch. These and

    other differences in adherence to routines cause some misunderstanding

    between Caucasians and Eskimos. The many small settlements with no such

    institutions still go their changeable way.

            Tobacco is used except in a few localities like Nunivak Island where

    missionary influence has induced the Eskimos to give it up. It has followed

    European-American example closely: pipe-smoking and snuff-taking, from

    Russians; chewing tobacco, from whalers, prospectors, and fishermen;

    cigarette-smoking, from modern Americans. Today there is less use of

    tobacco by children and women.



    038      |      Vol_VIII-0741                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

            In the 1890's liquor was made by Eskimos themselves, principally on

    the arctic coast and around lower Bristol Bay, and occasionally a sourdough

    liquor elsewhere. Otherwise commercial liquors were drunk. During the

    growth of missions, Prohibition, and the economic depression of the 1930's,

    use of liquor declined and there never has been much drinking in isolated

    tundra villages. Influx of Armed Service men during World War II and high

    wages for Eskimos working on construction projects have fostered increase

    of drinking in the larger villages recently. At one time liquor could not

    be sold to native people. Today it can be, if sold by a licensed dealer.

    In villages with a relatively large white population and with a liquor dealer,

    drinking is a serious social and economic problem. Some Yukon and Kuskokwim

    villages especially are experiencing this.

            The most serious break in techniques occurred in medical care, not

    that ancient ones were realistically effective. The Eskimos had virtually

    no medical assistance in the 20 to 30-year interval between shamanistic

    practices, of sucking out or rubbing (pulling) out a disease, bleeding, or

    "charming out" a sickness by spiritual invocation, and the current health

    program. There have been 13 field nurse positions in Eskimo territory; at

    present there are 11 (A.N.S.). In addition, some medical service is given

    by doctors of Coast Guard cutters and other Government vessels. The nurses

    are important because they do not merely treat patients for specific ailments

    but give instruction in first aid, home sanitation, prenatal and childbirth

    care, and care of children. Changes in these matters have been most noticeable

    in villages with a combination of good subsistence and other material resources

    and good leadership: for example, Wainwright, Little Diomede, White Mountain,

    Unalakleet and Shaktolik, Mountain Village, Gambell and Savoonga. The best

    039      |      Vol_VIII-0742                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    nurses have not insisted on complete imitation of U.S. health habits, but

    have adapted both old and new customs.

            Against diseases for which there still is no adequate immunization

    procedure, which hence can be combatted only by hygienic daily habit and home

    nursing, the culture has not changed sufficiently to provide protection.

    For a people who have had to crowd together indoors, it has become difficult

    to maintain isolation even if they understood the principle of isolation of

    a contagious disease, which they naturally did not understand initially.

    Another basic change in concept, apart from shamanism, concerns fever.

    Alaskan Eskimos generally regard it as dangerous in itself and often have

    taken a child with a fever, especially one who became red in the face with

    whooping cough, outdoors to cool off. It is essential for healthy individuals,

    to maintain their adjustment to the cold climate, to be able to go out in

    cold weather for short or long periods; but the old custom of cooling off a

    red-faced child in a tantrum has proved dangerous when applied in cases of

    pneumonia, measles, or diphtheria. On the other hand, some teachers have

    kept their schoolrooms too warm for the Eskimo children. Adjustments must

    be made by both parties in the acculturation process.

            Means of personal expression have declined, men again losing more than

    women. Women here and there have learned knitting, embroidery, and beadwork,

    and universally have learned to use a sewing machine adroitly. They design

    much fancier borders on boots, mittens, and other garments than formerly,

    and decorate their homes more. Between St. Michael and the Kuskokwim, women

    make for sale a basketry on which they have shown an inclination to depict

    many objects and creatures realistically, but this has been discourages by the

    style demands of purchasers. Women generally continue to wear earrings --

    040      |      Vol_VIII-0743                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    nowhere now wear nose ornaments and labrets, however — but men have no

    kind of body decoration.

            Men decorate their implements much less than formerly. A gun is not

    etched as were the ivory-headed implements. Moreover, hunting with a gun,

    especially as Eskimos are not superior marksmen, as a group, brings less

    prestige than hunting with aboriginal implements. Only a few men continue

    to carve wood and ivory objects for personal use. Craftsmanship on ivory

    objects for sale becomes increasingly standardized and provides less individual

    expression. In the Bristol Bay area, carving has disappeared entirely, due

    to the serious cultural break when many adults died in the 1919 influenza

    epidemic, and to fairly steady cash income, permitting purchase of manufactured

    articles. Instead, today a man has pride of wealth through ownership of umiak

    or plank boat and considerable personal satisfaction if he has made a good one

    himself. As they develop more pride of mere ownership and less of craftsman–

    ship, Eskimos approach American attitudes.

            Most communities have been deliberately discouraged from continuing

    their native music, spiritual testimony, and serving as lay preacher or

    altar boy; these are more stereotyped and not always a satisfying substi–

    tute for the remarkably individualistic mimetic danding and the composition

    by each man of his own commemorative songs. Evangelistic sects most vigor–

    ous in opposing the ancient religion and festival have provided the greatest

    member-participation in their religious services, a good development, but

    have taken away much of the art formerly accompanying religion. Alaska

    apparently has a greater variety of religious sects and variety of village

    response to them than Greenland or northern Canada. For example, some

    missionaries have strictly forbidden women to cut their hair or wear ornaments

    041      |      Vol_VIII-0744                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    while others have not opposed these. Hence, generalization if difficult.

            Nonreligious elements of festivals have survived most widely. Skin–

    tossing still is a prominent feature of native whaling celebrations on the

    arctic coast. Regarding games and sports, in general the schools have

    adequately maintained old ones or given new ones for children, while doing

    little in recreation for adults. In this particular aspect of culture,

    women have lost more than men. The American attitude against games and

    sports for women, of past generations, was enforced on the Eskimos by means

    of criticism and example.

            Card-playing and gambling have not appealed to Alaskan Eskimos except

    in a few localities and for limited periods. Gambling is alien to their

    old customs and has not given so much satisfaction as drinking, dancing,

    and sports. Further, it has been vigorously opposed by missionaries.

            Where Eskimos could obtain guitar, harmonica, or other musical

    instrument, they have enjoyed playing and singing "cowboy," "hillbilly"

    and hymn music. In a few cases, they have composed songs with current

    topical interest, on the pattern of the old ceremonial songs. The young

    people everywhere enjoy phonograph and radio music, but modern styles of

    dancing are limited to a few localities. On the whole, music is the adult

    Eskimo's best means of expression today, and — besides games and toys —

    drawing and painting are the most satisfying ones for the children.

            Verbalization has both lost and added elements. Folk tales are being

    forgotten, a serious loss. Various types of old songs in purely Eskimo

    idiom, for example lullabies, have nearly disappeared, and hymns translated

    into Eskimo now are sung as lullabies and work songs. Ritualized boasting

    in commemorative songs also is nearly gone. In their stead, there is greater

    042      |      Vol_VIII-0745                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    verbalization without music, notably in community meetings and church

    meetings. An Eskimo idiom of business and public affairs is developing,

    essential to avoid the kind of misunderstanding between Caucasians and

    Eskimos that has occurred in the past.

            Formerly, everywhere in Eskimo Alaska except St. Lawrence Island, the men's

    ceremonial house was used as workroom, guesthouse, bathhouse, bachelors'

    quarters, schoolroom, lunchroom, rehearsal room, and place of public

    entertainment. In 1931, only 2 of 16 villages in the Kotzebue Sound–

    Seward Peninsula-Norton Bay area, studied by H.D. Anderson, still had

    ceremonial houses ( kashim , karriai , or kadgigi ). The arctic villages,

    both coastal and inland, have not had them for a long time. However, 21 of

    27 villages surveyed from St. Michael southward to Goodnews Bay, on coast

    and tundra, still had kashims. Although school, mission, and store have

    been assuming and dividing up many of the above functions — so that there is not

    a total loss — they have taken these functions from under the Eskimo elders'

    supervision, and Eskimo prestige has suffered. Moreoever, in some little

    settlements that do not have these centers, the ceremonial house merely has

    declined without any substitute. In time, community organization and community

    stores can assume some functions of the kashim , still keeping them under

    native control.

            Decline of this institution has meant change in home life. Men spend

    more time in the "women's houses," i.e., family houses. Women's influence

    is somewhat stronger, speech tabus and other tabus between in-laws are weaker,

    girls are less isolated, and brother-sister tabus are weaker, because the

    sexes are less strictly separated.



    043      |      Vol_VIII-0746                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

           

    Changes in Organization

            In Alaskan Eskimo villages, unlike other Eskimo communities, there

    was usually a prosperous man, an experienced trader or whaling chief

    (whaleboat owner) who was a sort of village chief. In southwestern and

    inland villages, the shaman was likely to be wealthy and a community leader.

    Apparently there was no concept of chieftainship, a heredity or elective

    office; but there was a concept of leaders, individuals with leadership

    qualities. Incoming Caucasians fostered such individuals, except in the

    case of shamans.

            Two qualities essential to leadership, in Eskimo ideology, were

    superior competence in maintaining oneself and dependents, in terms of the

    local habitat, and generosity to the entire community. Most white settlers

    were regarded as wealthy people because of their abundance of goods, but

    many could not support themselves without assistance from outside Alaska

    and they did not give away their surplus goods. Gradually, however, in a

    second stage of development the whites themselves gained leadership by

    demonstration of competence, prestige of office, or other means, often

    by subtle intimidation, of which neither group was fully aware.

            In the latest stage, the tendency of Caucasians to "boss" the Eskimos

    has started to give way. After 1936 when provisions of the Indian Reorgani–

    zation Act were extended to Alaska, an avowed program [ ?] of community

    organization and Eskimo leadership was established by the Alaska Native

    Service. As of March 1948, 27 Eskimo villages had organized separately,

    with consultation and charter ratified. All adults in the community can

    vote for members of the governing body, usually a council with president,

    secretary, and other officials as needed. The president serves as village

    044      |      Vol_VIII-0747                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    chief. The voters or their representatives select store manager, reindeer

    herd manager, or other employees. In many organized villages, the council

    has real strength. For example, in Mekoryuk (Nunivak Island) when one

    autocratic teacher disregarded the council in deciding on community matters

    and thought that it had ceased to function, it nevertheless continued to

    meet secretly. Where there is no Commissioner or Deputy Marshall, the

    Eskimo officials serve also as judicial court for many local disputes. Though

    the impetus and pattern of organization have come from teachers, it has been

    supported by the Eskimo communities. It agrees well enough with the old-time

    popular acclamation of outstanding individuals and the willingness to follow

    them, with guidance from community elders.

            Local units of the Alaska Territorial Guard, a home guard of natives

    formed during World War II, functioned in Eskimo villages until 1947. Officers

    of each company were local residents, usually young Eskimos, rarely white men.

    The Guard's chief contributions to native lif were training in care of guns

    and other equipment, experience in local organization, and a sense of respon–

    sibility to the Government.

            A very few Eskimos were members of the Alaskan Scouts, who served as

    advance scouts in World War II. The exact number of Eskimos who have been

    in all the Armed Services is unobtainable. The number has not been large

    and not at all servicemen have returned to their communities after the war,

    so that the social effect of new experience gained in war service has not

    been so great as [ ?] might be expected. Probably more was learned from

    the establishment of local weather and radio stations.

            In several localities, there is a strong church organization, mothers'

    club, 4-H Club or other young people's organization, or a Camp of the Alaska

    045      |      Vol_VIII-0748                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    Native Brotherhood (a protective organization, much stronger among Indians

    of southwest Alaska than among Eskimos). These offer opportunity for local

    leadership, individual expression, and group morale if individual rivalry

    does not become too strong. Their experience so far shows that if Alaskan

    Eskimos are to compete successfully with present white settlers, they must

    meet the latter's standards. Except for a few outstanding people, it is

    difficult for them to do this, as they are individually poor in dollars,

    without as much schooling as Caucasians, and usually unaware of world politi–

    cal and economic changes. Where there is active competition, the only

    Eskimos who are reaching new standards and at the same time protecting

    subsistence and community life are those who have some sort of organization.

    For example, one village council has allotted individual trapping areas, to

    prevent friction and allow adequate territory to all.

            According to present custom, the village jurisdiction does not apply

    to white residents, whose actions are controlled by Territorial officials.

    As Eskimos seldom appeal to these officials and have no control over white

    residents [ ?] through their own organization, occasionally they feel helpless

    and resentful against individual whites who act highhandedly or illegally.

    The Eskimos socially are at present not the same "natives" living by them–

    selves in their own way that they once were, nor are they actually functioning

    in the Territorial citizenry. It is a period of changing and clarifying status.

            When the Eskimos received both material satisfaction and high personal

    honor from the same activity — chiefly hunting — they had greater economic

    security and at the same time personal self-assurance. Similarly, when they

    can supervise their own modern economic organization, they get the same

    combination of satisfactions. While a village may get some feeling of status

    046      |      Vol_VIII-0749                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    and economic interest from a privately operated cannery, oil dump, airfield,

    or hospital, still the highest positions and the authority over these busi–

    nesses are not attainable by Eskimos. They remain dependent employees,

    hired as individuals and encouraged in every way to function as individuals

    rather than as community members. The native community then loses its

    essential strength, besides the weakening of individual and family self–

    reliance which often occurs.

            Formerly, the individual received essential assistance (in aboriginal

    terms) from his family. For example, it — rather than a religious sect —

    gave him honor and aid in his life crises such as puberty and death. By

    giving him amulets and songs, his family assured him protection from misfortune.

    It helped him materially and spiritually to launch his career as a primary

    producer of food. Today the child in school, the young man in the Army,

    the mind worker, can get little help from their families. The individual

    then may disregard his parental family except for needs of affection. High

    mortality, which breaks up many families, aids the process of individuation.

    Outside the family today the principal institutions guiding and assisting

    adolescent and young adult Eskimos are the organized villages, the stronger

    church missions, and Government boarding schools. Also, at Unalakleet 4-H

    Club leaders and at Kotzebus the Reindeer Service are training the young

    people in special activities suited to their environment.

            As for legal status, all native people in Alaska are citizens, eligible

    to vote (except for age and literacy requirements), and are taxed like other

    residents. They are guaranteed by Territorial law "access to all places

    of public accommocation" such as theaters and restaurants, although there

    is some local informal discrimination. Many remote small communities do not

    047      |      Vol_VIII-0750                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    participate in Territorial elections and do not pay taxes because of physical

    difficulties of setting up voting precincts and collecting taxes. As more

    Eskimos learn English, acquire a cash income, and can be reached by airplane,

    undoubtedly they will be brought into Territorial Government participation

    more. This is in addition to local community organization, not a substitute.

    For example, an Eskimo was elected to the Alaska Legislature in 1948, said

    to be the first Eskimo member or at least the first in many years.

            Simultaneously, Eskimos are wards of the Federal Government. This ward–

    ship does not entail restriction of movement or of ownership of property. The

    dual status, while confusing, has not been harmful to the Eskimos up to now.

    Probably, most of them were unaware of it. As competition for their territory

    becomes sharper, further clarification probably will be necessary.

            Alaska never has had an organization like the Royal Canadian Mounted

    Police. Pursuit and trial of alleged criminals has varied greatly from one

    period to another and one part of the Territory to another, dependent upon

    local officials' attitudes. Generally, there has not been strong or frequent

    intervention of authority from outside the native community except in or

    near "white men's towns." The Eskimos in these towns are disorganized, in

    a social-welfare sense, and take little responsibility. Whether constant

    exercise of superior authority has contributed to poor social conditions or

    of necessity has followed them cannot be stated without study of each community.

            Strong pressure toward conformity to American legal practice has come

    from teachers and missionaries, who have insisted, for example, that Eskimos'

    marriages be legalized. Only a few isolated groups still form or break up

    a marriage according to aboriginal mores. Occasionally, also, whites try

    to settle inheritance or other family disputes, not always successfully

    048      |      Vol_VIII-0751                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    because they do not know local custom well enough and try to apply

    U.S. law that is misunderstood by or repugnant to the Eskimos.

            Evidently, in pre-European time crimes, as the Eskimos defined them,

    did not go unpunished eventually, although punishment might be postponed

    many years. Eskimos probably still could control crime adequately if

    there were not greater speed and ease of movement over long distances,

    requiring a larger organization for apprehension than the local network

    of related villages. Even if the latter could handle all crime, it is

    not likely to do so, since Territorial and Federal officials gradually are

    increasing their efforts toward control.

            Conclusion. A process of freeing the individual from personal respon–

    sibility has begun, and local control by adult Eskimos has diminished except

    in incorporated villages. But ( 1 ) though responsibility to the so-called

    "extended family" is weaker, responsibility to immediate family still is

    quite strong; ( 2 ) participation in community affairs is good, increasing

    in some places, decreasing in others; and ( 3 ) there is still generally

    freedom from outside intervention except in white men's towns. Closer

    relationship to the Territorial Government is probable.

           

    Changes in Belief and Value System

            Of the Alaskan Eskimos' somewhat unsystematical concepts relating

    to the universe, those pertaining to the immediate physical environment

    are largely unchanged. Even its spiritual aspects have not changed much

    despite acceptance of Christianity. Many — although not all — Eskimos

    still believe that there are bad Indians or little people in the hills,

    that the fish and sea mammals have villages under the sea (south Alaska),

    even though the shaman no longer visits them, and that there are various

    049      |      Vol_VIII-0752                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    human and animal monsters. But knowing the whites' attitudes, Eskimos have

    grown self-protective and rarely discuss such things with them.

            Some of the introduced concepts and practices are congruous with the

    ancient ones so that no basic reorientation is needed for them, for example,

    a Supreme Being associated with the sky and a sky afterworld; confession;

    prominence of vocal religious music; a major religious festival in December.

    In a positive way, the weakening or loss of some of the old tabus and fears,

    for example fears of an eclipse and of ghosts, has reduced personal insecurity.

    Above all, the fear of sorcery has nearly disappeared, so that people feel

    more secure in relations with each other.

            In a negative way, loss of old tabus regarding the food animals has

    meant a decrease in the importance and responsibilities of hunting those

    animals. Though there may be still a physical imperative in the hunting,

    the religious imperatives regulating it have nearly disappeared. There may

    be confusion and loss within the individual as well as in organized activity.

    Formerly, there was spiritual as well as material satisfaction in successful

    hunting because of the assumption that one had pleased the spirits if one

    were successful. The cultural consistency, in the strong relationship of

    religion and subsistence, is continued now only where Eskimos have assumed

    that success in hunting and fishing is a sign of approval from the super–

    natural powers of their new religion.

            If the sins that can cause one to lose that favor are interpreted in

    a constructive social way, there is a great gain, in that people will try

    to carry out their family and community obligations in order to be favored

    as Christians and successful by aboriginal local standards, too. This

    harmonious adaptation of old and new beliefs does not always occur, however.

    050      |      Vol_VIII-0753                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    Sometimes sin is interpreted so narrowly or personal salvation is so

    stressed that the Eskimo is concerned only with a new set of restricted

    rigid tabus, the breaking of which will endanger his food supply. Or he

    is filled with doubt of his own worth and, while maintaining the conventional

    outward cheerfulness, may have lost the interest and realistic self-organi–

    zation necessary for both physical and cultural adjustment.

            This lack of consistency between one part of the culture and another,

    which often means a lack of harmony in the individual, is abetted by other

    changes. The new religion as a whole is unrelated to the local environment,

    presented often in terms of a different part of the world and of a people

    with different everyday needs. This focus elsewhere, plus the Eskimos'

    widening knowledge of geography and public affairs, brings an expansion

    of his conception of the world and makes him small, poor and weak. The

    Eskimo then may feel that, whether or not individual white men have power

    and wealth, they come from a land of power.

            The individuation, mentioned earlier, contributes to uncertainty and

    conflict for younger people especially. Some become strong adherents to

    Christianity, seeking strength from it. Its emphasis on the importance

    of every individual counteracts the other tendencies toward weakening of

    individual value. Others suffer great nostalgia for the reassurance of the

    home village and after experience in a Caucasian community return to it.

    Others seek more education (Government loans are available to promising

    native students desiring higher education) in order to strengthen themselves.

    But most live according to daily expediency.

            Since Eskimo community pressures have been strong in the past, it is

    difficult to assess qualities like self-discipline and self-direction; but

    051      |      Vol_VIII-0754                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    there appears to be less self-discipline today. This may come from the

    fact that personal goals become more numerous and conflicting in the

    modernizing Alaskan Eskimo culture. Now, strong, clearly delimited per–

    sonal goals cannot be imparted to children with assurance. Or, if specific

    objectives are taught, they may not be realizable or adaptable in later years

    as the culture changes. One behavior-complex that elders impart and that

    remains useful is simply being agreeable, not aggressive. It is to the

    Eskimos' advantage also to continue to be slow and fatalistic regarding

    many matters on which Outsiders feel greater urgency.

            Social Attitudes. On the whole, attitudes toward children, parents,

    friends, spouses have not changed greatly. There still is more toleration

    of the other person's opinions and more affection among relatives and bond–

    brothers than in many other societies. Eskimo children always have had

    parent surrogates because of polygamy, marital separation, and adoption.

    A child may be reared by grandparents, uncle, stepfather, older sister, or

    unrelated person. The Eskimo child learns to adjust to many people. Adopt–

    tion still is common; children still are trained by the community rather

    than by their parents alone. The only difference now is that the child may

    n [ ?] t lose not only his parents but his parent surrogates also, in migration,

    epidemic, or social disorganization. But this is not usual.

            Child training in most groups has not changed much in social pattern

    although children are weaned a little earlier, are more and more fed from

    a bottle and a cup (essential for tubercular mothers), and are encouraged

    to walk, not spending so much of their early life on someone's back as

    formerly. Modern types of clothing, nurses' instruction, attendance of

    older children at school (instead of carrying younger siblings) foster greater

    052      |      Vol_VIII-0755                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    self-sufficiency and independent movement of young children. Most villages

    still have no automobiles and similar dangers, so that children can move

    freely without new threats. Most of their time is spent in self-direced,

    unorganized play. Adults' attitudes toward children apparently have not

    changed.

            As for attitudes of children, they may lose some respect for and identi–

    fication with elders who cannot learn English and the new customs. They

    probably are losing, too, some of their sense of reality because they cannot

    test the new teaching as directly as they tested the old instruction in their

    everyday experience. This reinforces the withdrawal from the wholly native

    environment, induced by economic and other factors, already mentioned. This

    process has not gone far yet.

            Regarding attitudes toward leaders, there is evidence that in the south–

    west quadrant of Alaska before the conquest the wealthy men, chiefs, and

    shamans often were tyrannical. These men were feared as well as admired.

    Today there is little opportunity for autocratic behavior by Eskimos.

    Some white traders and strong missionaries have domineered over their

    communities, but most of them are gone. Teachers and other Outsiders

    usually have not stayed long enough in one locality to establish strong

    personal authority. Today there is rarely open defiance of what Caucasian

    authority exists (chiefly punitive civil authority), nor is there full sup–

    port of it. The problem of maintaining some independence and even of express–

    ing normal resistance or aggression toward a foreign people and foreign ideas

    has been solved by the Eskimos in two ways: laughter, and running away.

    These are not malicious. They take the form of avoiding any showdom, of

    joking, and hesitating to commit oneself to a course. These are techniques

    053      |      Vol_VIII-0756                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation

    of the old indigenous culture, continued in the new.

            Anciently, any aggression, not only toward leaders, might be "worked

    out" by practising magic against the object of antagonism. Also, shamans

    in their contests with other shamans expressed resentments and need for

    protection felt by their whole village. And, while not so important as

    in Greenland, song contests for settling disputes and achieving community

    control were resorted to by some groups. As such behavior and warfare no

    longer are tolerated, the Eskimo has only these means of release: verbal

    attack, occasional fighting when drunk, and aggression toward animals.

    The frenzies killing or beating of animals — not only those needed for

    food — that is occasionally seen results probably from inhibitions, with

    inadequate opportunity for socially approved release of tension.

            There is factionalism today on sectarian and other issues, but there

    were factions and quarrels in past times also. With the cessation of compe–

    tition between chamans and of family feuds over past murders, there are

    better social relations. In summary, Alaskan Eskimos have both lost and

    gained, so that they have now a slightly favorable cultural balance.

    Integration of these elements of culture is quite good although a little

    unstable. Further loss of self-sufficiency or self-respect could break it.



    054      |      Vol_VIII-0757                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Lantis: Alaskan Eskimo Acculturation


    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    In addition to the following, see "Bering Sea and Arctic Coast Eskimos

    of Alaska," Bibliography

    "Alaska [Including Reindeer]," Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee

    1. on Indian Affairs, U.S. Senate, 74th Congr., 2nd Sess., Pt.36, 1939.

    2. Anderson, H.D., and Eells, W.C. Alaska Natives , 1935.

    3. Andrews, C.L. The Story of Alaska , 1938.

    4. ----. The Eskimo and his Reindeer in Alaska , 1939.

    5. Dall, W.H. Alaska and Its Resources, 1897.

    6. "Eskimos of Alaska," Office of Indian Affairs Field Service, U.S. Dept. of

    the Interior, Juneau, March 30, 1938. (Mimeo.)

    7. Forrest, Elizabeth Chabot. Daylight Moon , 1937.

    8. (Annual) Hearings on appropriation bills of the U.S. Dept. of the Interior

    before [ ?] a Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, U.S.

    Senats. (Similar hearings of the U.S. House of Representatives.)

    9. "Indian Tribes, Bands and Communities under Constitutions and Charters...;"

    Tribal Relations Pamphlet 1B; Sept. 1, 1946.

    10. Johnshoy, J.W. Apaurak in Alaska , 1944.

    1 1 . Marshall, Robert. Arctic Village , 1933.

    12. O'Connor, Paul. Eskimo Parish , 1946.

    13. Porter, R.P. "Report on Population and Resources of Alaska," 11th Census,

    1890;
    Vol.8; 1893.

    14. Reid, Charles F. Education in the Territories and Outlying Possessions of

    the United States
    , 1941.

    15. Van Valin, W.B. Eskimoland Speaks , 1945.

           

    Margaret Lantis

    Patterns of Discrimination in the Arctic


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0758                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (John J. Teal, Jr.)


    PATTERNS OF DISCRIMINATION IN THE ARCTIC

           

    CONTENTS

    Page
    Fear 5
    Lack of Understanding of Cultural Differences 9
    Caste 13
    Economics 16
    Racism 19
    Tolerance 23



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0759                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (John J. Teal, Jr.)


           

    PATTERNS OF DISCRIMINATION IN THE ARCTIC

            Human contact in the Arctic is marked by the same discriminations

    which characterize it in other parts of the world. To the already harassed

    egalitarians, who might have thought of the far north as beyond the social

    pale, this information is discouraging and likely to draw forth the comment:

    surely not up there, too! Yet the heterogeneous ethnology of the Arctic has

    provided it with all the familiar ingredients, and we find varied patterns

    of discrimination, replete with attendant evils, resulting from the meetings

    of aborigin e with aborigin e, a borigine with immigrant, and immigrant with

    immigrant.

            The anthropologist is inclined to look upon the situation with con–

    siderably less discouragement, while equally deploring it. Society itself

    is the laboratory for the study of man, and the less sophisticated are its

    structures, the more likely is the anthropologist to extract principles of

    its working which can weather severe criticism. He can hope that by a study

    of social conflict in a relatively undeveloped and uncomplicated area he

    might discover keys to the analysis of more complicated societies. He pro–

    ceeds, in a fashion, from the "raw" state to the broiling. Although science

    demands that he must be a cultural relativist and eschew qualitative evalua–

    tion, there are certain absolutes which are recognized as his starting points.

    To a large extent these are negative absolutes which might be typified by his

    lack of faith in such formulae as "human nature" or "the difference between

    002      |      Vol_VIII-0760                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Teal: Patterns of Discrimination in the Arctic

    right and wrong." The generalities which he seeks tend to be meaningless

    if allowed to become too general.

            A first step in the analysis of cultural conflicts is the definition

    of certain cultural constants which are likely to crop up in any society.

    Among these the necessity of acknowledging the irrationality of human be–

    havior can least afford, perhaps, to be neglected. It is both conscious and

    unconscious, and may derive from emotional, religion, ritual, custom, or re–

    sistance. Very often a particular society will hold stock in some local moral

    code which is working to its detriment, and which is not shared by its neigh–

    bors. Transgression of that moral code, even when performed with seemingly

    irrefutable logic, can be expected to produce an irrational emotional response.

    Among the Chukchi, Kamchadals, and Ostyaks of Siberia, for example, the rule

    of sororal polygyny was common. A man married all the sisters of a family,

    although obliged to marry the elder sister first. In groups in which there

    was a shortage of women, it was inevitable that many men would be left out

    unless there were some resort to sexual communism. That this sexual communism

    refuted the strict taboos concerning intermarriage, and laws concerning which

    clan married which, was immaterial. The custom of a man marrying all the sisters

    must in any case prevail.

            Irrational behavior may in some instances be consciously performed where

    it violates the morals of an ethnic group. The Tlingit Indians of Southeastern

    Alaska had an elaborate ritual for the indoctrination of a new shaman or priest

    which involved cannibalism. The candidate symbolically starved himself and

    then, in simulated frenzy, ran about biting pieces of fl e sh from the arms of

    his kinsfolk, chewing and swallowing the meat. The explanation given for this

    behavior was that since nothing was more repugnant to a Tlingit than cannibalism

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0761                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Teal: Patterns of Discrimination in the Arctic

    it was necessary that the candidate show his fitness for office in this

    manner. Where groups have mingled very often it is found that vestigial

    rituals and customs are handed down for which there is no longer any ex–

    planation or place in the society.

            Religion draws forth many examples of misology, which is no more nor

    less than irrational behavior. The Canadian Eskimo will ask the missionary

    if Jesus Christ is the only white man who could raise people from the dead.

    If the answer is yes, the Eskimo will politely withdraw with the certainty

    that Eskimos are superior people. After all, has not every member of his

    tribe seen the shaman daily raise men from the dead? That the "dead" men

    were only sick can do little to weaken the shaman's statement that they were

    dead. Similarly, the white missionary, living in an Eskimo community where

    winter water may be had only by melting ice and but one village towel exists,

    will invoke religious piety by demanding that every person bathe hands and

    face before each meal. That the reuse of the same water and towel spreads

    contagious diseases is no part of his immediate concern. Or he may persuade

    his flock to move out of their "hovels" into clapboard frame houses, ill-suited

    to the rigors of the climate, with the result that those who don't die with

    consumption or pneumonia must neglect their hunting to go farther afield each

    day for fuel, until finally they either starve or become dependent upon him.

    This he interprets as looking after both their corporal and spiritual needs.

            This particular type of irrational behavior on the part of the missionary

    focuses attention upon a second constant found in all cultures; the egocentric

    illusion. It is based upon what Toynbee refers to as "the misconception of the

    unity of civilization." Each culture has a tendency to look upon its own in–

    terpretation of life and its own adaptations to environmental conditions as

    004      |      Vol_VIII-0762                                                                                                                  
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    normal: all cultures which do not conform to this norm or deviate from it

    are, to the extent of their nonconformity, either more or less barbarian.

    The most primitive (though by no means confined to "primitive" peoples) ex–

    pression of this idea is in the in-group and out-group psychologies. A cul–

    ture's horizons may be bounded by the local mountains, shore lines, or the

    seals it eats; or by the automobiles, art galleries, or seals it doesn't eat.

    In each case that which lies beyond is scarcely worthy of consideration, prob–

    ably subhuman, and certainly not in existence until it has been "discovered."

            Just as there have been many people in Western society who refuse to be–

    lieve that as one approaches the north life does not become unsupportable,

    so also are there Eskimos who refuse to believe that game abounds out from

    the coasts or over the next range of hills. Much less are these Eskimos pre–

    pared to believe that human beings live there. In fact there is a Tormiat

    Eskimo story of creation which states that a dog, disguised as a man, married

    the Great Woman who begat all people. Of her children the Indians retained

    their human form but became dogs at heart, white men degenerated into monsters,

    and only the Eskimos remained human.

            There are many primitive groups convinced that their special valley, is–

    land, or peninsula confines the whole world. They may have occasional wars

    with neighboring tribes, they may keep foreign slaves, and they may make mari–

    tal forays. Yet irrational behavior and egocentric illusions demand that no

    existence be granted beyond their own sphere. It is the Pythagorean idea that

    Greece is the ideal country and the center of the universe, the pre-Gallilean

    idea that the sun and the stars in their galaxies revolved about the earth.

    Dicuil, a monk writing in the nineth century, and indeed the later sagas, re–

    cord that the Norwegians discovered I ce land, but that the Irish were already

    005      |      Vol_VIII-0763                                                                                                                  
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    living there. Other early sagas tell us that when the Vikings discovered

    Greenland and North America they were met by beings referred to as Unipeds

    and Skraelings (wood trolls or devils), but actually the indigenous Eskimos

    and Indians. In the book, Around the World with a Camera , published in 1910

    by the Leslie-Judge Company, can be found a remarkable picture of a "Lapp

    woman, seventy yea rs of age and looking like a chimpanzee." One does not have

    to dig far into modern travel literature to learn that other cultures and

    societies are described in such terms as "the filthy natives," the "heathen

    barbarians," "the benighted savage."

            Members of western European civilization might be inclined to believe

    that such concepts are endemic to them. The truth is that they can be found

    in all the known cultures and societies of the world. The egocentric illusion,

    sharpened by irrationality, leads inevitably to qualitative evaluation. Con–

    dition and progress are measured in terms of personal cultural experience, and

    the unfamiliar is usually found to be lacking or dangerous. Thus the stage

    is set for discriminations. The patterns which these discriminations follow

    may be arbitrarily divided into six classifications which are presented with

    the foreknowledge that they are by no means conclusive.

           

    Fear

            The Freudian school of psychology, which was in part derived from the

    chrysalid studies of primitive society, held that fear was one of the basic

    human motivations. Response to certain stimuli was expressed by terror, a

    desire to escape. It was a convenient explanation for a majority of mental

    maladies. John Dewey believed that fear and pugnacity are no more inherent

    to "human nature" than pity or sympathy, and proved his point by chemistry.

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    Today our appreciation of the role played by fear in society is more com–

    prehensive, as it is to a degree, more subtle.

            In intergroup relations fear is generated by the strange or unfamiliar,

    abilities which appear to be inherent and threatening, by the folk history

    of real or imagined experience, the attribution of supernatural power, and

    so on. As a source of discriminations between people it is virulent, and

    often cruel and bloody. There seems to be no distinction between western

    European man and aborigine in the expression which is given to discrimination

    induced by fear. Some of these discriminations are purely animosities re–

    sulting from infrequent contact rather than from cultural differences. At

    one time the Eskimos bordering the Asiatic and Alaskan sides of Bering Strait

    were continually at war with each other. If a man from one side was inad–

    vertently blown in his boat to the other he was immediately killed as a matter

    of course.

            Generally the Eskimos have been more feared than the Indians. For one

    thing, they are inclined to be more mysterious, aggressive, and superior in

    attitude. Alaskan Eskimos refer to the inland Indians as the "Inkalik," which

    translated means "lousy." So great has been the fear of Eskimos by some Indians

    that whole tribes, complete with warriors, have been known to flee prosperous

    hunting grounds at the approach of a single Eskimo family. On the Coppermine

    River there is a place called Bloody Falls which got its name from an event

    in 1770. Samuel Hearne was leading an overland expedition to the Arctic, ac–

    companied by the Indian chief Manatobie, and his tribe. The Coppermine River

    was the traditional haunt of the dreaded Eskimo. Upon reaching it, Hearne

    watched Manatobie give orders for the women to make camp and for the warriors

    to don paint and sharpen axes. Then he crept forward to a rapid where several

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    Eskimo families were encamped and fast asleep. The Indians massacred every

    last Eskimo, and then celebrated in joy and relief.

            Stefansson has written in The Friendly Arctic that "Nothing is more in–

    grained in the real Eskimo and nothing pervades more thoroughly his traditions

    and folklore than the idea that strangers are necessarily hostile and treach–

    erous. Every Eskimo group always believes that wicked Eskimos are to be found

    on the other side of the mountains or down the coast at a distance. The Mack–

    enzie River and Baillie Island Eskimos especially had many details of the

    bloodthirsty nature of the people to the east, although the experience of

    everyone who during the last few years had come in contact with these people

    was that they were the most inoffensive and kindly lot that you could imagine."

    To this might be added a tradition in the Mackenzie Delta that there were armies

    of white men over in the Yukon valley in Alaska who at any moment might be ex–

    pected to attack northward, murdering and pillaging, with the purpose of taking

    Eskimo lands for their own use. In this case it is a simple matter to discern

    the path of half-truths and rumors which lead to discriminatory fears.

            Along the Alaskan coast the Eskimos have had a warring reputation, dating

    at Prince of Wales from early Russian times, undoubtedly stimulated by the ir–

    responsible actions of whalers and traders. The same holds true for the Ind–

    ians a long the Yukon and in Southeast Alaska. It was not long ago that native

    massacres and revolts were common in the Panhandle region. In Charles Brower's

    autobiography, Fifty Years Below Zero , we learn much about the discriminatory

    fears of the Arctic when we come upon such old warnings as when an unknown

    Eskimo appears, "Look yourself in your house and get your guns ready."

            There were several graphic instances of discriminatory fear encountered

    by Stefansson's first arctic expedition, as reported in My Life with the Eskimo .

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    At one time he was headed toward a region inhabited by unknown tribes, when

    his traveling companions began to balk and make excuses against continuing

    farther. "As a matter of fact, what my Eskimo really dreaded was not so much

    hunger as the possibility of our success in the quest of what were to me the

    scientifically interesting 'people who had never seen a white man,' but to

    them were the dreaded 'Nagyuktogmiut,' so called because they hook to them–

    selves wives with the antlers of bull caribou; they kill all strangers ."

            Later on the same expedition he had occasion to be present at a first

    meeting between Slavey Indians and Coronation Gulf Eskimos. At first the

    Eskimos refused the meeting outright on the excuse that they had never had

    anything to do with the Indians. Fear was expressed on both sides, but slow–

    ly gave way to friendliness and great surprise to see that each group was

    not essentially different from the other.

            In those arctic areas where whalers have robbed and raped, drawing forth

    violent resistence, where white men have usurped Indian or Eskimo hunting

    grounds, it is common to find either mutual fear or its wary memory. The

    white man arms himself with the frontier slogan "the only good Indian is a

    dead Indian" and gives himself over to the rule of emotions rather than that

    of justice. The aborigine, foreseeing the loss of his home and livelihood,

    either withdraws, wages guerrilla warfare, or submits. But news of his ex–

    perience travels far and wide, causing great excitement and a distinctly un–

    healthy atmosphere for presumptuous travelers. Many of the present day so–

    sty led aborigine populations of the Arctic inhabit their territories and prac–

    tice their adapted culture because they have been driven north or have fled

    in fear before strange or more powerful groups in southern latitudes. Examples

    are the Lapps, Samoyeds, and Tungus.



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            The most important factor of discriminatory fear is its generation of

    group hatred. When an Eskimo shaman explains to his patient that his dis–

    ease or accident has been caused by a distant white man, an Indian, or a mem–

    ber of another tribe, it becomes part of the group experience which can only

    be translated by mistrust, non-cooperation, area delimitation in favor of the

    more powerful, or violence.

           

    Lack of Understanding of Cultural Differences

            It has already been hinted that the egocentric illusion leads to unfavor–

    able appraisals of differing cultures and customs. The inclination is to re–

    gard everything which is not familiar as inferior, and therefore liable to

    exploitation or discrimination. In the Arctic the cultural differences be–

    tween aborigine and immigrant are particularly marked, but the environment

    necessitates accommodations. The process of accommodation has a history of

    turmoil, and understanding has been purchased with difficulty. It must be

    borne in mind that aborigine populations of the Arctic, although in many in–

    stances unskilled in the ci vi lized virtues acclaimed by Homo Europaeus, are

    perfectly adapted to the regions which they i nh abit. Their culture is the end

    product of a long period of trial and error, and its various tenets are more

    often than not fundamental to survival.

            Stefansson asserted in The Friendly Arctic that"those who understand prim–

    itive people know that to them nothing is more commonplace or uninteresting

    than a thing which appears miraculous." This is the result of a life in which

    nearly every thread is woven by shamanistic practices. Frequently missionaries

    working with the Eskimos have sought to penetrate the resistence of prospec–

    tive converts by providing them with Christian hunting prayers to replace heathen

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    caribou and seal prayers. If chance allowed these prayers to bear seeming

    results, "converts" were made; although they would scarcely conform to the

    Christian ideal. No matter how successful a prayer might be one year, as

    soon as it was no longer effective, the Eskimo would say that it had worn

    out and demand a new one. Protestations that it was God's will that the

    prayer had not been answered were of no avail. Since white man's guns and

    pots wore out, was it not obvious that all thing coming from the white man

    are short-lived and must be replaced?

            The Eskimo in the Arctic is convinced of his superiority over the white

    man. To survive, the white man has been forced to adopt a far larger body

    of Eskimo culture than have the Eskimos in regard to European culture. Guns

    and needles are convenient, but the former is magic and unimportant and the

    latter is just an improvement over bone. This superior idea enters many parts

    of the Eskimo philosophy, and is bolstered in odd ways. For example, it was

    once believed that white men wrote things down because they had poor memories.

    No Eskimo had to be reminded in such an artificial manner. Eskimos have also

    been known to confess that their people found white men almost unbearably

    ugly, and their oder extremely disagreeable. Since white man were continually

    asking Eskimos questions, or imitating them, it was obvious that they must

    be less intelligent. In Greenland, Rockwell Kent discovered that it was the

    fixed idea of Greenlanders that white men are weaklings.

            For their part white immigrants in the Arctic are more voluble about

    aborigine shortcomings, and often take measures to meet cultural nonconform–

    ity. The missionary, such as the Oblate Fathers of Churchill who report in

    the magazine Eskimo , finds that northern nomads are barbaric and savage. The

    custom of acceding to an old person's request to be deserted because he or she

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    is a useless drag on the tribe is classified as patricide or matricide.

    To live in a sodhouse or snowhouse is to dwell in the unforgivable filth

    of a hovel. To eat food raw, instead of fricasseeing it, is to revert to

    animal status. To be forced to live in association with abhorrent savages

    is the greatest sacrifice for Christianity. These missionaries assecs the

    whole body of Eskimo culture in terms of France and find it in deplorable

    condition. They then ask for southern funds so that they may spread their

    benevolent patornaliom.

            In his book Salamina , Rockwell Kent records that "the whole avowed

    intention of the Greenland colonies is to induce the native through hard

    work to elevate himself." The highest point of possible elevation, of course,

    is emulation of the white Dane. This program has been necessary because of

    white depredations and diseases in the past, and is most often being carried

    out with great wisdom. Yet the best hunter in a community earns about a

    twelfth of what the outpost trader does. The fundamental discriminatory atti–

    tude of superiority of culture is illustrated by Kent's conversation with

    the Manager at Umanak:'"Ah! Germans! Now I gwt it. The rest, the people

    here, are only Greenlanders. Just tell me: is that true?' 'Yes, yes, quite

    true.'"

            A History of Lapland was published in London in 1704 by a John Scheffer

    which serves to point up the view of arctic aborigine cultures held by Europ–

    eans. The Lapps, whose name means either the banished or savages inhabiting

    the woods, he says are cowardly, faint-hearted, and unfit for soldiers since

    the cold has caused a lack of Spirits in their blood. (See: Montesquieu's

    Of Laws in Relation to the Nature of the Climate . Scheffer also found the

    Lapps given to such cheating and underhanded dealings commonly associated

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    with mean souls. Of these reindeer herders he observes, "Their lazy temper

    will not give them leave to apply themselves either to tilling or breeding

    of cattle. They leave the soul in some places fertile enough, uncultivated

    for mere idleness. Thus they pass their lives, choosing rather to overcome

    the defect of convenient sustenance by patience than hard labor."

            He also found that "tho' the Laplanders are destitute of bread, salt,

    and other provocatives, they are nevertheless very prone to lust," but unable

    to have many children "because of their cold constitutions." Drinking, swear–

    ing, and cursing were common. "He who is to make an oath strips himself quite

    naked as low as the waist, keeping only his breeches, stockings, and shoes on;

    and thus he devotes himself, his wife, children and Reens to the Devil."

    Further, he noticed that "the inhabitants of the Uma Lapmark, are not only

    much taller but also handsomer than those of Lulah Lapmark; and that they

    surpass them in neatness of their bodies and cloathes, and therefore have such

    an aversion to them, that they seldom converse with them, even at their great

    fairs."

            The above work has been quoted at length since it demonstrates the type

    of observation by earlier travelers which became the foundation for the prac–

    tice known as "pukka sahib." Other observations might be drawn from a late

    19th century explorer of northern Russia. Of the Z y rians he says, "It seems

    to me that an improvement in their life and well-being can only be attained

    by brin g ing them into still closer association wih the adjoining and more

    civilized races, which would tend to enlarge their minds, and expand their

    now limited intellectual horizons." At what price the unbounded virtues of

    an expanded intellectual horizon must be purchased is shown by a later atate–

    ment. "A conviction, originating in literary circles and spreading to govern-

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    ment spheres, has lately sprung up that the Samoyedes are unfit for civilized

    life."

            The result of these basic disagreements in the cultural formulae is that

    the more aggressive or dominant parties grow to look down upon the others as

    inferior, often more repulsive than interesting, hardly worth the effort of

    reclaiming. Therefore the best solution is to make the noncomformists sub–

    servient that they may profit by at least limited contact with their superiors.

    It is the justification of violence and rank discrimination, the palliative of

    conscience.

           

    Caste

            Two characteristics of an arrested society, says Toynbee, are caste and

    specialization. Within certain categories they interact upon each other in a

    group effort toward perfect and static equilibrium with the environment. For

    examples he cites the highly specialized Eskimo and his dog, each interdepend–

    ent, the dog representing the lower caste. In a more obtuse vein he cites the

    organic unit of Eskimo and kayak. Because of constant association the Eskimo

    has to some degree "humanized" both dog and kayak; and to the extent which they

    serve him represent lower caste. Unfortunately the value of these neat observa–

    tions is limited by the fact that they are themselves static or arrested. True,

    before the immigration of European civilization, dog, kayak, or reindeer did

    contribute in large part to the body social and represented the ultimate limits

    of caste and retreat from specialization. In recent years the assimilation of

    for ei gn ideas and cultural conflict have pushed the aborigine populations of

    the Arctic into the field with dynamic societies.

            The nomadic populations of the Arctic lived in a communal arrangement.

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    Every member of the group was the equal to the others in rights and privileges.

    Commonly there was no chief nor individual wealth. Reputation for service to

    the group was the highest reward. In wars prisoners were never taken alive,

    but killed on the spot. The strictures of a harsh environment and frequent

    movement did not allow for the extra burdens of feeding and guarding. Natural–

    ly, therefore, there was no caste system — unless, like Toynbee, we permit

    animals and tools to function as the lower members.

            Where aborigine populations settled in a permanent locality in the Arctic

    the story is different. It was easier for a man to accumulate wealth if he did

    not have to carry it around on his back; it was desirable to have others help

    him in that accumulation. A caste system then flourished, completed with nobility,

    working class, free servants, and slaves. The class distinctions were sharply

    drawn, and were embedded in ritual, totem, and custom. A prominent example of

    such a society was the riparian Tlingit of the Alaskan Panhandle. Possessed of

    slaves, captured in war or of hereditary status, they treated these social pariahs

    as chattel, holding the power of life or death over them. Indian tribes in

    Alaska proper, and the Yakuts of the Lena basin very often had similar societal

    arrangements.

            While the arctic nomads "humanized" their animals and tools, those groups

    expressing interdependency primarily with human beings tended to "dehumanize"

    their slaves. In the Arctic, when white men arrived on the scene in appreciable

    numbers, slavery was no longer possible. The caste system was asserted by using

    the aborigine populations as servants. Since wages were niggardly, since dif–

    ferent material and cultural values influenced spending, since the aborigines

    working in towns often found themselves confused by new concepts, a servant class

    grew up which was looked down upon by the whites as inferior, shiftless, dirty,

    015      |      Vol_VIII-0773                                                                                                                  
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    ignorant, Many an Alaskan housewife in Fairbanks, Nome, Juneau, or elsewhere

    will say that she came to the territory prepared to treat the "natives" as equals,

    but that experience has taught her thay are inferior beings, and certainly be–

    yond greater social contacts.

            Similarly, trading posts, construction companies, and mines have looked upon

    the "natives" as a convenient bull-labor supply. No need to pay decent eages,

    they's waste the money anyway. Not a bad idea to keep them well liquored up

    and hanging around. In may places in the Canadian North "natives" working to–

    gether at identical jobs with white men draw less than a quarter the pay, and

    how they spend it is sharply regulated. On certain expeditions caste has taken

    the form of white men or officers riding the sledges, while Eskimos or sailors

    ran with the dogs.

            A parallel among the immigrant populations is the fact that the United States

    frequently imports Negro labor to the Arctic to perform the most back-breaking

    and arduous tasks. Negro soldiers were used to build the Alcan Highway during

    the war, and Negro labor battalions have built the air bases and weather stations

    in the Canadian Arctic. When off duty, or merely quartered, these men did not have

    the same accommodations as their white comrades.

            As a result of cultural conflict and a growing urbanization and westerniza–

    tion of the Arctic, many an aborigine man has suffered in competition with white

    man. Often he gives up the fight and resorts to drink and general degeneracy.

    Consequently, there is a growing situation, as in Alaska, where it is the great–

    est desire of every "native" girl to marry a white man. If successful, she is the

    envy of her friends who look upon her accomplishment as having immeasurably en–

    hanced the social stature of her family and herself. To the white man such a

    marriage is quite frequently merely a matter of circumstance and convenience,

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    assuaged in his conscience by the thought that he'll never be going "outside"

    again anyway.

            The Arctic is peculiar in the idea that, when mixed, white heredity is

    as strong as other racial ingredients. In the United States a person may be

    only one-sixteenth or less Negro, but still is classified as Negro. In Alaska

    any portion of white heredity gives a person the option of deciding to which

    race he belongs. No particular social stigma is attached to being a half–

    breed; indeed, some quarters consider it in the light of being romantic.

           

    Economics

            It is the usual phenomenon of frontier or imperial economics that "native"

    populations be exploited as cheap labor. Under the discussion of caste it was

    pointed out that aborigine populations in the Arctic had been used in this way.

    The methods of maintaining such a labor supply have been various: threats of

    violence, taking advantage of alcoholic addiction, making the "natives" depend–

    ent upon and accustomed to a new civilization but never giving them enough for

    adequacy or satisfaction, discrimination against them in methods of relief.

    In the South the use of Negroes as a scab-labor market is a familiar story.

    It has its parallels in the Mexican-American laborer in the Southwest, the

    Oriental-American laborer on the Pacific coast. In the Soviet Arctic, slave

    labor may serve in the same capacity. In the North American Arctic the avail–

    ability of underpaid "natives" is a constant threat to the immigrant worker.

    Fortunately, there are indications that labor unions in Alaska, by making their

    membership inclusive, will be able to stem the hatreds and rivalries created

    by this form of discrimination.

            The discriminations from cultural conflict achieve their most extreme form

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    in the realm of economics when agricultural or industrial societies infringe

    upon the domain of hunting or pastoral societies. Some years ago Sweden em–

    barked upon a program to "civilize" the Lapps. In only some respects was the

    experiment successful, and they were a result of the attractions of ease and

    comfort. In exchange for the hard labor of tending reindeer in the cold damp

    mountains the Lapps proved very amenable to living in warm houses, settling

    in villages, even to becoming tax-paying citizens and mingling with the Sw edi sh

    farmers. Ther e could be no question but that the new life was preferable to

    the old.

            In other respects the experiment was not so successful. Living for cen–

    turies in the pure arctic air the Lapps had failed to build up antibiotic re–

    sistance to the diseases of civilization. They fell easy prey to tuberculosis

    and venereal diseases. They retained their cultural psychology and became

    victims of such civilized luxuries as liquor, moving pictures, and indolence.

    In the course of a few generations the situation became critical, but happened

    to coincide with a desire by the Swedish Government for new northern farmers.

    Further, the reindeer industry which had always formed an important part of

    the national economy had fallen to a nonproductive level.

            It was then decided to encourage the Lapps to return to their former

    occupation. Favorable grazing laws were made, preferential tax treatment was

    extended to them, and steps were taken to preserve the nomadic way of life

    upon which the reindeer economy depends. The state became the chief market

    for reindeer meat, antlers, and hides. However, the problem was not so easily

    solved. New technical developments had encouraged a northward movement of

    farmers and other colonists, lumbermen and miners, into the land of the Lapps.

    The grazing grounds were no longer the wild free places as before, and the

    Lapps were forced to retreat farther and farther into the mountains.



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            Up there the forage was insufficient to support the reindeer and the

    fuel insufficient to warm the huts. From time to time the Lapp was forced

    to make forays into the valleys to stay alive. When his reindeer browsed a

    farmer's hay, or he felled a farmer's tree, trouble ensued. In court the

    Lapps found that the law was weigh t ed against them, and developed the custom

    of circumventing all the officialdom, which experience had taught them was

    not partial to their cause, and seeking direct audience from the King.

            As the two differing economies moved into ever closer contact, packs of

    farmers' dogs would attack the reindeer, slaughtering them in vast numbers.

    The government sought to mitigate the great sufferings of the Lapps and their

    serious strife with the settlers by formulating new laws. One attempted solu–

    tion was to limit the northern boundary of agriculture, but since that varies

    so widely between the Lapmarks and since colonists had in many cases become

    established north of that boundary, the solution proved impracticable. The

    government then adopted the resigned attitude that the old must inevitably

    give way to the new, and did nothing further. This idea has permeated a large

    part of the national conscience, and Sweden sits by awaiting the extinction

    of their "beloved little brothers." The result is that strife and discrimina–

    tion, at times intense, wages unabated between the Swedish settlers and the

    nomad Lapps.

            In Arctic Russian the same economic pattern has often been followed.

    Novaya Zemlya was populated in the 19th century by Samoyed hunters. They were

    visited annually by unscrupulous traders and fishermen anxious to take advan–

    tage of the "stupid natives." By 1898 the government was moved enough to step

    in and make trade regulations. The price for bearskins was established at sixty

    roubles, as compared to the former five which was paid partly in cheap goods

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    and partly in vodka. The Zyrians, themselves mockingly referred to as "squirrel

    eaters," were also guilty of getting the Samoyeds drunk so that they could rob

    them with impunity. On the mainland a perpetual battle was waged between the

    Samoyeds on the one hand, the Zyrians and Russians on the other, over the use

    of the tundra for reindeer grazing. A chief factor in the battle was that the

    Samoyeds were considered an "inferior, stupid race."

            Perhaps there is no clearer example of the harsh practices resulting from

    economic conflict between aborigine and immigrant than the operations of the

    Russian fur traders in the Aleutians and Alaska. With the rich sea otter pelts

    as the prize, it was not difficult for the Russians to justify themselves in

    regarding the Aleuts as little better than tools of profit; forcing them to

    hunt the animals far out to sea in hazardous storms, resorting to rape, car–

    nage, and massacre whenever it suited their purpose. The Aleuts were subhuman,

    God and St. Petersburg were far away, and an aborigine people were all but wiped

    out.

           

    Racism

            Ideas among the aborigine residents of the Arctic concerning the subhuman

    qualities of other people have already been illustrated by such means as the

    Tormiat Eskimo story of creation. Similar ideas among arctic immigrants are

    not so naive nor magical, but are built upon an elaborate structure of pseudo–

    science. There can be little doubt that such an entity as race exists, although

    scientists are hard pressed to come to agreement in defining it. The biological

    superiority of one race over another, however, is something for which there is

    no evidence. In fact, such evidence as exists weighs the scales to the account

    of biological equality. The biological differences of hair or skin color are

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    so insignificant when matched against the biological similarities that it is

    not even possible to separate Home sapiens into species or subspecies. Unlike

    the cat family or the cattle family, all members of the human family can suc–

    cessfully mate and reproduce fertile offspring. The perceptible differences

    which do exist between races and their capacities are attributable only to

    environmental background.

            In the social body of the United States there has long existed a tropism.

    The innate tendency of the mass was to discriminate biologically between human

    beings, a tradition derived from the identification of Negroes with slavery —

    an event which was explained by saying that Negroes were inherently inferior.

    The external stimulus was provided by the philosophical school of Compte,

    Spenser, Summer, the pragmatists, and Madison Grant, known as Social Darwinism.

    Here was a formula which provided the grand synthesis of all science, religion,

    philosophy, art, and the humanities! It completely captivated the American

    people for generations, its books outsold everything but the Bible, and its

    doctrines penetrated to the most remote cracker-barrel. The march of the

    superior races justified all manner of discrimination and exploitation of in–

    ferior races.

            To the grave discomfiture of arctic aborigine populations, Americans

    have brought racism north with them. In Alaska one can see, and filter from

    the literature, tinges of the racial and cultural heritage of New England.

    On the Canadian Arctic Expedition there was an American ship captain by the

    name of Gonzales who mistreated the Eskimos in Minto Inlet. Stefansson writes

    of him, "Before Gonzales started I cautioned him to treat well our two Eskimo

    guests. But Gonzales had the theory not uncommon among whalers that 'a native

    is a native' and that the best way to treat them is to make them understand

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    from the beginning that they are your inferiors. The view is about the same

    as that commonly held in the southern United States with regard to the treat–

    ment of Negroes. I know from old stories I picked up in Alaska that this

    method worked very badly when the whalers first came in to Herschel Island

    (1889). But there were as many as five hundred white men, South Sea Islanders,

    Negroes, etc., in the fleet that wintered at Herschel Island, and as they stuck

    together and treated all natives alike, they had the combined strength which

    forced their view upon the Eskimos, who gradually began to realize, much to

    their surprise, that instead of being superior to white men they were actually

    inferior to them."

            The experiences of arctic populations under a chiefly Scandinavian in–

    fluence have had a slightly different history in regard to racism, no doubt

    due to its extreme rarity in the cultural centers of the mother countries.

    In Greenland we can examine its presence through a paradox. There is more

    than a lingering suspicion that the modern Greenlanders are the disguised des–

    cendants of the Viking colonists. Therefore racism is not of a virulent nature.

    But a writer such as Rasmussen, conscious of his being part Eskimo, leans over

    backward in discussing any conflict which might involve racism, giving the

    Eskimos the shorter end of the deal. It is a case similar to in erted anti–

    Semitism.

            The racism in Iceland (not really an arctic country) is built around the

    idea that blondes are superior to brunettes. Historians trace the attitude

    to the fact that the original slaves of a thousand years ago were the dark

    Irish. Slavery and darkness were identified together and the conclusion was

    inferior status, a conclusion like that of the American colonists with regard

    to the Negro.



    022      |      Vol_VIII-0780                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Teal: Patterns of Discrimination in the Arctic

            240

            At times such racism can take a callous form. For example, quite fre–

    quently one comes across an arctic-dwelling white man married to a "native"

    woman. He either does not know her name, or makes only a half-hearted attempt

    to use something like it. If questioned he will say that it is not important

    because in his opinion the correct pronunciation of "native" names could not

    matter less.

            A technique of contact with arctic "natives" has been devised by white

    immigrants which, unfortunately, must often be resorted to if one is not to

    suffer needless hardships. The Arctic is not always conducive to the heroic

    gesture. It is the common belief that the less sophisticated the "native" the

    more satisfactory can relations with him be. Only if they have never before

    had dealings with white men they can be treated as full equals. Otherwise ex–

    perience has shown that they are not above murder. This befell two Catholic

    missionaries accustomed to living with the Mackenzie River Indians who for

    centuries had been treated as inferiors. Some recent travelers report that

    the way to avoid trouble with the Mackenzie River and North Alaskan Eskimos

    is to treat them as inferiors, since such treatment is becoming universal to

    the north country.

            One can find the extension of this racial complex in many Alaskan towns

    which boast taverns "for whites only" or hotels with "no native trade solicited."

    That even an educated man can participate in the dogmas of racism is illustrated

    by Ales Hrdlicka's account of his northern ttavels, Alaska Diary, 1926-1931 ,

    styled as the narrative of a very human person. As he goes down the Yukon we

    find such observations as at Nenana, "(Indians) are said to be lazy and living

    from day to day;" at Nulato, "typically Indian... want pay for everything...

    had been in contact with whites and are spoiled as usual;" near Paimute, the

    Eskimos "seem much more sensible than the Indians;" on the lower Yukon, the

    023      |      Vol_VIII-0781                                                                                                                  
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    Eskimos "are in ways just grown up children, but much more tractable and

    sensible than the Indians;" at Savonga, decides that Eskimo houses are re–

    markable since they don't smell of Eskimo and are more like those of a "good

    working class of whites;" at Wainwright, the Eskimos are more "open and matter–

    of-fact people [than Indians], less superstitious, more easily converted to

    white man's religion;" and finally, "never is one safer than with an unspoiled

    Indian."

            Definitive evidence of the fundamental pattern of racism underlying

    cultural contact in the Arctic is the fact that while many a white man takes

    a "native" for a wife or sporting, it is almost unknown for a "native" man

    to have intimate relations with a white woman. On the rare occasions it has

    occurred, violence and lynching parties have discouraged the idea from spread–

    ing.

           

    Tolerance

            Racial chauv i inism, religious and cultural discriminations have in re–

    cent years flocked to a new and sheltering banner, at once more subtle and

    invidious. Tolerance is the opposite of what it appears to be to the un–

    suspecting. Its actual history in politics, society, and law renders it

    equally deplorable with the worst theories of racism. Tom Paine, in his

    fiery Rights of Man , wrote: "Toleration is not the opposite of Intolerance,

    but is the counterfeit of it. Both are despotisms. The one assumes to itself

    the right of with-holding liberty, the other of granting it."

            The popularity of the doctrine of tolerance constitutes an example of

    irrational behavior in American society. Americans subscribe to both toler–

    ance and the Declaration of Independence. Yet in the latter we find a self-

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    EA-Anthrop. Teal: Patterns of Discrimination in the Arctic

    evident truth establishing the individual dignity of man by stating that he

    had been directly endowed by his Creator with certain inalienable rights. By

    its very nature, this direct relationship required that these rights be placed

    beyond the scope of human authority and interference. Yet tolerance, whose

    synonyms are indulgence, sufferance, countenance, forebearance, and allowance,

    challenges the inalienability of these rights and seeks to interp o se itself be–

    tween the Creator and the individual, and to regulate the measure in which these

    rights are received. Since it claims for itself the prerogative of dispensing

    these rights, it also claims the privilege of denying them. At best cynical,

    the attitude of tolerance is a continuing refutation of our basic democratic

    doctrine.

            Tolerance achieved its major growth in the era of imperialism when it

    became popular to talk of the "White Man's Burden," or "Our Little Brown

    Brothers." In practice it took the forms of white supremacy, segregation,

    paternalism, bi -racialism, or second-class citizenship which resulted in the

    creation of stereotypes. That these followed in the wake of white penetration

    into the Arctic is not to be wondered at.

            The doctrine of white supremacy in the Arctic by now should be familiar.

    In Greenland the trader offers his hospitality to white travelers, denies his

    home to his neighbor, the Eskimo. Alaskan cannery operators, as distinct from

    their Oriental laborers, live in an elaborate "white house." In the Canadian

    North trappers refer to the Eskimo as "no good," by which is meant that they

    are failures as white men. Stigma-carrying terms such as "squaw," "skeemo," or

    "savage" are used. At the trading post in the Canadian Arctic the white man

    may purchase anything and all he pleases, the "native" cannot buy certain articles

    and the factor decides which they will be. A New York Jew, moving to Nome, Alaska,

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    to get away from anti-Semitism, marries an Eskimo woman and finds his chil–

    dren ridiculed as "Jewskimos." The white man in the North American Arctic

    gets good pay for his work, the "native" gets much less or none for the same

    work. Association is tolerated at best in a bemused manner.

            There are few Alaskan or other North American arctic villages which do

    not countenance a "native" population. For one thing, its proximity is con–

    venient in terms of man power. But at the same time there are few towns in

    which the "native" population is not segregated from the white. In Fairbanks

    and Fort Yukon, to cite just two examples, the "native village" is set off in

    the most undesirable part of town, where the drainage is poor, the mosquitoes

    worse, the danger of flood ever-present in the spring. These settlements may

    be easily distinguished by their wretched houses, dilapidated imitations of

    the finer frame or log dwellings of the whites, their ill-maintained roads and

    nonexistent sewers, by their aura of drabness and poverty. In all respects

    they resemble the "nigger-towns" of the S outh.

            On paper and in the law medical and educational benefits go to white

    and aborigine alike. However, this may be done on a separate but equal basis.

    "Native" p atients are given their care when needed, but are often treated in

    a cavalier manner compared to white patients. In Alaska two school systems

    were formerly operated: one for whites and half-breeds, the other for "natives."

    That the latter did not present the same scholastic quality, and strove to

    create "good natives" by encouraging trades rather than the humanities and

    science, was no secret. No high school existed along the whole arctic coast

    northeastward from Nome, and consequently Eskimo children were prohibited the

    prepa r ation necess ar y for college entrance unless they moved away from their

    families. and could find work to support themselves while attending their studies.

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    One needs but to peruse the educational survey reports of the various Canadian

    provinces to learn that no major expense or effort has been brought to educat–

    ing northern Canadian Indians or the children of usually French-Indian wilder–

    ness families. True, the facilities and laws exist which bar discrimination,

    but the administration often works on the side of tolerance. Improvements in

    policy have recently been made which offer considerable hope.

            In Canada there is a Dominion Elections Act which in Section 14, page 205,

    lists those who may not vote, "Every Eskimau person, whether born in Canada

    or elsewhere." They are not considered ready for full citizenship, although

    all officials express hope that their emancipation from delimiting barbarity

    will soon be forthcoming. An Indian may vote only if he has served in the Forces,

    has been enfranchised under the provisions of the Indian Act, and is not resi–

    dent upon or within the confines of an Indian Reserve. But even if he qualifies

    in all these ways he may not purchase liquor, and any person who supplies him

    with it is liable to prosecution.

            Such social strictures are usually justified in the light of their suit–

    ability to the capacities of the aborigine populations. When explanation of

    these capacities is demanded, the common resort is to the creation of stereo–

    types: "the lazy or shiftless Indian," "the industrious Eskimos." Some such

    stereotypes, resembling the statements that all Negroes are good musicians or

    boxers, seek to prove that certain "natives" are endowed with peculiar proper–

    ties. For example, it is falsely claimed that all Eskimos and Indians have

    a sure sense of direction in the wilderness, "have a compass in their heads."

    Actually they frequently get lost or are not as adept at finding their way as

    certain white men. The implication of such stereotypes is one of compensation:

    in return for some minor quality of excellence they are supposed to be greatly

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    inferior to whites in other inherent characteristics.

            Therefore it is claimed that the only realistic or Christian way to

    meet the problem is by paternalism. Lift, if possible, the accursed "native"

    from his abhorrent culture and condition, and make him less of a failure as

    a white man. Protect him through missionary and other activities for self–

    interest. Strive to preserve these interesting examples of human oddity, as

    the Dane does the Greenlander. All of these aspects of tolerance are listed

    as "a realistic approach to the native dilemma." "an understanding of native

    races," or "progressive efforts at native betterment." It is not difficult

    to perceive their origin in the egocentric illusion.

            Fortunately, wise counsel is beginning to show its effect. Alaska has

    abolished its bi-racial school system and gets along with a single type of

    school in each community for all children. Nothing has yet been done about

    extending high school education into remote areas, but plans are being active–

    ly drawn. The territory passed an anti-discrimination law in 1945, the effect–

    tiveness of which may be partially judged from the fact that by 1949 no case

    had been brought to court under it. It is to be hoped that similar attitudes

    and actions will come to prevail throughout the Arctic in the near future and

    provide for healthy inter-group and inter-culture cooperation.

           

    John J. Teal, Jr.

    Archaeology

    The Origin and Antiquity of the Eskimo


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0786                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology (Henry B. Collins, Jr.)

    THE ORIGIN AND ANTIQUITY OF THE ESKIMO

           

    CONTENTS

    Page
    Introduction 1
    Prehistoric Eskimo Cultures 6
    Old World Relationshi i ps of Eskimo Culture 14
    Physical Anthropology 20
    Conclusion 30
    Bibliography 35



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0787                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Henry B. Collins, Jr.)


           

    THE ORIGIN AND ANTIQUITY OF THE ESKIMO

           

    Introduction

            Though numbering less than 40,000, the Eskimos occupy almost one-half

    of the world's arctic coast lands. Beginning at the northeastern tip of

    Siberia, their scattered settlements extend for more than 6,000 miles along

    the arctic and subarctic coasts of Alaska, Canada, and Greenland. No other

    primitive people occupy as wide a territory and at the same time exhibit such

    remarkable uniformity of language, culture, and physical type. Where Eskimo

    and Indian meet, as on the rivers of Alaska and in the interior of northern

    Canada, the culture and physical type of both groups have been affected. But

    nowhere have the Indians penetrated to the arctic coast. Here, where the

    Eskimo hold undisputed possession, there is one language, and with certain

    exceptions to be noted later, one basic culture and physical type.

            The origin of the Eskimo and his peculiar culture have been debated for

    many years. Probably the majority of American anthropologists have accepted

    the theory that the Eskimos are an American people and their culture an

    American product. Boas, who had studied the Eskimo tribes around Hudson Bay,

    considered this to be the original Eskimo homeland. Here, said Boas, the

    Eskimo race and culture were found in purest form, unmodified by Indian

    002      |      Vol_VIII-0788                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

    influence; moreover, the traditions of the Eskimos to the east, north, and

    west all pointed to an original center just west of Hudson Bay. Murdoch,

    Wissler, Stefansson, Shapiro, and others followed this view, which, prin–

    cipally because of the great influence and authority of Boas, became, in

    America at least, the orthodox and "scientific" theory of the origin of

    the Eskimos.

            Among European scholars who adhered to the American origin theory was

    Rink, who placed the original home of the Eskimos in Alaska. According to

    Rink, the early Eskimos were an inland people who had followed the Alaskan

    rivers to the coasts, their culture meanwhile undergoing gradual change

    until it developed finally into the typical maritime form we know today.

            A more elaborate theory was advanced by Steensby, who postulated a

    stratification of Eskimo culture. The oldest stratum was that found in the

    central archipelago of Canada, the high-arctic culture typified by the snow

    house, the dog sled, and various ingenious methods of hunting on the sea ice.

    This complex was "an outgrowth of an original North Indian form of culture,

    the winter side of which had become specially and strongly developed by

    adaptation to the winter ice of the Arctic Ocean." (Steensby, 1916, p. 186.)

    Steensby thought that Coronation Gulf was the region where this adaptation had

    taken place. Belonging to a later stage were such features as kayak hunting

    on the open sea, the umiak, whaling, the bird dart, etc. These elements,

    lacking among the Eskimos of the Central regions, were characteristic espec–

    ially of subarctic Alaska and Greenland.

            The latest and most comprehensive expression of this viewpoint is that

    of Birket-Smith (1929, 1930, 1936). His theory, though corresponding

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    essentially with Steensby's, is considerably more elaborate and detailed.

    Birket-Smith believes that the Eskimo culture originated in the Barren

    Grounds west of Hudson Bay and that the Caribou Eskimos now living there

    are the direct descendants of the "Proto-Eskimos." Isolated in the interior,

    the Proto-Eskimos, like the modern Caribou Eskimos, lived by hunting the

    caribou and by fishing in lakes and rivers, in winter through holes in the

    ice. Lat e r some of the earliest Eskimos moved to the seashore and learned

    to hunt seals by what is known as the "maupok" ( auktok ) method of harpooning

    them at their breathing holes in the ice. The conversion of ice fishing

    into seal hunting on the sea ice was thus the first and most important step

    in the formation of Eskimo culture. In brief outline, Birket-Smith's theory

    is as follows:

            Originally the Proto-Eskimo lived inland from Hudson Bay and

    farther west. Whereas some of them, of whom the Caribou Eskimo are

    the last survivors, remained on the Barren Grounds, others resorted

    to the coast between Coronation Gulf and the Boothia peninsula,

    where they adapted their living to the sea and were thus enabled

    to spread along the coast; this is the so-called Palae-Eskimo stage.

    At a later period the far richer Neo-Eskimo culture came into ex–

    istence in Alaska; it spread as far to the east as Greenland, but

    at present it is not known from the central regions except from

    the so-called Thule culture which was brought to light by the arche–

    ological investigations of the Fifth Thule Expedition, being other–

    wise obliterated by a modern Eschato-Eskimo advance of inland

    tribes that penetrated to the sea and constituted the recent Cen–

    tral Eskimo. (Birket-Smith, 1930, p. 608.)

            The opposite, or Asiatic, theory of the origin of the Eskimo has also

    had numerous supporters. First to express this opinion were the early ex–

    plorers, who observed that the Eskimos had a distinctly Mongoloid appearance.

    Most of the 19th century anatomists and anthropologists classified the Eskimos

    with the Asiatics, and later anthropologists such as Fürst and Hansen,

    Hrdli c č ka, and Hooton have concurred in this viewpoint. Ethnologists and

    004      |      Vol_VIII-0790                                                                                                                  
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    archeologists such as Thalbitzer, Hatt, Bogoras, Kroeber, Mathiassen, Jenness,

    and Zolotarev, believe that Eskimo culture is ess e ntially a product of the Old

    World. Students of Eskimo linguistics — Thalibitzer, Sapir, Bogoras, Jenness —

    all seet the origin of the language in Alaska or Siberian rather than in Canada

    or Greenland; and Sauvageot and Uhlenbeck go further and claim a relationship

    between Eskimo and Ural-Altaic or Indo-European, the two major language stocks

    of the Old World. Finally, it may be stated here that the more recent arche–

    ological evidence seems to point conclusively to Eurasia as the original source

    of the Eskimo culture and race type.

            The theory that has aroused more discussion perhaps than any other is

    that which derives the Eskimos from the Upper Paleolithic cave dwellers of

    western Europe. Boyd Dawkins and Sollas, the principal champions of this view,

    pointed to numerous resemblances between Eskimo and Paleolithic implements and

    art wh i ch they interpreted as evidence that the Eskimos were the actual descendants

    of Paleolithic man who had followed the reindeer northward at the close of the

    Glacial period, and at a later time spread eastward to Bering Strait. Physical

    evidence in support of the hypothesis was brought forward in 1889 by Testut,

    who claimed that a Magdalenian skull found in a rock shelter near Perigueux in

    the commune of Chancelade, France, could scarcely be distinguished from that

    of an Eskimo.

            The theory of a racial or cultural connection between Eskimo and Paleo–

    lithic man has been opposed by a number of authorities, tho u gh in recent years

    it has received the support of Sullivan, Morant, and von Eickstedt. In general,

    the reaction of anthropologists has been one of skepticism or indifference,

    the prevailing attitude being that the idea was too spectacular and speculative

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    to be scientifically valid. The postulated cultural connection seemed doubt–

    ful because some of the traits compared were of uncertain function, others

    were too simple and generalized or too widespread in their distribution to

    be indicative of a specific or exclusive relationship; and still others,

    as we now know, were traits characteristic of modern but not of ancient

    Eskimo culture. When Dawkins and Sollas wrote, there were no archeological

    finds from Siberia to bridge the enormous gap in time and space between

    Paleolithic man of western Europe and the modern Eskimo, nor was there any

    knowledge of prehistoric Eskimo culture. Now that excavations have been made

    in the American Arctic and Siberia, the postulated cultural affinities between

    Eskimo and Paleolithic appear in a different light. As will be shown later,

    the recent excavations have produced new and unexpected evidence of rela–

    tionship between the oldest Eskimo cultures, the early Siberian Neolithic,

    and the European Mesolithic (Collins, 1943). As the Mesolithic was a direct

    outgrowth of the Paleolithic, the old Dawkins-Sollas theory may not have

    been so fanciful as it once seemed.

            The archeological studies that have provided new insight into Eskimo

    culture began to appear around 20 years ago (Jenness, 1925, 1928; Mathiassen,

    1927) and have continued during the intervening years, the latest comprehen–

    sive work being that of Holtved (1944) in northwest Greenland. Important

    ethnological studies have also been made, and the same period has brought

    new information on the physical types of various modern and prehistoric Eskimo

    groups in Alaska and Canada. Though the recent investigations have provided

    factual data essential to a full understanding of the problem of the Eskimo,

    it is not to be supposed that the final answers are at hand. For many parts

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    of the American Arctic we still lack adequate information, and the recent

    discoveries have sometimes complicated rather than simplified the basic

    problems. Summaries of the major problems and of needed research in the

    Eskimo have been given in Bulletin 1 of the Arctic Institute of North

    America (Jenness, 1946; Collins, 1946). In the following pages, after a

    brief summary of recent archeological discoveries and their implications,

    we shall attempt an over-all interpretation of the available evidence

    relating to the origin of the Eskimo race type and culture.

           

    Prehistoric Eskimo Cultures

            Thule . Systematic Eskimo archeology began with the investigations of

    the Fifth Thule Expedition around Hudson Bay in 1922 and 1923 (Mathiassen,

    1927). Excavating at old Eskimo sites north and west of Hudson Bay,

    Mathiassen uncovered evidence of a prehistoric culture which he called the

    Thule, which differed in many respects from that of the Eskimos now living

    in the region. The old Thule people lived along the seacoasts, in semisub–

    terranean houses of whale bones, stones, and turf during the winter and in

    conical tents in summer. Unlike the modern Central Eskimos, the Thule

    people were whale hunters; they also hunted the walrus, seal, polar bear,

    and caribou. In material culture, they differed markedly from the Central

    tribes, being much closer to the Greenland and Alaskan Eskimos. So close,

    in fact, were the resemblances to northern Alaska that Mathiassen was able

    to show that the Thule culture must have originated in the west, somewhere

    along the coasts of Alaska or Siberia north of Bering Strait. After it had

    flourished for some centuries, the Thule culture disappeared from the Central

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    regions, displaced and partly abs ro or bed by the ancestors of the present

    Central tribes who moved from the interior out to the sea coasts. Mean–

    while, the Thule Eskimos had continued eastward to Smith Sound, northwest

    Greenland. Excavations by Mathiassen, Larsen, and Holtved have traced in

    considerable detail the development of Greenland Eskimo culture from Thule

    to modern times. In Wester Greenland a late stage of Thule culture, called

    the Inugsuk, was in direct contact with the medieval Norse settlements of

    South Greenland, in the 13th and 14th centuries. With this initial date

    established for the Inugsuk stage, we may estimate that the Canadian Thule

    culture, which was ancestral to it, existed in the Central regions around

    A.D. 1000.

            There are also strong indications of a return movement of Thule culture

    to northern Alaska within the past few centuries. Though it has played an

    important part in the formation of modern Eskimo culture from Alaska to

    Greenland, the Thule tells us nothing as to the origin of Eskimo culture.

    For this we must turn to the older stages — the Cape Dorset culture of the

    Hudson Bay region, the prehistoric Aleutian-Kodiak-Cook Inlet cultures of

    South Alaska, and particularly, the Old Bering Sea and Ipiutak cultures

    around Bering Strait.

            Cape Dorset . The Dorset culture was first described by Jenness (1925)

    on the basis of material excavated at Cape Dorset on the southwest coast

    of Baffin Island and Coats Island in Hudson Bay. Dorset sites have now been

    found widely distributed in the eastern Arctic from Newfoundland north to

    Ellesmere Island and northwest Greenland (Jenness, 1933; Wintemberg, 1929;

    Rowley, 1940; Leechman, 1943; Holtved, 1944).



    008      |      Vol_VIII-0794                                                                                                                  
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            Though the Dorset and Thule occupied the same general region, the two

    cultures differed from each other in almost every respect. At the Dorset

    sites there is no trace of such typical Eskimo elements as mattocks, snow

    knives, sled and harness toggles, bone arrowheads, the throwing board, har–

    poon sockets and finger rests. Completely ignorant of the bow drill, the

    Dorset Eskimos cut or gouged out the holes in their implements. Rubbed

    slate artifacts so common among other Eskimos, were scarce as compared with

    implements of chipped stone. Distinctive types of harpoon heads, small ivory

    carvings, and a simple geometric art style are other features that character–

    ize the Dorset culture. The Dorset people hunted walrus, seal, polar bear,

    caribou, hares, and foxes, but not the narwhal, beluga, or right whale. They

    had no knowledge of dog traction, though small hand sleds were used. As yet

    there is no definite information regarding their houses.

            We know that the Dorset is older than the Thule culture because Thule

    implements are never found at pure Dorset sites, whereas Dorset objects fre–

    quently turn up in Thule sites. Moreover, at Inglefield Land in northwest

    Greenland, Holtved has found Dorset material underlying Th lu ul e. This is the

    only place in Greenland where the Dorset has been recognized as a distinct

    culture stage. There are indications, however, that it preceded the Thule

    in other parts of Greenland, particularly around Disko Bay, where character–

    istic stone implements of Dorset type occur.

            In contrast to the Thule, the Dorset culture appears to be deep rooted

    in the eastern Arctic. Its origin, however, is uncertain. On the one hand

    it shows affinities with Indian culture, particularly the Beothuk of Newfound–

    land and certain prehistoric cultures of the Northeast. More difficult to

    009      |      Vol_VIII-0795                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

    explain but undoubtedly significant are the close resemblances of Dorset

    art and stone implement types to those of the Old Bering Sea and prehistoric

    Aleutian and Cook Inlet cultures of Alaska. The Dorset can hardly have been

    derived from any of the prehistoric Alaskan cultures as we now know them,

    although a remote connection of some kind is indicated. The most likely

    explanation, as suggested by Jenness (1940), is that the Dorset has stemmed

    from the same parent trunk as the ancient Alaskan cultures. The many and

    fundamental differences between them, however, would indicate that the Dorset

    moved eastward to Hudson Bay before the Old Bering Sea culture had reached

    its full development.

            Birnirk . The first excavations in the western Arctic were made by

    Stefansson in 1912 (1914). Digging in a large mound at an abandoned site

    called Birnirk near Point Barrow, Alaska, Stefansson noted the presence of

    clay pottery and unusual types of harpoon heads and the absence of such char–

    acteristic modern features as metal, soapstone pots, pipes, net sinkers, and

    net gauges. Wissler (1916), who described parts of the collection, recognized

    the site as prehistoric but did not consider it to be especially old nor to

    represent a distinct stage of culture. Excavations at Birnirk and other nearby

    sites by Van Valin and Ford in 1918 and 1932, inte r preted in the light of later

    information, have revealed the Birnirk as a key stage or link between the pre–

    historic cultures of Alaska and Hudson Bay (Mason 1930; Collins, 1937, 1940).

            The fact that the Birnirk resembled both the Canadian Thule culture and

    the Old Bering Sea, which was known to be older than Thule, suggested that it

    was the Alaskan stage ancestral to the latter. The indirect indications of

    this relationship were confirmed by excavations at Kurigitavik, a Thule-Punuk

    010      |      Vol_VIII-0796                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

    site at Cape Prince of Wales, Bering Strait, where a Birnirk to Thule sequence

    in harpoon heads was found (Collins, 1940).

            Old Bering Sea and Punuk . Evidence from St. Lawrence Island and around

    Bering Strait indicates that the Birnirk in turn was somewhat later than the

    Old Bering Sea. The Old Bering Sea Eskimos, like the Birnirk and Thule, were

    a maritime people who lived in permanent villages on the seacoasts and who de–

    pended for their livelihood on seals, walrus, fish, and birds. Whaling was

    practiced to only a slight extent though it became an important occupation in

    the succeeding Punuk period. Like the Dorset people, the Old Bering Sea

    Eskimos did not use the dog sled, though they had small hand sleds for hauling

    skin boats and loads of meat over the sea ice.

            Living in a region abounding in game, and thus having an assured food

    supply, the Old Bering Sea Eskimos developed a rich and complex culture. One

    of its most striking characteristics was an elaborate and sophisticated art style.

    Ivory harpoon heads, knife handles, needle cases, and many other objects were

    not only skillfully carved but decorated with pleasing designs formed of graceful

    flowing lines, circles, and ellipses. On St Lawrence Island stratigraphic ex–

    cavations revealed three successive stages of Old Bering Sea art, following which,

    in the Punuk period, there appeared a simpler style which foreshadowed modern

    Eskimo art (Collins, 1937)

            The Punuk culture as a whole was partly an outgrowth of the Old Bering Sea

    and partly the result of new influences from Siberia. Developmental changes in

    harpoon heads and other implements which began in the Old Bering Sea period

    continued throughout the Punuk. A number of completely new types also made their

    appearance in the Punuk stage, though the basic pattern of life remained the same.



    011      |      Vol_VIII-0797                                                                                                                  
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            We know that the Punuk was approximately contemporaneous with the Canadian

    Thule culture, and somewhat later than the Birnirk. As yet there is no means

    of estimating the age of the Old Bering Sea culture, but a considerable

    antiquity is indicated by the magnitude of the deposits on St. Lawrence Island

    and by the long succession of cultural changes leading up to the Punuk. In

    the absence of any definite evidence, we may guess that the earliest Old

    Bering Sea remains may date from around the beginning of the Christian era.

    The Old Bering Sea and Punuk cultures are also found at Bering Strait, and

    sporadic traces occur in Arctic Alaska. Though adequate information is not

    yet avai l able for northeast Siberia we know that both cultures existed there,

    and apparently in greater concentration even than on St. Lawrence Island

    (Matchivsky, 1941). According to all indications its is in northeastern

    Siberia, somewhere between the mouths of the Anadyr and Kolyma rivers that we

    must look for the immediate origin of the Old Bering Sea culture.

            Ipiutak. The most remarkable and most puzzling of all prehistoric Eskimo

    cultures is the Ipiutak, discovered at Point Hope on the Arctic coast of

    Alaska in 1939 by Rainey, Larsen, and Giddings. The Ipiutak lacked such

    typical Eskimo features as pottery, lamps, sleds, and rubbed slate implements

    and possessed a wealth of curious ivory carving and numerous other features

    unknown to the Eskimo (Rainey, 1941) 1 . Small, finely chipped stone blades as

    well as bone and ivory arrowheads and lances with rows of stone side blades

    are similar to types from early Neolithic sites in Siberia. The significance

    of this will be discussed later.

    1. When the present article was written Larsen's and Rainey's monograph

    "Ipiutak and the Arctic Whale Hunting Culture" had not appeared.

    012      |      Vol_VIII-0798                                                                                                                  
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            When first discovered, the Ipiutak was described as being pre-Eskimo

    and unrelated to any other Eskimo culture. However, many of the Ipiutak

    specimens bear an ornamentation identical with the two oldest styles of

    Old Bering Sea art. Moreover, a number of Ipiutak implements, including

    complicated types of harpoon heads, adzes, arrowheads, bird dart prongs, and

    snow goggles are identical with specialized Old Bering Sea types. In addi–

    tion to these exact and specific correspondences the Ipiutak material

    includes a number of simpler, more generalized types of artifacts such as

    occur among the Alaskan and other Eskimos. We can only conclude, therefore,

    that despite its extreme specialization and divergence from other Eskimo

    cultures, the Ipiutak is related to Old Bering Sea and perhaps other pre–

    historic Eskimo cultures. The Ipiutak site is a large one and some sec–

    tions of its are reported to be older than others. The site probably repre–

    sents a considerable time span, with its earliest material somewhat older

    than Old Bering Sea, with some of it contemporaneous, and some possibly later.

            South Alaska . When discovered by the Russians in the 18th century,

    south Alaska was one of the most densely populated sections of aboriginal

    North America. The Aleuts on the Aleutian Islands are estimated to have

    numbered between 15,000 and 25,000, and the Kodiak and Prince William Sound

    Eskimos about 10,000. The large number of old village sites in this area,

    especially in the Aleutians and on Kodiak, shows that the prehistoric popu–

    lation was equally great.

            As the territory of these southernmost Eskimos and their linguistic

    relatives, the Aleuts, lay close to that of the Northwest Coast and interior

    Indians, they have as might be expected absorbed some elements of Indian

    013      |      Vol_VIII-0799                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

    culture. Their physical type, too, has been modified by Indian contact.

    However, the excavations of de Laguna in Co o k Inlet and of Hrdli c č ka on

    Kodiak and the Aleutian Islands suggest that it is the modern culture of

    these regions that has been most strongly affected. The oldest stage of

    the Kachemak Bay culture in Cook Inlet is definitely more Eskimo-like than

    the later stages (de Laguna, 1934), and this seems to have been true also

    of Kodiak and the Aleutian Islands. We know from the hundreds of skeletons

    excavated by Hrdli c č ka that the earliest inhabitants of Kodiak and the

    Aleutians were much closer in physical type to the northern Eskimo than

    are the modern Aleut and Koniagmiut (Hrdli c č ka, 1944, 1945; Collins, 1945).

            The relationship between the prehistoric cultures of south Alaska and

    Bering Strait is not yet clear. The south Alaskan culture as a whole can

    be described as generalized Eskimo, possessing many basic Eskimo features as

    well as others unknown in the north. Punuk art motives occur in the late

    prehistoric deposits both at Cook Inlet and the Aleutians, and objects found

    in the lower levels of the Aleutian middens are decorated in a style which

    suggests both Dorset and the earliest phase of Old Bering Sea art (Quimby,

    1945; Collins, 1940). The evidence at our disposal, both cultural and physical,

    indicates that south Alaska was a center of vigorous culture development

    around 2,000 years ago, that the basis of the culture established there was

    Eskimoan and that its carriers probably left the Bering Strait region before

    the Old Bering Sea culture was fully formed.



    014      |      Vol_VIII-0800                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

           

    Old World Relationships of Eskimo Culture

            The archeological discoveries sketched in the preceeding pages have pro–

    vided a wealth of new information on prehistoric Eskimo cultures in Alaska,

    the Central regions, and Greenland. While they may not have brought complete

    disproof of the A m erican origin theory, they have invested it with such serious

    difficulties that the theory must fall of its own weight. Since according to

    this theory the Proto-Eskimos are supposed to have lived as nomads in the Barren

    Grounds west of Hudson Bay, they could hardly have left archeological remains.

    However, as the culture of the Proto-Eskimos is supposed to have been essen–

    tially the same as that of the Caribou Eskimos, their modern descendants in

    the Barren Grounds, this type of culture or something like it should appear in

    the oldest archeological horizons. This expectation, however, is not realized.

    The Oldest known Eskimo cultures, particularly those in Alaska, show no re–

    semblance whatever to the supposed Central prototype.

            It now appears extremely unlikely that there will be found anywhere in

    the American Arctic a simple, undifferentiated parent culture from which the

    various modern Eskimo culture originally sprang. The oldest known Alaskan

    cultures, instead of being simple, are already specialized and highly developed.

    As yet we have no knowledge of what may have preceded them locally. As Bering

    Strait itself was an important culture center in prehistoric times, the stages

    immediately antecedent to Ipiutak and Old Bering Sea may eventually be found in

    the same region. Beyond this, however, we must look to the Old World. For if

    we postulate an origin for Eskimo culture anywhere in America, we are faced im–

    mediately with the difficulty that the basic features of the oldest known Eskimo

    cultures are much more Asiatic, or Eurasiatic, than American.



    015      |      Vol_VIII-0801                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

            Years ago, before archeological work had been undertaken in the Arctic,

    Thalbitzer, Hatt, and Kroeber, among others, presented weighty reasons for

    assuming that the basic substratum of Eskimo culture was Asiatic. The first

    systematic excavations — those made by Mathiassen at Thule culture sites

    west and north of Hudson Bay — brought tangible evidence sustaining and

    strengthening this point of view. The discovery of the Birnirk culture in

    Alaska, which was ancestral to the Thule, and of the related but still earlier

    Old Bering Sea culture, yielded a mass of new data which pointed conclusively

    in the same direction. Not one element of the Birnirk and Old Bering Sea

    cultures was exclusively or predominantly American in character. On the con–

    trary, all of them were Asiatic. It is only in the Old World that we find

    either existing today or having existed in earlier times all of the following

    Old Bering Sea elements: the square, wooden semisubterranean house with

    entrance passage, skin boats, sleds and toboggans, the toggle harpoon head,

    inserted side blades on implements, the throwing board and bird dart, lamps,

    pottery vessels, needle cases, chipped-stone and rubbed-slate implements

    (Collins, 1937). These elements constitute the core of the Old Bering Sea

    and Birnirk cultures. Some of them — the square underground house, the

    throwing board, pottery, and chipped-stone implements — are widely distri–

    buted in America but occur in still earlier horizons in Eurasia. The others

    are all widespread, deep-rooted elements of Old World culture which in America

    are found only among the Eskimos or in contiguous areas where Eskimo influence

    has probably extended. On the basis of the original Alaskan excavations, there–

    fore, it seemed only reasonable to conclude that the roots of Eskimo culture

    were to be sought in Eurasia and not America.



    016      |      Vol_VIII-0802                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

            The discovery of the spectacular Ipiutak culture at Point Hope, Alaska,

    enables us to proceed beyond the demonstration of a general Eskimo-Old World

    relationship and point to more specific connections.

            One of the most striking features of the Ipiutak culture is the great num–

    bar of very small, delicately chipped-stone implements; rubbed-slate blades

    are entirely absent. On the one hand these Ipiutak blades resemble types

    found in the other early Eskimo cultures — Old Bering Sea, Kachemak Bay,

    Aleutian, and Greenland — where chipped stone-implements predominate in con–

    trast to the later cultures which always show a preponderance of rubbed slate.

    A still closer resemblance, as pointed out by Rainey (1941), exists between

    the Ipiutak blades and some from a Neolithic site on Lake Baikal in southern

    Siberia, described by Petri. Such blades are among the most characteristic

    features of a widespread Neolithic complex extending from Mongolia and the

    Baikal region to the Ural Moutains (Collins, 1943).

            Thanks to the more recent excavations of the Russian archeologist,

    A. P. Okladnikov, we now possess what has long been needed, an analysis and

    description of the various stages of the Siberian Neolithic (Okladnikov, 1938;

    summarized by Collins, 1943). On the basis of recent excavation of graves

    and habitation sites on the Angara River and elsewhere around Lake Baikal,

    Okladnikov recognizes six culture stages preceding the Iron age. The early

    inhabitants of the Baikal region are described as hunters, fishers, and food

    gatherers who lived in settlements along the lakes and rivers. Th ie ei r mode of

    life and in part their implement technique represented a development and con–

    tinuation from the upper Paleolithic of the same region, but the environment

    in which they lived was essentially that of the present and the animals they

    017      |      Vol_VIII-0803                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

    hunted were of species which are still living today. Okladnikov considers

    that the Baikal Neolithic covered a period approximately from the 6th millen–

    ium to the 10th century B.C., an estimate which may, however, be somewhat

    excessive.

            The last three stages of the Baikal sequence included several distinc–

    tive types of artifacts and art motives that were also characteristic of

    the Punuk, the intermediate stage of Alaskan Eskimo culture.

            It is the earlier periods of Baikal culture, however, that are of par–

    ticular interest and importance in connection with the problem of Eskimo

    culture. As might be expected, this early Neolithic was not a rich or

    elaborate culture. It is significant nevertheless that the entire range of

    implement types of the two oldest stages described by Okladnikov are, with

    the exception of shell beads a n d a few other ornaments, types which also occur

    in prehistoric Eskimo culture. These are the bow and arrow, polished stone

    adzes, crescent-shaped jade and schist knives, scrapers, knives and lances

    with side blades, needles, needle cases, awls, and pottery vessels with

    conical and rounded bases.

            Among the most striking features of the early Lake Baikal Neolithic

    are lances and knives with rows of small stone blades inserted inthe edges.

    Side-bladed implements of corresponding form are also known from Neolithic

    Ya n g Shao sites in western China and Tibet and from Neolithic cave sites just

    east of the Urals. Side-bladed knives and projectile points are likewise among

    the most characteristic features of the Mesolithic and early Neolithic of

    northern Europe, being found at sites in southern Sweden, Denmark, northern

    Gremany, Esthonia, and Belgium. In Alaska the oldest known Eskimos, those

    018      |      Vol_VIII-0804                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

    of the Ipiutak, Old Bering Sea, and Birnirk periods, equipped some of their

    harpoon heads with small stone side blades. The Ipiutak now furnishes an

    even closer parallel in having bone and ivory arrowheads and lances with rows

    of small side blades directly comparable with the Siberian and Mesolithic

    forms. These side-bladed knives, arrowheads, and lances are complex in form

    and their distribution is significant, being restricted to the European

    Mesolithic and early Neolithic, the related Neolithic of central Asia, and

    the oldest stages of Eskimo culture in America. They are, therefore, one

    of the features most strongly indicative of a basic relationship between the

    Eskimo and Mesolithic-Neolithic cultures of Eurasia.

            Further information will be needed, particularly on the archeology of

    the vast region between Lake Baikal and the Pacific, before the postulated

    Siberian-Eskimo relationships can be fully understood. Okladnikov's investiga–

    tions alone, however, sustain to a remarkable degree Hatt's view of the origin

    of Eskimo culture and of the development of culture generally in northern

    Eurasia and America. Hatt's theory, which was based originally on an ex–

    haustive study of clothing types, postulated the existence of two great cul–

    ture waves or strata in northern Eurasia and America. The older stratum,

    which Hatt called the "coast culture," originally occupied the inland waterways

    and later the coasts of northern Eurasia. Spreading eastward, the coast cul–

    ture established itself on the Bering Sea and Arctic coasts of America where

    it developed into the Eskimo culture as known today. The younger wave or

    stratum, called the "inland culture," was most typically represented by

    such peoples as the nomadic Tungusians of central Asia, whose possession of

    the snowshoe enabled them to expand over the vast inland plains and woodlands.



    019      |      Vol_VIII-0805                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

            I O kladnikov's excavations in the Baikal region afford tangible evidence

    of a cultural development very much as envisaged by Hatt — an early popula–

    tion of hunters and fishers who lived a settled life along the lakes and rivers

    long before these territories were taken over by the reindeer-breeding nomads.

    And, as we have seen, the material equipment of these early Neolithic peoples

    corresponds closely with that of the oldest Eskimos in Alaska.

            In the European Mesolithic, we find in addition to the side-bladed knives

    and projectile points the following elements resembling those of prehistoric

    Eskimo culture: pottery lamps and steep-sided, conical-based cooking pots,

    barbed bone fish and bird spears, and certain art motives. Finally, it

    should be noted that there seem to be significant resemblances between the

    geometric art of the European Paleolithic and some of the simpler, linear

    designs of Dorset and early Old Bering Sea art (de Laguna, 1932-33; Collins, 1940).

            The evidence of archeology points clearly to the conclusion that prehistoric

    Eskimo culture is fundamentally related to Mesolithic-Neolithic horizons in

    northern Eurasia. As the Mesolithic rests on an Upper Paleolithic foundation,

    Eskimo culture might, in an indirect sense, be traced in part to that remote

    period. The relationship with the Mesolithic, however, is more direct, and

    we are on firmer ground in seeking the origin of an important segment of Eskimo

    culture in this later stage and in the related Siberian Neolithic, which,

    though it carried on certain Paleolithic traditions, had already adapted itself

    to a changed environment in the forested plains around Lake Baikal.

            The role of the Lake Baikal Neolithic in the formation of Eskimo culture

    has been emphasized because this is the particular Neolithic setting for which

    sequential sub-stages have been most fully revealed and in which Eskimo

    020      |      Vol_VIII-0806                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

    affinities are most apparent. There were, of course, other Neolithic centers

    in the inland zones of Eurasia which could have contributed to the development

    of the coastal cultures. We know for example that an early phase of Neolithic

    culture closely related to that of the Baikal region existed on the east slope

    of the Ural Mountains (Tolmachev, 1913).

            It is recognized that the manner in which the European Mes o lithic and

    early Siberian Neolithic cultures are related depends in part upon the parti–

    cular Paleolithic setting from which they emerged. The upper Paleolithic cul [?]

    tures of central Asia differ in many respects from those of western Europe and

    their influences seem to have extended even to the oldest cultures of Scan–

    dinavia (Gjessing, 1944). However, we need not be concerned here as to the

    nature of the relationship or the direction of culture flow between the European

    and Siberian Paleolithic, the Mesolithic of northern Europe, and the Lake

    Baikal Neolithic. Important as these questions are, they are not within the

    scope of the present paper, which is concerned only with cultural analogies

    of immediate and demonstrable significance in connection with Eskimo origins.

           

    Physical Anthropology

            Anthropologists and anatomists by the score have speculated on the problem

    of Eskimo origins and expressed widely differing opinions, none of which has

    provided a satisfactory answer as to when and where the Eskimo race type arose.

    Even today, with the wealth of new information we have gained concerning the

    development of Eskimo culture we are still unable to speak with assurance on

    the origin and affinities of the Eskimo race. The physical type associated with

    one of the oldest Eskimo cultures, the Dorset, has not been determined and the

    021      |      Vol_VIII-0807                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

    skeletons found at Ipiutak are still undescribed. We are likewise handi–

    capped by lack of full information on the physical type of the prehistoric

    Siberian peoples who on the basis of culture appear to have been in part,

    at least, ancestral to the Eskimo.

            On the other hand, we do have skeletal material from prehistoric Bir–

    nirk, Thule, Punuk, and Old Bering Sea sites, and there are clues of possible

    significance in Eurasia, to which we will refer later. Though the present

    evidence affords no conclusive answer to the problem of the Eskimo race

    type, we have at any rate advanced beyond the point where theories need

    to be erected on the basis of small series of measurements on the living

    or on collections of undated skeletal material.

            In its most characteristic form the Eskimo skull exhibits a combination

    of features which makes it one of the most distinctive and easily recognized

    of all human types. The skull is extremely long, narrow, and high, with a

    ridgelike elevation, called a sagittal crest, extending along the top from

    front to back. The face is high and broad, and, what is most unusual,

    broader than the skull itself. The cheek bones are very prominent and the

    orbits are high. In contrast to the massiveness of the face as a whole,

    the nose is extremely narrow and the brow ridges only slightly developed.

    The nasal depression is shallow and the nasal bones are very narrow,

    usually having a "pinched-up" appearance. The Eskimo jaw is large and heavy,

    the ascending part, or ramus, being very wide and having an outward flare

    at the back which gives the face its characteristic squarish shape. Another

    distinguishing feature s of the Eskimo skull is the unusual thickness of the

    tympanic plate, the bony ledge bordering the ear opening. Bony swellings

    022      |      Vol_VIII-0808                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

    or overgrowths on the lower jaw and palate, known as mandibular and palatine

    tori, respectively, also occur more frequently among the Eskimo than any

    other people.

            The specialized type of skull just described — long, narrow, high —

    is not universal among the Eskimos, though it predominates in Greenland,

    the Mackenzie Delta, and in parts of northern Alaska. We know that the type

    is one of considerable antiquity because the skulls from the Birnirk sites

    around Point Barrow already exhibit it. Of the three Old Bering Sea skulls

    that have been found, two conform to this type while the third is mesocephalic,

    or of medium length. The fact that some of the earliest known Eskimo crania

    already exhibit these hyper-Eskimo features weighs heavily against the Amer–

    ican origin theory, which assumes that such speciao l ized features are secondary

    developments.

            Skeletal remains of the modern Hudson Bay tribes are lacking but Birket–

    Smith's (1940) measurements show that the present-day Caribou, Netsilik, and

    Iglulik Eskimos are closer to the Cree and Chipewyan Indians than to other

    Eskimos. This resemblance is borne out visually, for the photographs of most

    of these Central Eskimos definitely suggest Indian, or in some cases European,

    mixture.

            The Alaskan Eskimos in general are taller and more broad headed than

    most of their eastern kinsmen. This has usually been attributed to Indian

    mixture. Unquestionably there has been ample opportunity in Alaska for this

    to have occurred, especially along the rivers where the Eskimos come into

    direct contact with the interior Athapaskans. Stefansson's measurements of

    the Nunatagmiut, an inland Eskimo group living on the Colville River in north

    023      |      Vol_VIII-0809                                                                                                                  
    EA-Ant rh hr op. Collins: Eskimo

    Alaska, showed that they differ sharply from other Eskimos and conform more

    to the Indian type (Seltzer, 1933). Similarly, the Eskimos on the Kobuk

    and other rivers and occasionally even some of those in the coastal settle–

    ments of northern Alaska are much more Indian in appearance than Eskimo.

            Elsewhere in Alaska, Eskimo-Indian admixture is much less apparent

    and it is questionable whether the physical type of the other Alaskan Eskimo

    groups has been seriously affected by Indian contact, at least in recent

    centuries. The modern Eskimos along the coast from Barrow to Bering Strait

    are of the generalized northern Eskimo type. While they do not exhibit the

    hyper-Eskimo features of the old Birnirk population, they are still Eskimo

    in every respect, being practically identical with the old Thule type of

    the central Arctic (Fischer-Møller, 1937). At Bering Strait and a few other

    places on Seward Peninsula the long-headed Birnirk type has survived to the

    present time. The Alaskan Eskimos south of Seward Peninsula differ from those

    to the North in having shorter, broader, and lower heads, broader faces and

    noses. They resemble rather closely Hrdli c č ka's "pre-Koniag," the early oblong–

    headed type from Kodiak Island, and to a lesser degree the "pre-Aleut" of the

    Aleutian Islands (Collins, 1945), both of which on the basis of archeological

    data may have an antiquity of around 2,000 years.

            The problem is to account for the origin of the two oldest Eskimo types

    of which we have knowledge, the highly specialized, extremely long-headed

    northern type, represented by the Birnirk crania, and the more generalized,

    but equally ancient oblong-headed type of south Alaska.

            Before proceeding further we may mention here one explanation that has been

    advanced repeatedly which would solve the problem very simply by asserting that

    024      |      Vol_VIII-0810                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

    the most pronounced features of the Eskimo skull are the result of functional

    adaptation. The muscles of mastication, powerfully developed through chewing

    of tough food, are supposed to have compressed the skull laterally, thereby

    producing the long, narrow, keel-shaped va u lt so characteristic of the race.

    The same explanation has been advanced to account for the presence of mandi–

    bular and palatine tori — the bony swellings frequently found on the lower

    jaw and palate — as well as the strongly developed jaws, excellent teeth,

    and massiveness of the face in general. There are, however, serious objec–

    tions to the "hard-chewing" hypothesis which its advocates do not take into

    account. In the first place, one m a y question the necessity of calling in a

    specific and functional explanation of the Eskimos' dolicocephaly when there

    are numerous other long-headed races, such as the prehistoric Texas cave

    dwellers, the Perique of Lower California, the Veddas of Ceylon, and various

    European and African peoples whose skull form is obviously not to be explained

    on this basis, since their faces and jaws, which would be the parts most di–

    rectly affected by vigorous chewing, are for the most part rather small and

    weakly developed.

            Stefansson, who has lived for long periods among the Eskimos and who can

    speak with authority on their dietary habits, contends that there is no

    factual basis for the belief that they chew more vigorously than other people.

    He points out that boiled meat, which is the Eskimo's first preference, requires

    very little chewing, that raw meat is usually not chewed but gulped down like

    an oyster, and that frozen fish, when sufficiently thawed to be edible, is

    about the consistency of hard ice cream (Stefansson, 1946). The only really

    tough food eaten by the Eskimos is dried fish and meat but the use of such food

    025      |      Vol_VIII-0811                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

    is by no means universal, there being many districts where it is seldom eaten.

            There are two additional, specific, facts which weigh heavily against

    the theory that the typical long and narrow skull of the Eskimo is an adapta–

    tion resulting from vigorous use of the masticatory muscles. (1) The Eskimos

    who consume the greatest quantities of really tough food — dried fish and

    meat — are those living in Alaska, especially to the south of Bering Strait.

    Yet the skulls of these Alaskan Eskimos are not long and narrow but relatively

    short and very wide. (2) If the assumed lengthening of the head were a func–

    tional and progressive condition, we should expect the most ancient crania

    to be at least somewhat shorter and wider than the modern. However, exactly

    the reverse is true, for, as already point out, the p oldest skulls from

    northern Alaska are of the extremely long, high, narrow type. Similarly, the

    modern broad-headed Aleuts and Kodiak Islanders were preceded by an earlier

    oval-headed population. In view of this actual succession of cranial types,

    the functional theory falls completely to the ground, for if applied here

    it would mean that 2,000 years of hard chewing had produced not a narrow but

    a broader and more rounded form of skull.

            Similar difficulties are encountered in attempting to explain the extra–

    ordinarily broad and long face of the Eskimo as a response to the energetic

    use of the jaws, for the old Birnirk Eskimos, with a facial diameter of 142 mm.

    and upper facial height of 77 mm., already show this pronounced development of

    the face. The Mongols from Urga have practically identical facial measurements

    and show an accentuated development of the malar and upper maxillary regions

    comparable in every way to that of the Eskimo. Since the Mongols' diet of milk

    and cheese is not one requiring excessive use of the jaws, the functional theory

    026      |      Vol_VIII-0812                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

    cannot be resorted to in explanation of their large and heavy faces. The

    total evidence, therefore, sustains the views of Hooton, Jenness, and Birket–

    Smith that the Eskimos have inherited and not acquired their peculiar skull

    form.

            We will search in vain in America for any cranial type from which that

    of the Eskimo may likely have been derived. There are numerous long-headed

    Indian groups such as the Lagao Santa type of Brazil, the early California

    and Texas Indians, and some of the northeastern tribes who in s k ull dimensions

    alone resemble the Eskimo. The resemblance, however, does not extend to

    the face, wh i ch in all cases is entirely different, nor do any of the Indian

    crania possess those minor but distinctive Eskimo features such as the

    thickened tympanic plate, the high frequency of mandibular and palatine tori,

    or the very narrow and "pinched-up" nasal bones.

            In the Old World the situation is almost reversed. We know of no living

    Asiatic people who have skulls of the very long, high, and narrow Eskimo

    type. The Eskimo face, on the contrary, is so distinctly Mongoloid that we

    can only conclude that it has an Asiatic ancestry. The living Eskimos exhibit

    a number of other obvious Mongoloid features such as skin color and hair,

    nose form, the epicanthic or Mongolian fold of the eye, and shortness of the

    arms and legs in relation to the trunk. These features bring the Eskimos

    into close relationship to the Asiatics, making them in fact the most Mon–

    goloid of all American aborigines. Most anthropologists would probably agree

    with Hooton (1931) and if it were not for the Eskimos' non-Mongoloid skull

    form they should be classified as an Asiatic rather than American race.



    027      |      Vol_VIII-0813                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

            It is not unlikely that eventually the Eskimo skull form also will

    prove to have Asiatic affinities. In recent years Debetz and other Russian

    anthropologists have described a long-headed population from the Neolithic

    sites around Lake Baikal, which as we have seen, contain cultural material

    closely resembling that of the Eskimo. In 1939 Hrdli c č ka studied these

    Siberian skulls and described them as closely related to the American Indian

    (1942). He does not bring the Eskimo into the comparison, but it is inter–

    esting to note that while the majority of the 33 skulls are quite low-valuted,

    8 of them are almost as high as the very high-vaulted Birnirk crania. These

    8 skulls are likewise above the average in length and some of them are

    described as having keel-shaped vaults and narrow noses, features suggestive

    of the Eskimo. Until [ ?]photographs and a fuller description of the Siberian

    crania are available the significance of these resemblances must remain in

    doubt. The present evidence suggests, however, that these early Siberians,

    whose culture was undoubtedly related to that of the earliest Eskimos, included

    as a minority element a physical type corresponding rather closely to that of

    the Eskimo.

            The thickened tympanic plate and the mandibular and palatine tori also

    occur more frequently in Eurasia than America. The tori are found most often

    among the Chinese and Japanese (mostly prehistoric), the Ainu, Ostiak, Lapp,

    and Scandinavians of the Viking period. The thickened tympanic plate occurs

    with less regularity among the Mongoloid groups but shows a high incidence

    again in Iron age and Medieval Norse crania from Norway, Iceland, and Greenland.

    It is of interest in this connection that two of the oldest skulls from northern

    Europe, from am Mesolithic site on Lake Ladoga near Leningrad (Inostrantzev,

    028      |      Vol_VIII-0814                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

    1882), have quite thick tympanic plates. Moreover, one of these skulls shows

    a striking resemblance to the generalized Alaskan Eskimo type in the shape

    of the face and the contour of the vault. It may be a point of some sig–

    nificance that the thickened tympanic plate and mandibular and palatine tori,

    which are more characteristic of the Eskimo than of any other race, are found

    to a comparable degree elsewhere only among prehistoric and early historic

    peoples in regions where Eskimo cultural resemblances also occur.

           

    Language

            The Eskimo language is divided into two branches, Eskimo proper and

    Aleutian. The main branch includes the various Eskimo dialects spoken from

    south Alaska eastward to east Greenland. The Aleutian language differs so sharply

    from the other Eskimo dialects that for a long time its Eskimo affinity was

    questioned. However, it is now recognized as being remotely related to Eskimo,

    just as is the Aleut physical type and culture.

            Within the Eskimo group itself the greatest linguistic differentiation is

    found in Siberia and south and west Alaska, from Prince William Sound north

    to Norton Sound. Here there are several quite distinctive dialects which differ

    considerably from those spoken by the other Eskimos. Beginning at Bering Strait

    we find a different situation, for from this point eastward to Greenland and

    Labrador, the dialects are mutually intelligible. The Alaskan Eskimo dialects

    north of Norton Sound are actually closer to the dialects of Greenland and

    Labrador than to those of the adjacent Yukon region. It is difficult to be–

    lieve that such remarkable linguistic uniformity over so wide an area could

    have persisted for any great length of time. Rather, it is a strong indication

    029      |      Vol_VIII-0815                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

    of fairly recent contacts and intercommunication among the northern Eskimos.

    Perhaps the best explanation is to be found in the movements of the Thule

    culture. The uniformity was probably first established when the Thule Eskimos

    moved east from Alaska to Canada and Greenland, and then still further strengthened

    by a return movement to northern Alaska within the past few centuries, a sup–

    position for which there is also considerable archeological evidence.

            In addition to the greater linguistic diversity in south and west Alaska,

    the dialects there and in Siberia are also of a more archaic character than

    those in the Central regions and Greenland. Thalbitzer, Jenness, Bogoras, and

    Sapir are all in agreement in viewing this as indicating that the probable

    center of Eskimo dispersion was in Alaska or Siberia.

            It has not been possible to prove a relationship between the Eskimo and

    any American Indian language. Sauvageot's attempted demonstration of a connec–

    tion with the Finno-Ugrian languages of northern Europe has been regarded as

    unsuccessful by most students of Eskimo linguists. In 1907 C.C. Uhlenbeck

    pointed out a number of striking word similarities between Eskimo and proto–

    Indoeuropean. Recently he has returned to a consideration of the problem and

    brought together a much larger body of evidence in support of this theory

    (Uhlenbeck, 1935, 1942-1945). Though Uhlenbeck does not claim a genetic rela–

    tionship between the two stocks, he believes that the lexical and grammatical

    resemblances noted are evidence of a very old Indoeuropean influence on Eskimo.

    Thalbitzer, the foremost authority on Eskimo linguistics, who had been skeptical

    of Uhlenbeck's earlier attempt, has now subjected this later and more complete

    study to searching criticism (Thalbitzer, 1945). After rejecting a number of the

    suggested parallels, Thalbitzer decides that there remains a great deal of evidence

    030      |      Vol_VIII-0816                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

    was giving way to Bronze and Iron age cultures. In this connection we note

    the evidence presented by Cernecov and Zolotarev that in late Neolithic times,

    but still before the intrusion of the nomadic reindeer-breeders, the coasts

    and rivers of northern Siberia continued to be occupied by isolated and

    sedentary groups whose underground houses, pottery, and hunting and fishing

    techniques were essentially Eskimo in character (Cernecov, 1935; Zolotarev,

    1938; Collins, 1937, 1940; Jenness, 1941).

            The final development and elaboration of Eskimo culture took place at

    Bering Strait, a region abounding in game — walrus, seals, caribou, birds,

    fish — and in every way more suitable for human occupation than the north

    coast of Siberia. For a people equipped to utili z e the resources of the sea,

    Bering Strait was one of the richest hunting territories of the world. Con–

    sidering this and the fact that it was also accessible to culture influences

    from the south, it is not surprising that Bering Strait became a center of

    high cultural development.

            The two factors, local culture growth and stimulus from outside, combined

    to produce the elaborate and specialized Old Bering Sea and Ipiutak cultures.

    Many of their individual features we know were of local origin, because they

    are either unique or are shared only with the later Eskimo cultures. Nor is

    there reason for assuming that any large segments of culture, such as the

    highly developed art complexes, in contradistinction to their individual ele–

    ments, were brought in toto from some unknown outside sou r ce.

            But granint the potency of local culture development at B e ring Strait,

    there remains much that is difficult to explain on this basis. For instance,

    the raised "eye" designs that are so prominent in fully developed Old Bering Sea

    031      |      Vol_VIII-0817                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

    in support of Uhlenbeck's argument. If u U hlenbeck and Thalbitzer are correct,

    the evidence of linguistics is now to be aligned with that of archeology,

    and to a certain extent physical anthropology, in showing that the original

    home of the Eskimos was in the Old World. For if the Eskimo language was

    subjected to Indoeuropean influence in ancient times, the Eskimos must then

    have been living in fairly close contact with people speaking these languages,

    and this must have been somewhere in northern Eurasia, far to the west of

    the territory they now occupy.

           

    Conclusion

            Our review of the available evidence has led to the conclusion that the

    deepest roots of Eskimo culture extend back to the early Neolithic of Siberia

    and the Mesolithic of northern Europe, a conclusion which is supported by the

    data of physical anthropology and linguistics. There is still a wide gap, both

    in time and space, between the oldest known Eskimo cultures and the early Si–

    berian Neolithic. If our reconstruction is correct, we would expect to find

    somewhere in the vast stre t ches between Lake Baikal and Bering Strait traces of

    the later Neolithic peoples who followed the great Siberian rivers from their

    headwaters down to the arctic coast. There, under stimulus of arctic condi–

    tions encountered between the Kara and East Siberian seas, they developed the

    rudiments of the maritime culture that later found its fullest expression among

    the Eskimos. Living in permanent settlements of underground houses at the rela–

    tively few places suitable for the hunting of sea mammals, these early ancestors

    of the Eskimos probably remained at first in more or less isolated groups and

    continued the Neolithic mode of life, which in the Baikal region, meanwhile,

    032      |      Vol_VIII-0818                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

    art are so much like those of Shang dynasty art in China that a connection of

    some kind seems probable. Ipiutak art has even closer Asiatic affinities.

    Rainey has suggested a relationship between the curious spirally curved ivory

    objects from Ipiutak graves and the spiral designs of Amur art. Other

    Ipiutak carvings, especially of animals, are reminiscent of Scythian and

    Permian art. More specific features, suggestive of Chinese influence, include

    an ivory back scratcher with one end carved to represent a human hand, and

    ivory eyes, nose plugs, and mouth covers found with burials.

            The oriental elements in Ipiutak and Old Bering Sea art suggest that

    probably in the first millenium B.C., long after the rise of [ ?] civilization

    in China, the Eskimos at Bering Strait received strong cultural impulses from

    the south. If we visualize the early Baikal Neolithic as the taproot we can

    imagine these east Asiatic influences as forming a lateral branch, which,

    rooted in the richer and more diversified cultural environment of a later

    time, contributed its important part to the synthesis of Eskimo culture.

            On theoretical grounds we are forced to assume that the Indians as well

    as the Eskimos reached America by way of Bering Strait. There is, however,

    no direct evidence of their passage, for as yet no remains other than Eskimo

    have been found there. Probably, in the c ne en turies before Eskimo culture had

    crystallized and established itself in northeast Siberia, some Neolithic groups

    crossed the Strait by boat or on the ice and penetrated south and east into

    North America. The presence of Indian-like skulls in the Siberian Neolithic

    and of Old World culture traits such as stone gouges and comb-stamped pottery,

    and possibly certain kinds of petroglyphs as part of a culture wave which,

    033      |      Vol_VIII-0819                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

    avoiding the arctic coast, spread from the inland regions of Eurasia to the

    interior of North America. Such traits could have passed over at Bering

    Strait without having become firmly established there, and hence would have

    left no trace, or they may have left signs of their passage which have not yet

    been discovered.

            The archeological investigations at Bering Strait and in Siberia have

    clarified the problem in a somewhat negative manner by showing (1) that the

    Siberian Neolithic, which often had been regarded as the source of American

    culture in general, was instead ancestral only to the Eskimo, and possibly

    some of the later Indian strains; and (2) that the oldest Eskimo cultures,

    rooted in the Siberian Neolithic, are demonstrably later than other early

    American cultures such as Sandia and Folsom, which must have been derived

    from some unknown Paleolithic culture in eastern Asia. The evidence for these

    assumptions is as follows. The Siber i an Neolithic, which already possessed such

    features as pottery, polished stone adzes, the reinforced bow, and various

    types of small, finely chipped tanged arrowheads, could not have been ancestral

    to cultures such as Sandia and Folsom. Moreover, these earliest American

    Indians were associated with a Pleistocene fauna whereas the animal bones from

    the old Eskimo and Siberian Neolithic sites are all those of existing species.

            Physiographic changes of considerable magnitude have occurred since the

    Sandia and Folsom sites were occupied. In contrast, even the oldest Eskimo sites

    are located along existing shore lines, showing that they were established when

    the relation of land to sea was essentially the same as today. Any older sites,

    established when the sea level was lower, as it was during glacial and early

    post-glacial times, would now be under water.



    034      |      Vol_VIII-0820                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

            200

            We may conclude, therefore, that the Eskimos did not cross Bering Strait

    until probably the first millenium B.C., and that very likely they were pre–

    ceded by the ancestors of some of the American Indians, who like them were

    descended from the Neolithic peoples of central Asia. The first people to

    reach America, those who hunted the mammoth, bison and other Pleistocene

    animals on the western plains, entered the continent in the same way as the

    animals themselves — over the great land bridge which in Pleistocene and

    early post-glacial times stretched for 1,000 miles from southern Bering Sea

    north to the Arctic Ocean.



    035      |      Vol_VIII-0821                                                                                                                  
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    1934. Some observations on the origin of the Eskimo. Proc. Fifth Pacific

    Science Congr. Victoria and Vancouver, B.C., 1933, pp. 2723-2732.

    Sollas, W. J.

    1915. Ancient hunters and their modern representatives. London.

    Steensby, H. P.

    1916. An anthropogeographical study of the origin of the Eskimo culture.

    Medd. Grønland, vol. 53. Copenhagen.

    Stefansson, Vilhjalmur

    1914. The Stefansson-Anderson Arctic Expedition of the American Museum.

    Anthropol. Papers Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 14, pt. 1.

    1929. Eskimos. The Encyclopaedia Britannica, 14th ed. Vol. 8.

    1946. Not by bread alone. New York.

    Sullivan, Louis R.

    1924. Relationships of the Upper Paleolithic races of Europe. Natural

    History, vol. 24, no.6, pp. 682-696.



    040      |      Vol_VIII-0826                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Eskimo

    Testut, L.

    1889. Recherches anthropologiques sur le squellete quaternaire de

    Chancelade (Dordogne). Bull. Soc. d'anthrop., de Lyon, vol. 8,

    pp. 131-246.

    Thalbitzer, William

    1904. A phonetical study of the Eskimo language. Medd. Grønland, vol. 31.

    Copenhagen.

    1914. The Ammassalik Eskimo. Medd. Grønland, vol. 39, pt. 1.

    1945. Uhlenbeck's Eskimo-Indoeuropean hypothesis. E É tudes Linguistiques

    1944. Travaux du Cercle Linguistique de Copenhague, vol. 1,

    pp. 66-96.

    Tolmachev, Vladimir

    1913. Antiquit e é s du versant est des Monts ourals. (In Russian). Bull.

    soc. ouralienne amis sci. nat. vol. 32, pt. 2, pp. 195-225.

    Uhlenbeck, C. C.

    1935. Eskimo en Oer-indogermaanisch. Med. Konink. Nederland. Akad.

    Wetensch., Afd. Letterkunde, Deel 77, Serie A, no. 4.

    1943-5. Ur-und altindogermanische Ankl a ä nge im Wortschatz des Eskimo.

    Anthropos, vol. 37-40, pp. 133-148.

    Wintemberg, W. J.

    1939-1940. Eskimo sites of the Dorset culture in Newfoundland. Amer.

    Antiquity, vol. 5, no. 2, pp. 83-102; vol. 5, no. 4, pp. 309-333.

    Wissler, Clark

    1916. Harpoons and darts in the Stefansson collection. Anthrop. Pap.,

    Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 14, pt. 2.

    1918. Archaeology of the Polar Eskimo. Anthrop. Papers, Amer. Mus. Nat.

    Hist., vol. 22, pt. 3, pp.109-166.

    Zolotarev, A. M.

    1938. The ancient culture of North Asia. Amer. Anthrop. n.s., vol. 40,

    pt. 1, pp. 12-23.

           

    Henry B. Collins, Jr.

    Regional Description of Prehistoric Eskimo Cultures

    Prehistoric Cultures of Kodiak Island


    001      |      Vol_VIII-0827                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Robert F. Heizer)


    PREHISTORIC CULTURES OF KODIAK ISLAND

            Kodiak Island, which is the largest of the many Alaskan islands,

    lies south of the base of the Alaska Peninsula between 56° 40′ and 58°

    north latitude and between 152° and 155° west longitude. The shore line

    is deeply indented with fjordlike bays into which empty numerous streams.

    There is only one large river, the Karluk. It is one of the famous salmon

    streams of Alaska. A rich sea mammal and fish fauna but a deficient land

    mammal assemblage predetermined a shore line existence for inhabitants of

    the island.

            A very large number of ancient village sites occur on the island as

    may be seen from the survey conducted by Dr. A. Hrdli c ĉ ka (Hrdli c ĉ ka, 1944:

    Part II). These sites, which may be characterized as refuse-accumulation

    mounds with a high mollusk shell content, vary as to size and depth and,

    presumably, antiquity. Many can be identified as dead villages, occupied

    at the time of the settlement of the island by the Russians in 1784. Others,

    like that at the mouth of the Karluk River, have been continuously inhabited

    from remote antiquity up to the present day. A number of features set the

    Kodiak village sites off from those of the Bering Sea region. The southern

    sites on the shores of the North Pacific are not frozen, hence do not produce

    remains of skin, fur, baleen, and wood which, thanks to frozen conditions, are

    preserved in the Bering Strait middens. A greater dependence upon fish and

    002      |      Vol_VIII-0828                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Heizer: Prehistoric Cultures of Kodiak Island

    mollusks on Kodiak accounts for shell-mound sites, as well as a lesser

    amount of sea mammal bones and the toggle harpoon points employed to take

    these animals.

            A large village site in Uyak Bay, largest of the bays of Kodiak and

    about 40 miles long, opening into Shelikof Strait to the north, was com–

    pletely excavated during the summer seasons of 1931 to 1936 by Dr. Ale s š

    Hrdli c č ka, late Curator of the Division of Physical Anthropology, United

    States National Museum. These excavations remain, up to the present, the

    only systematic investigation of Kodiak prehistory. According to Hrdli c č ka

    (1944), this site was first occupied about 2,000 years ago by a people called

    by him Pre-Koniag, and whom he believed were non-Eskimo and so Indian-like

    as to be closely comparable to the Algonquian Indians. H. B. Collins (1945)

    has shown, however, that the Pre-Koniag stock is to be classed as most closely

    related to western Eskimo groups to the north of Kodiak Island. This rela–

    tionship seems more consonant with the archaeologic facts, since the culture

    of the Pre-Koniags had a distinct Eskimo stamp as shown by the presence of

    such elements as the toggle harpoon, oil lamp, semilunar slate knife (ulu),

    barbed bone dart and arrowheads, bow or strap drill, labret, and stone adz.

    Among the items which characterize this earlier culture are wide, flat

    barbed bone projectile points; carved ivory figurines of animals and birds;

    bone and ivory portrait "miniatures" of human faces; composite bone harpoon

    points; iron-tipped engraving tools; compass-drawn dot and circle art motif;

    elaborately decorated avoid stone lamps with shallow grooves running around

    the side below the rim, often with a groove or ovoid depression in the bowl,

    and rarely with an animal or human figure in the interior bowl.

            The uppermost levels of the Uyak midden yielded evidence of a different

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0829                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Heizer: Prehistoric Cultures of Kodiak Island

    physical stock called by Hrdli c č ka "Koniag" because these remains are clearly

    those of the prehistoric ancestors of the Koniag (Kaniag, Kaniagmiut) who

    occupied the island at the time of its discovery by Europeans. The culture

    of the uppermost levels of the Uyak midden resembles that of the lower (Pre–

    Koniag) deposit layers in many items: single-pointed mammal bone awls; flat

    shovel blades of whale or bear scapules; paired fish-spear points; bone

    combs; tubular bone beads; whalebone wedges; grooved mauls; small adz blades

    and bone hafts with blade bed; bird-bone awls; ivory pendants; whalebone

    dishes; bone arrow and dart heads; grooved stone sinkers; toggle harpoon

    heads; and drilled, polished slate ulus. Unique to the upper Koniag level

    are the following types: curved bone bag handles, ovoid stone lamp with flat

    border and wick groove, large splitting adzes, single-piece bone fishhook,

    secondary burial, and steam sweat bath (Heizer, 1947).

            The Uyak site appears to have been abandoned at about the time of or not

    long before, the advent of the Russians. Dating of the earliest levels has

    not so far been possible, and Dr. Hrdli c č ka's guess of an antiquity of not

    over 2,000 years for the site may be accepted as reasonable until further

    analysis may amend it (Hrdli c č ka, 1944: 324-26; de Laguna, 1947: 10-12).

            The culture disclosed in the uppermost level of the Uyak site is

    different in many respects from that of the ethnographic Koniag if we may

    judge from collections made in the past two centuries (see, for example,

    Birket-Smith, 1941). There appears to have been, in protohistoric or early

    historic times a considerable amount of cultural change evidenced mainly in

    the form of new material features acquired by the Koniag tribe. These

    increments amount essentially to an overlay of culture, but their source

    and stimulus are as yet only matters of conjecture. Possibly, and by no



    004      |      Vol_VIII-0830                                                                                                                  

            190 EA-Anthrop. Heizer: Prehistoric Cultures of Kodiak Island

    means certainly, to be included in this roster of new traits is pottery

    making. Pottery is found in near-surface levels of archaeologic sites on

    the southwest coast of the island (de Laguna, 1939; 1940,; 1947: 245-46;

    Heizer, 1947; Hrdli c č ka, 1944: 109, 111), the locale of the earliest and

    most intense Russian settlement.

            Archeological excavation alone can settle the question of the antiquity

    of the ceramic art on Kodiak. Dr. de Laguna (1939, 1947) has offered strong

    arguments in favor of the derivation of southern Eskimo pottery from an

    Asiatic source, probably Ainu and Kamchadal, the route of introduction being

    via the Aleutian Islands. There is pottery in the geographically intermediate

    Aleutian Island sites (Quimby, 1945a), but it is completely unlike in form and

    technique any other Alaskan, or for that matter New World, ceramics.

            Another archaeologic trait of restricted distribution is to be seen in

    the petroglyphs of Cape Alitak on the southwestern coast of Kodiak (Alaska

    Packers Association, 1917; Hrdli c č ka, 1944: 67, 105-110, Figs. 15-18). These

    are probably of the late prehistoric period, and represent the northernmost

    manifestation of the petroglyph art of the Northwest Coast Indians (Heizer,

    N.D.). Petroglyphs do not occur in the Aleutian Islands or in the Alaskan

    area north of the Alaska Peninsula. Kodiak Island received, by reason of

    proximity and contact, not only trade items such as dentalia, from the northern

    Northwest Coast, but also certain tools and implements and even a stimulus to

    indulge in the latter's distinctive naturalistic and stylized art. Kodiak,

    like every other archaeological region, shows influences from neighboring

    areas.

            Kodiak Island, to judge from our imperfect knowledge of its prehistory,

    seems to have had much the same archaeological history as the Cook Inlet region,

    005      |      Vol_VIII-0831                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Heizer: Prehistoric Cultures of Kodiak Island

    not far to the east on the Alaska mainland. Here de Laguna has through

    excavation established three culture periods named Kachemak Bay i (ca.

    A.D. 1 to 500), Kachemak Bay 2 (ca. A.D. 500 to 1000) and Kachemak Bay 3

    (ca. A.D. 1000 to 1700). The open socket Kachemak harpoons which de Laguna

    calls "Thule like" are not characteristic of the Uyak site. Numerous other

    artifact forms of Cook Inlet do not occur in the Kodiak collection, and at

    the same time the Kodiak site yielded many types which de Laguna did not

    find in Cook Inlet. A somewhat different history for specific culture

    traits is therefore probable between these two south Alaskan areas, but

    the broad outlines of culture change will probably coincide (Heizer, Ms.).

            Recent work in the Aleutian Islands (Quimby, 1945a, 1945b; Hrdlicka,

    1945) offers insight into cultural succession which finally and successfully

    supplants the earlier work of Dall (1877) and Jochelson (1925). Here in

    great shell-mound sites, like those of Kodiak and Cook Inlet, is found the

    same general type of culture whose development conforms to what appears to

    be a widespread one in the Pacific Eskimo-Aleut area.

            Cultural connections between Kodiak and the Bering Sea region to the

    north (with the exception of generalized Eskimo traits such as the harpoon,

    oil lamp, skin boat, etc.), which would indicate direct contact, have not

    been found. Old Bering Sea Style 1 and Punuk style art elements do not

    occur sporadically, but the Eskimo stamp of the culture of the Pacific

    Eskimo seems to have an ancient basis which probably dates from pre-Old

    Bering Sea times. This idea is further supported by resemblance in the

    early Aleutian art style to that of the Dorset culture, the oldest Eskimo

    culture of the eastern Canadian Arctic and probably of equal or greater age

    than the Old Bering Sea culture of the Bering Strait region (Collins, 1940;

    Quimby, 1945a).



    006      |      Vol_VIII-0832                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Heizer: Prehistoric Cultures of Kodiak Island

            The coast of eastern Asia most nearly adjacent to the Aleutian

    Island-Alaska Peninsula-Kodiak region has been the source of a consider–

    able number of culture traits and complexes which have entered America via

    the Aleutian route, and have traveled in the other direction from America

    to Asia by the same track. The evidence for these culture connections is

    abundant and may be found in the works of Collins (1937, 1940), de Laguna

    (1934, 1940, 1947) Heizer (1943), Leroi-Gourhan (1946), Quimby (1946). The

    whole circum-North Pacific zone seems to have shared and been colored by

    these Asiatic contracts, these later being factors which aided in the

    development of the distinctive Pacific Eskimo cultures, among these that

    of Kodiak.



    007      |      Vol_VIII-0833                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anghrop. Heizer: Prehistoric Cultures of Kodiak Island


    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    1. Alaska Packers Association. "Petroglyphs on Kodiak Island." American

    Anthropologist
    , Vol.19, No.3, 1917.

    2. Birket-Smith, Kaj. "Early Collections from the Pacific Eskimos"

    Ethnographical Studies , Copenhagen, 1941.

    3. Collins, H.B., Jr. Archeology of St. Lawrence Island, Alaska . Smith–

    sonian Inst., Misc. Coll., Vol.96, No.1, 1937.

    4. ----. Outline of Eskimo Prehistory. Smithsonian Inst., Misc.Coll.,

    Vol.100, 1940.

    5. ----. Review of A. Hrdli c č ka, The Anthropology of Kodiak Island; The

    Aleutian and Commander Islands. Amer.Jour.of Phys. Anthrop .,

    Vol.3, N.S., No.4, 1945.

    6. Dall, W.H. On Succession in the Shellheaps of the Aleutian Islands .

    Smithsonian Inst., Contrib. to North Amer.Ethnol., Vol.1., 1877.

    7. Heizer, R.F. Aconite Poison Whaling in Asia and America . Bur.Amer.

    Ethno., Bull. 133, Anthrop. Paper No.24, 1943.

    8. ----. "Report of progress on research on Kodiak Island archaeology."

    Yearbook , American Philos. Soc. , 1947.

    9. ----. "Petroglyphs from Southwestern Kodiak Island, Alaska." Proc .

    Amer. Philos.Soc. , in press. n.d.

    10. ----. Archaeology of the Uyak Site, Kodiak Island, Alaska . Ms. in

    preparation.

    11. Hrdli c č ka, A. The Anthropology of Kodiak Island, Alaska . The Wistar

    Institute, Philadelphia, 1944.

    12. ----. The Aleutian and Commander Islands and Their Inhabitants .

    The Wistar Institute, Philadelphia, 1945.

    13. Jochelson, W. Archaeological Investigations in the Aleutian Islands.

    Carnegie Inst., Publ.367, 1935.

    14. de Laguna, F. The Archaeology of Cook Inlet, Alaska. Univ. of Penn.,

    Philadelphia, 1934.

    15. ----. "A Pottery Vessel from Kodiak Island, Alaska." American Antiquity ,

    Vol.4, No.4, 1939.

    16. ----. "Eskimo Lamps and Pots." Journ. Roy.Anthrop. Inst. , Vol.70, No.1,

    1940.



    008      |      Vol_VIII-0834                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Heizer: Prehistoric Cultures of Kodiak Island

    17. de Laguna, F. The Prehistory of Northern North America as seen from

    the Yukon.
    Mem. No.3, Soc. for Amer. Arch. 1947.

    18. Leroi-Gourhan, A. Arch e é ologie du Pacifique-Nord. Trav. et Mem. de

    l'Inst. d'Ethnol., Vol.47, Paris, 1946.

    19. Quimby, G.I., Jr. "Pottery from the Aleutian Islands." Fieldiana ,

    Vol.36, No.1, Chicago Natl. Hist. Mus. 1945a.

    20. ----. "Periods of Prehistoric Art in the Aleutian Islands."

    American Antiquity , Vol.11, No.2, 1945b.

    21. ----. "The Sadiron Lamp of Kamchatka as a Clue to the Chronology of

    the Aleut." American Antiquity , Vol.11, No.3, 1946.

           

    Robert F. Heizer

    The Ethnology and Archaeology of the Aleutian Islands


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0835                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    [George I. Quimby]


    THE ETHNOLOGY AND ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE ALEUTIAN ISLANDS
    Page
    Introduction 1
    The Relative Chronology of Aleutian Physical Types 2
    The Relative Chronology of Aleutian Culture 3
    Aleut Culture of the Late Period 4
    Aleut Culture of the Middle Period 8
    Aleut Culture of the Early Period 9
    Summary 10
    Bibliography 11



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0836                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (George I. Quimby)


           

    THE ETHNOLOGY AND ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE ALEUTIAN ISLANDS

           

    Introduction

            At the time of their discovery in 1741 the Aleutian Islands were one

    of the most densely populated areas in North America. It has been estimated

    that there were about 16,000 inhabitants of the Aleutians at the time of the

    Russian conquest (Kroeber, 1939, p. 135), a population density of 64.70 persons

    per 100 kilometers.

            These aboriginal people were called Aleuts (Al e ē octs) by the Russians.

    Culturally and linguistically the Aleuts were Eskimos, but they were a rather

    specialized kind of Eskimo living under conditions considerably different from

    those of their remote relatives in the North.

            The Aleut environment was oceanic and subarctic. The islands were vol–

    canic, mountainous, and treeless, with a damp, foggy, windy, raw climate. The

    sea ice and abundant winter snow of the Arctic were lacking. Consequently,

    the environmental factors alone would necessitate a mode of life different

    from that of the northern Eskimos.

            The Aleutian Islands were populated from the American mainland rather

    than directly from Asia. When Asiatics first entered America about 20,000

    years ago they came by way of Vering Strait. No evidence ever has been found

    that in any way suggests the Aleutian Islands as a route by which the Paleo-

    002      |      Vol_VIII-0837                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Quimby: Ethnology and Archaeology of Aleutian Islands

    Indians entered the New World. In all probability the Aleutian Islands were un–

    inhabited until about 3,000 years ago. At that time, and it cannot be dated

    with certainty, Eskimo-like people entered the Eleutian Islands from the Amer–

    ican mainland. Occupancy of the islands seems to have been continuous from

    perhaps 3,000 years ago to the coming of the Russians in 1741.

           

    The Relative Chronology of Aleutian Physical Types

            The culture history of the Aleutian Islands before 1741 can be divided

    into at least three periods: early, middle, and late. These periods tend to

    overlap as do the periods of any cultural continuum. Hrdli c č ka's (1945) dual

    division of the same continuum into Aleut and pre-Aleut, two dis crete non–

    overlapping periods, seems to be neither fruitful nor correct.

            In the early period the inhabitants of the islands were of two similar

    physical types, both characterized by oblong, relatively high heads. But the

    older of the two types had narrow, high skulls with short, narrow faces (Richards,

    1946) whereas the younger type had skulls that were slightly broader and lower

    with faces that were longer and wider (Hrdlicka, 1945). Since Hrdli c č ka (1945)

    called the latter type "pre-Aleut," it might be well to apply the same term

    to the similar type described by Richards (1946). Richards' type could be

    termed pre-Aleut A and Hrdli c č ka's type could be called pre-Aleut B.

            The pre-Aleut B. type has a tendency to resemble the historic Aleut type

    more closely than does the pre-Aleut A type. This is one of the reasons that

    the B type is presumed to be less ancient than the A type.

            In the middle period the inhabitants of the islands consisted of the pre–

    Aleut B type previously mentioned and a new type that had broad, low heads and

    broad faces, the "Aleut" type of Hrdli c č ka (1945).



    003      |      Vol_VIII-0838                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Quimby: Ethnology and Archaeology of Aleutians

            In the late period all of the inhabitants of the Aleutian Islands were

    of the Aleut type. Whereas all of the earlier types are known only from an

    examination of skeletal material, the Aleut type is known both from a study

    of excavated bones and the accounts of Russian explorers who actually saw the

    living Aleuts at the end of the late period. Steller, who saw the Aleuts on

    the Shumagin Islands in 1741, described them as follows:

            "....they are of medium stature, strong and stocky, yet fairly well pro–

    portioned, and with very fleshy arms and legs. The hair of the head is glossy

    black and hangs straight down all around the head. The face is brownish, a

    little flat and concave. The nose is also flattened, though not particularly

    broad or large. The eyes are as black as coals, the lips prominent and turned

    up. In addition they have short necks, broad shoulders, and their body is

    plump though not big-bellied."(Golder, 1925, vol. 2, p. 96).

           

    The Relative Chronology of Aleutian Culture

            As mentioned previously, the culture history of the Aleutian Islands can

    be divided into at least three periods: early, middle, and late. The late period

    is best known because the data by means of which it is described, come not only

    from the investigations of archaeologists, but also from the eye-witness ac–

    counts of early travelers.

            The earlier periods with scantier data made available only by archaeo–

    logical exploration can be understood more easily in terms of the better known

    late period. Consequently, it seems best to proceed from the known to the un–

    known; from the historic horizon backward in time through the completely pre–

    historic periods.



    004      |      Vol_VIII-0839                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Quimby: Ethnology and Archaeology of Aleutians

           

    Aleut Culture of the Late Period

            Aleut culture of the late period was the product of a hunting, fishing,

    and food-gathering economy. The Aleuts subsisted on sea mammals, fish, shell–

    fish, birds, and wild plants.

            Animals important for their food value and raw materials such as fur,

    bone, and sinew were seals, sealions, seaotters, and whales. Seals, sealions,

    and seaotters were hunted at sea from a skin-covered kayak by means of harpoons,

    bladder darts, or spears cast with a wooden spear-thrower. Darts and harpoons

    were equipped with small, detachable points of bone that were either barbed or

    of the toggle type. The barbed points were of many varieties, but much simpler

    than those of the earlier periods. The toggle harpoon heads and blades of

    chipped stone fastened into slots at the points. Earliest styles of harpoon

    heads did not have blade slots.

            Whales were killed with poison, a technique of hunting used in Asia, but

    wholly different from the harpoon and float method of northern Eskimos (Heizer,

    1938, 1943). The poison was extricated from roots of the monkshood or Aconitum ,

    a common plant in the Aleutian Islands. The preparation and use of this poison

    was known only to the whalers who were members of a secret whaling cult.

            Whale hunters ceremoniously smeared their lance heads with aconite poison,

    then went to sea in their skin-covered kayaks or bidarkas. When a whale was

    sighted, the hunter in his kayak paddled as close as possible to the whale,

    threw his lance, and then returned to land. The poisoned lance head remained

    in the whale's flesh, causing death in about three days. While the whale was

    dying, the hunter engaged in special ceremonies to obtain supernatural assist–

    ance in hunting. If the gods were favorable, the dead whale drifted ashore and

    the hunter's possession of the carcass was established by his ownership marks

    005      |      Vol_VIII-0840                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Quimby: Ethnology and Archaeology of Aleutians

    on the lance head. After the poisoned flesh around the lance wound had been

    cut away, the meat and blubber of the whale could be eaten safely.

            Fish were an important food to the Aleut. Fish were taken in nets, by

    hook and line, or with spears. Long-handled fishspears were of two kinds;

    one with a single barbed point of bone, the other with a trident head of three

    bone points. One-piece, curved fishhooks were of shell or bone. More common,

    however, were two-piece fishhooks consisting of a notched bone shank lashed to

    a barbed bone point. Lines were made of twisted or braided fiber and sinew.

            Some shellfish were collected with a long-handled rakelike implement

    and octopuses were taken with a hook fastened to a long wooden shaft. Other

    shellfish were gathered by hand at low tide.

            Edible plants and roots were collected by hand or with the assistance of

    a bone root digger .

            Birds and eggs were important summer foods. Sea birds such as ducks,

    geese, loons, murres, cormorants, gulls and ptarmigans were taken in nets;

    with bird bolas; or with a bird spear and spear-thrower. The bird spear was

    a light shaft with a single barbed point at the end and a cluster of three

    other barbed points of bone projecting at an angle from midway on the spear.

            The Aleuts lived in large communal houses, some of them 240 feet long and

    40 feet wide. Except for the roof, these houses were underground. Supported

    by upright logs of driftwood or by whale bones, the roof was made of blanks or

    poles covered with grass and earth or sod. There were a number of entrances

    through the roof, each with a ladder made of a notched log of driftwood.

            From ten to forty families, as many as 150 people, lived in one house.

    Along the walls were compartments that provided separate living quarters for

    each family. These compartments were made of poles and woven mats. Heat and

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0841                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Quimby: Ethnology and Archaeology of Aleutians

    light were provided by oil-burning lamps of stone. Lamps of the late period

    were neither as well made nor as ornate as the lamps of the middle period.

            One or more of the large communal houses formed a village. Before the

    arrival of the Russians, the villages were always situated by the sea in an

    exposed place where enemies could not approach unseen and where the movements

    of sea mammals and the drifting of dead whales could be observed easily.

            Aleut clothing was warm and comfortable. The women wore long, skirt–

    like garments made of the skins of seals and seaotters. The men wore similar

    garments made of bird skins. The men also had a long waterproof parka made of

    translucent strips of sea-mammal intestines sewn together in horizontal bands

    and ornamented at the seams with red feathers or dyed seal hair.

            Wooden hats worn by hunters were particularly ornate. One style shaped

    like an eye-shade and another conical style with a long visor were often

    painted in bright colors and ornamented with attached carvings of bone or ivory.

    Such hats were indicative of high rank or achievement in hunting.

            Skin boots were worn by both men and women, although some people char–

    acteristically went barefooted the year round.

            Both men and women wore labrets of stone, bone, or ivory in their lower

    lips and a variety of ornaments such as feathers, bone pins, and beads in the

    nose and ears. Men on occasion painted their faces with various colors, and

    women had tatooed designs on their faces.

            Like most island dwellers, the Aleut traveled mostly by sea. Small kayaks

    or bidarkas made of a wooden frame and covered tightly with sea-mammal skins

    were the most common style of boat. These had one or two hatches, but other–

    wise were completely decked. They were propelled by a double-bladed paddle.

    Less common were the large, open boats, the woman's boat of the northern Eskimos,

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0842                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Quimby: Ethnology and Archaeology of Aleutians

    made of a wooden frame covered with skin.

            For household tasks and the preparation of food there were many tools

    and utensils of wood, stone, and bone — dishes, spoons, trays, needles, weav–

    ing tools, awls, splitting wedges, knives, shovels, fire drills, bow drills,

    backscratchers, and a multitude of other small tools.

            The Aleuts engaged in war among themselves and with neighboring peoples.

    Weapons of offense were the lance, the bow and arrow, and clubs. For defense

    there was armor made of wooden rods or slats held together with leather lacing.

    Armor seems to be most characteristic of the late period, but may have been

    present in the middle period.

            Aleut society was different from that of northern Eskimos. In each vil–

    lage there were a number of extended family units governed by a chief or elder.

    Sometimes several villages were ruled by one elder.

            Aleut society was stratified. There were at least four classes: elders,

    chiefs, commoners, and slaves. Aleut kinship classification and behavior was

    more like that of some Indian tribes than of any other Eskimo group. For in–

    stance, boys were brought up in the household of their mother's brother.

            The Aleuts were polygamous. A man could have more than one wife and a

    wife could have more than one husband. A man sometimes married the younger

    sisters of his wife. And sometimes a husband's younger brothers and younger

    parallel cousins had the same marital privileges as the husband.

            The Aleuts had a wealth of religious beliefs. There were spirits and

    supernatural beings whose power was present in all things from rocks to animals.

    All kinds of ceremonies and stories were built around these religious beliefs

    that pervaded almost all aspects of Aleut behavior.

            Aleut burial practices were in some instances particularly elaborate.

    008      |      Vol_VIII-0843                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Quimby: Ethnology and Archaeology of Aleutians

    Some of the dead accompanied by their best clothing, tools, ornaments, carved

    masks, and other belongings, were placed in underground tombs made of logs

    and plans sealed with fur. But the most spectacular burials were the mummy

    packs placed in caves. Here the viscera were removed from the body and the

    cavity stuffed with grass, or in some instances the bodies were untreated.

    Then the body, in a flexed position, was wrapped with furs and mats. A number

    of such bodies were placed in a dry cave with a lavish display of kayaks,

    weapons, armor, tools, ornaments, and other equipment. All of the cave burials

    seem to belong to the late period or perhaps the middle period.

            Aleut art of the late period was rich and varied. Particularly spectacu–

    lar were the carved wooden masks and the painted decorations on hats and kayak

    paddles. Design elements and small carvings, on the other hand, were not so

    rich as in earlier periods. A diagnostic design element of the late period was

    a small, compass-drawn dot and circle. This element in combination with

    straoght lines, spurred lines, and circles, and short lines in groups of three,

    were used used in the patterns placed upon some harpoon heads, harpoon collars,

    pendants, and other tools and ornaments.

           

    Aleut Culture of the Middle Period

            The Aleut culture of the middle period seems to have been fundamentally

    the same as that of the late period. There were, however, some differences in

    design styles and in the types of tools, weapons, and utensils.

            In the middle period, some Aleuts had pottery — crude, thick bowls of

    clay heavily tempered with sand or particles of stone, and poorly fired.

            The most ornate lamps of stone belong to the middle period. The lamps

    were square, round, oval, or triangular in shape; well made of ground stone;

    009      |      Vol_VIII-0844                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Quimby: Ethnology and Archaeology of Aleutians

    and sometimes embellished with designs, grooves, ridges, knobs, and other

    elements.

            A characteristic tool of this period was a small, two-piece awl made by

    inserting a bone splinter inside of a hollow bird bone of slightly larger dia–

    meter. Other representative traits were harpoon or lance heads with three rows

    of elaborate barbs; harpoon and lance heads with either slots or spoon-shaped

    depressions for the attachment of stone blades; long bone collars of compound

    form for use with harpoons; and other characteristic traits of a similar nature.

            Design elements of the period were the freehand dot and circle; diamond

    hatchuring, sometimes with a dot in the center of the diamond; square hatchur–

    ing; parallel lines in groups of three; straight lines with short spurs on one

    or both sides; and carved heads at the base of lance heads and harpoon collars.

    Some of the carved heads seem to represent an unidentified, long-nosed animal,

    real or imaginary. Similar forms are a part of the art styles of the Ipiutak

    and Old Bering Sea cultures of northern Alaska. Some head had inlaid eyes of

    stone, also an Old Bering Sea trait. The Aleutian carvin g of heads at the base

    of tools and weapon heads resembles a similar practice of the Dorset culture of

    the eastern Arctic.

           

    Aleut Culture of the Early Period

            Aleut culture of the early period was essentially that of later periods.

    The economy was the same. There were the same kinds of tools, but some differ–

    ences in form and relative abundance. Some of the key or diagnostic traits are

    as follows.

            Lance heads and toggle harpoon heads that were equipped with stone blades

    always had scooped-shaped beds or depressions for hafting the blade. They never



    010      |      Vol_VIII-0845                                                                                                                  

            175 EA-Anthrop. Quimby: Ethnology and Archaeology of Aleutians

    had blade slots. The lance heads were elaborately barbed and often decorated.

    The toggle harpoon heads were long with rather graceful spurs, and a closed, round

    socket - a type characteristic of the early period.

            Stone lamps were oval, pointed, and somewhat crude in contrast to the

    finer lamps of the middle period.

            Objects of carved bone or ivory and the placing of designs on tools and

    weapons were common in this and the middle periods, but much less common in the

    late period. Early period levels have produced stylized figurines and miniature

    animals of ivory; cylindrical earornaments of ivory or bone with very large

    compass-drawn dot and circle designs; chain link ornaments of ivory and bone;

    and other ornaments.

            The designs of this period appear for the most part on lance heads. Such

    designs are linear and longitudinal and cover the entire surface instead of

    merely the borders. The design elements are straight lines; paired lines;

    transverse lines in groups; Xs; zigzags;spurred lines; and short, isolated lines.

    The designs are deeply engraved, perhaps with iron tools, and they somewhat re–

    semble the Dorset designs found at an early date in the eastern Arctic. It is

    possible that both early Aleut and Dorset design elements persisted from a

    common source.

           

    Summary

            Throughout the long culture history of the Aleutian Islands, there seems

    to have been no recognizable basic change in the aboriginal culture. There were,

    however, some changes in art styles, and in the forms of tools, weapons, and

    utensils. There were also changes in the popularity of certain kinds of tools,

    weapons, and utensils. Changes in the phy sical type of the inhabitants took

    011      |      Vol_VIII-0846                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Quimby: Ethnology and Archaeology of Aleutians

    place from time to time.

            Although the archaeology of the Aleutian Islands is not yet well known,

    it is possible to divide the total occupancy of the islands into three periods.

    The oldest period probably is as old as the Dorset Eskimo culture in the east–

    ern Canadian Arctic. The early part of the middle period seems to have been

    coeval with Ipiutak and Old Bering Sea in northern Alaska, and the later part

    of the middle period may have been contemporaneous with Punuk in northern

    Alaska. The late period probably was coeval with late Punuk and post-Punuk

    cultures in Alaska.


    Bibliography

    1. Collins, Henry B., Jr. Outline of Eskimo Prehistory. Smithsonian Miscel–

    laneous Collections,
    Vol. 100, pp. 533-592. Wash–

    ington, 1940.

    2. Collins, Henry B., Jr.

    Clark, Austin H., and

    Walker, Egbert H. The Aleutian Islands: Their People and Natural

    History. Smithsonian Institution War Background

    Studies
    , No. 21, Washington, 1945.

    3. Golder, F.A. Bering's Voyages. American Geographical Society of

    New York Research Series
    , No. 2. 1925 .

    4. Heizor, Robert Aconite Arrow Poison in the Old and New World. Jour .

    of the Washington Academy of Science, Vol. 28, Wash–

    ington, 1938.

    5. ----. Aconite Poison Whaling in Asia and America, an

    Aleutian Transfer to the New World. Bur, of Amer .

    Ethnology, Bull . 133, Anthropological Papers No. 24,

    pp. 415-468. 1943.

    6. Hrdli c č ka, Alex The Aleutian and Commander Islands and Their Inhebi–

    tants
    . Publ. by The Wistar Institue of Anatomy and

    Biology, Phila., 1945.

    7. Jochelson, Waldemar Archaeological Investigations in the Aleutian Islands.

    Carnegie Institution of Washington , Publication No. 367.

    Washington, 1925.



    012      |      Vol_VIII-0847                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Quimby: Ethnology and Archaeology of Aleutians

    8. Jochelson, Waldemar History, Ethnology, and Anthropology of the

    Aleut. Carnegie Institution of Washington ,

    Publication No. 432. Wahsington, 1933.

    9. Kroeber, A. L. Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North America.

    University of California Publications in American

    Archaeology and Ethnology
    , Vol. 38. 1939.

    10. Laguna, Frederica de The Archaeology of Cook Inlet, Alaska . University

    of Pennsylvania Press, 1934.

    11. Martin, Paul S.,

    Quimby, George I. &

    Collier, Donald Indians Before Columbus. 20,000 Years of North

    American History Revealed by Archaeology
    . University

    of Chicago Press, 1947.

    12. Quimby, George I. Aleutian Islanders, Eskimos of the North Pacific.

    Chicago Natural History Museum , Anthropology Leaflet

    No. 35
    . 1944.

    13. ----. Periods of Prehistoric Art in the Aleutian Islands.

    American Antiquity , Vol. 11, No. 2, pp. 76-79. 1945.

    14. ----. Pottery from the Aleutian Islands. Fieldiana. Anthro–

    pology
    , Vol. 36, No. 1. 1945.

    15. ----. Toggle Harpoon Heads From the Aleutian Islands.

    Fieldiana. Anthropology ,Vol. 36, No. 2.

    16. Richards, Elizabeth A. A Comparative Study Of A Series Of Crania From Dutch

    Harbor, Alaska
    . Manuscript of Master's Thesis at the

    University of Chicago. 1946.

    17. Weyer, E. M. An Aleutian Burial. American Museum of Natural

    History, Anthropological Papers
    , Vol. 31, pp. 219-238.

    1929.

    18. ----. Archaeological Material From the Village Site at Hot

    Springs, Port Moller, Alaska. American Museum of

    Natural History, Anthropological Papers, Vol. 31,

    pp. 239-279. 1930.

           

    George I. Quimby

    Eskimo and Indian Archaeology in the Interior of Alaska


    001      |      Vol_VIII-0848                                                                                                                  
    EA-Archaeology in Alaska

    (J. L. Giddings, Jr.)


    ESKIMO AND INDIAN ARCHAEOLOGY IN THE INTERIOR OF ALASKA

            The archaeology of the river valleys of northern Alaska is just as

    significant in tracing the movements of prehistoric man between two conti–

    nents as that of the Arctic and Bering Sea coasts. However, the discovery

    and preservation of man's remains in the interior is retarded by a vastly

    warmer summer climate than that of the coasts. Along the treeless arctic

    shores ice arrests decay in any material buried a foot or two beneath the

    ground surface, and beach lines change slowly through the centuries. The

    Alaskan interior, on the other hand, is densely wooded along most of the

    streams where settlements may have been, the ground thaws to river level

    during the relatively long summer, and river banks constantly cur or fill

    in such a way as to destroy or isolate a site. A drift log lodged on the

    arctic coast may remain sound enough to use for a hundred years or more,

    while a similar log falling on riverbank sod rots within a few summers.

            In spite of these difficulties, three research programs have in recent

    years blazed a rich path into the interior. Sponsored by the University of

    Pennsylvania Museum, Dr. Frederica de Laguna in 1935 made a reconnaissance

    of the Tanana and Yukon valleys between Nenana and Holy Cross, locating a

    variety of village sites of distinctly inland character. During the follow–

    ing two seasons, 1936 and 1937, Dr. Froelich G. Rainey traversed the valleys

    002      |      Vol_VIII-0849                                                                                                                  
    EA-Archaeology in Alaska Giddings:

    of the Copper, Tanana, and central Yukon rivers for the University of Alaska

    and the American Museum of Natural History, excavating in a number of Athapas–

    can village sites and an early "workshop" site. These explorations brought

    the northern Athapascans into archaeological perspective. The third program,

    begun in 1940, is presently (1947) directed by J. L. Giddings, Jr., for the

    University of Alaska, in the Eskimo-inhabited Kobuk River drainage of western

    Alaska. We shall consider the areas concerned in the order of their remoteness

    from a purely coastal environment.

            As with nomadic sites in other parts of the world, locating the hearths,

    fish camps, and winter house pits of the northern Athapascans is a test of

    endurance. Rainey traveled along 1,200 miles of inland waterways, excavated

    camp grounds as well as house pits in many areas, but found only one site in

    which the collections proved adequate for a type of study. The specimens from

    six of nine house pits and surrounding midden of this site, Dixthada, near

    Tanana Crossing, total 496, which break down into 206 of stone, 187 of bone

    and antler, 50 of native copper, 44 trade beads, and 9 iron objects, not in–

    cluding small fragments of birch bark, wood, and the numerous unworked flint

    chips which characterize the deposits. Native copper had been shaped into

    double-pointed awls or needles, steamed arrow points, ear and nose ornaments,

    and a skin scraper. Work in stone ran to thin tci-tho skin scrapers and whet–

    stones, but flints appeared in the oldest middens as small stemmed arrow points,

    blades with bilateral retouching, side scrapers, two small polyhedral cores,

    and six small prismatic flakes from such cores. Three polished stones fragments

    are parts of adz blades. The arrow points of antler range from those with a

    number of small barbs along one edge to triangular stemmed points. Special

    types are blunt arrow points and a single barbed point slotted at the tip to

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0850                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Giddings: Archaeology in Alaska

    receive a stone blade. Other objects of bone and antler include leg-bone

    scrapers, knives, and engraved strips said to be day tallies for reckoning

    the time of potlatches.

            Neighboring sites indicate that the house sites and middens containing

    copper and flaked stone tools at Dixthada are earlier than those in which

    beads and iron were present. In other respects little change seems to have

    taken place in the local culture complex with the passing of time. Rainey con–

    cludes that since the natives of the region were familiar with the crudest stone

    implements recovered from the site, but did not know the finer flaked implements,

    a considerable time lapse may be represented between the two occupations of

    Dixthada. Certain other house sites in the general area, which contained goods

    similar to that of the historic period, but lacked both flints and trade beads,

    suggest an intermediate period not represented at Dixthada.

            Besides the sites containing house pits, Rainey located, in various parts

    of the area, hearths containing flaked stone implements, hearths (near Rampart)

    containing the easternmost Tena pottery, and workshop sites bearing chips,

    flakes, and flaked stone implements. The best known of the workshop sites is

    that on the University of Alaska campus. Located on the brow of a steep bluff,

    this site has yielded a large number of flakes and flaked artifacts which in

    the main are like those of the older Athapascan camp sites. A large number of

    small end scrapers and polyhedral cores and small prismatic flakes struck from

    such cores are of particular interest because they resemble Mesolithic types in

    Mongolia. Similar recent discoveries by Frederick Johnson and Douglas Leechman

    along the Alcan Highway appear to confirm a reasonable antiquity for the Campus

    Site.

            While Rainey worked in the area least likely to be influenced by the Eskimo,

    004      |      Vol_VIII-0851                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Giddings: Archaeology in Alaska

    de Laguna concentrated on the area of the western Athapascans, the Tena,

    groups which in recent times have traded with the Eskimos. Those sites farthest

    down the Yukon, in the vicinity of Holy Cross, are thought to have been occupied

    by Eskimos strongly influenced by the Tena. The number of sites located, espec–

    ially those containing recognized house pits, increased toward the west, where

    climatic conditions become more severe and preservation is consequently better.

    Below the mouth of the Koyukuk River, nine large village sites were located

    and mapped. Some of these belong to the historic period, as indicated by the

    presence of glass beads and other trade goods, but others appear to have been

    occupied well before the first Russian explored the Yukon. Excavation, hampered

    by frost and standing water in certain house pits, as well as by the exigencies

    of time, nevertheless turned up material which, together with purchases and

    surface collections, run to about eighty types, and serves to distinguish

    historic from prehistoric Tena culture, and to set apart Eskimo variants.

            Tena sites contrast in stone work with sites of the upper river investigated

    by Rainey in the relative scarcity of flints. Pecking, grinding, sawing and

    polishing were the principal techniques. Pecked-stone to o ls include single–

    edged and double-edged splitting adz heads, the latter apparently a local de–

    velopment. The sawing of slate and harder rock is indicated by a variety of

    thin sandstone saws recovered from the sites. Since jade is not reported for

    the area, it seems doubtful that these saws are associated primarily with a jade

    industry as they were on the Kobuk River. Polished slate blades may reflect

    Eskimo influence.

            Caribou antler provided the material for arrow points, various barbs,

    wedges, and other small objects. The more perishable materials include wooden

    vessels, baskets and canoe covers of birch bark, and twined-bark matting.



    005      |      Vol_VIII-0852                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Giddings: Archaeology in Alaska

            Pottery was found at several points down-river from the mouth of the

    Tenana River. The ware is described as finer than Eskimo pottery about Bering

    Strait, and made of blue clay mixed with feathers and grease. Vessels range

    in size from large pots holding several gallons to small saucerlike lamps.

    Pottery decoration takes the form of incised lines and dots. These occurred

    on the larger vessels outside the rim, and, on lamps, inside the rim.

            Realistic art appears in two examples of etching on scapula scrapers, and

    by an animal representation in bone. Geometric patterns of spurred lines or

    rows of dots decorate a number of bone and antler objects.

            The third inland sphere of archaeological investigations, the Kobuk River

    drainage just north of the Arctic Circle, has proved vastly more lucrative than

    the central Alaska rivers. This is partly because its prehistory concerns

    Eskimos, but largely because the climate preserves sites over much longer per–

    iods. In the 150 air-line miles between Shungnak, on the upper Kobuk, and

    Kotzebue, at the mouth of the river, climate changes from an inland zone in which

    spruce and birch trees grow to great size along the river banks and such in–

    land dwellers as moose and beaver abound, into a modified arctic coast zone of

    strong winds in which spruce persists only as scattered patches of slow-growing

    twist-grained trees. Site preservation is excellent on the coast, and good on

    the middle river, where the oldest village ruins have been found, but in the

    headwaters, where the ground thaws to greater depths in the summer, preservation

    is correspondingly poor.

            In a reconnaissance of the Kobuk River in 1941, Giddinge located several

    village sites containing material at variance with coastal sites, and determined

    that tree-ring dating could be applied easil to some of these sites. Assisted

    by archaeology students from the University of Alaska, he returned in 1941 and



    006      |      Vol_VIII-0853                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Giddings: Archaeology in Alaska

            100 1947 to carry on planned excavations. After three seasons some eighty house

    pits had been excavated and five major sites dated in a tree-ring chronology

    reaching back into the tenth century, A.D. The collections run to an estimat–

    ed 4,000 artifacts representing three stages of culture from the 13th century

    to the present time.

            Large birch trees westward of their normal range led to the discovery

    of an extensive village ruin on which they grew. This oldest site, Ahteut,

    in the middle river zone, was unknown even through legend to the Kobuk Eskimos.

    Builders at Ahteut had experimented widely in the high sand banks in which they

    Chose to construct their half-underground houses. All the original excavations

    had been deep, from 4 to 6 feet below ground surface, but no two house builders

    had followed the same plan. Some houses boasted central fireplaces while others

    had none; some had long tunnels extending back of the house at floor level in

    addition to the deeper entrance tunnel; at least one had a spare room opening

    into a kitchen alcove; and one large house had built-up earth benches on three

    sides. Entrance tunnels presumably had been roofed over at ground surface,

    allowing head room for a standing person, except for the small opening into

    the living quarters.

            Preservation of organic materials is spotty at Ahteut — construction

    details can often be interpreted from smudges in the firm sand representing

    posts and cross-poles — but in partly burned houses enough charcoal remains

    to furnish material for tree-ring dating. Sound artifacts of antler, wood,

    bone, and baleen are recovered from deep places where frost is most permanent.

    Three harpoon heads, one decorated, recall a late Punuk phase of St. Lawrence

    Island, but the summation of traits at Ahteut shows that the site does not fit

    into the pattern of any previously described culture.



    007      |      Vol_VIII-0854                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Giddings: Archaeology in Alaska

            Ahteut is rich in stone work. Flint flaking was far more important than

    in any later site, as evidenced by the large number of chips in each house,

    and the variety of points, blades, and scrapers recovered. Points of chalcedony

    and chert are broad in outline, with well-developed tangs, and thin in section.

    Wide-faced scrapers of argillite are unlike any others on the river. Jade is

    represented by only three worked pieces, in contrast with later sites, but slate

    was extensively ground into a variety of blades. Of special interest at Ahteut

    are pecked-stone tools, including single-bladed splitting adzes, a pestle and

    a broken piece resembling a southeastern Alaska hammer. Among the most numerous

    stone tools are thin discs of schist evidently used as skin scrapers. Large

    pick-like and shovel-like partly-flaked objects of slate and other stone which

    occur here have not been reported from coastal sites.

            While Ahteut resembles in but few particulars the Athapascan sites of

    central Alaska, certain traits suggest an Indian origin. In addition to the

    stone work already mentioned, some of these are arrowheads of antler with short

    barbs set off by engraved guide lines; fish scalers of caribou scapula; two–

    hand scrapers of caribou leg-bone; extensive use of hematite as paint; and,

    especially, the ceramic complex. Ahteut pottery, though decorated with paddled

    concentric-circle designs on the exterior in early Eskimo fashion, appears to

    be a harder ware, and takes a variety of vessel forms not found in coastal

    sites. Textile impressions (probably twined basketry) appear on the inner

    surface of some of the large bowls.

            In the main, however, Ahteut traits are those of the coastal Eskimo, in–

    cluding a salt-water hunting complex. Some of these traits are: sealing dart

    heads and harpoon heads of ivory; other parts of the harpoon assembly; mattocks

    of whale rib; baleen-sided baskets; and composite knife handles of ivory.



    008      |      Vol_VIII-0855                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Giddings: Archaeology in Alaska

            Ekseavik Site, located on the Squirrel River tributary of the Kobuk some

    50 miles west of Ahteut, was occupied about 150 years after Ahteut. Permanent

    frost above the floors and in the tunnels of the house ruins, a result of blown

    sand and thick surface vegetation, perhaps accounts for the excellent preserva–

    tion of organic materials in this site, which furnishes one of the most complete

    of single-period Eskimo collections. In contrast to Ahteut and later sites on

    the Kobuc, Ekseavik shows a minimum of Indian affinities. Excavations show that

    some houses had rounded corners, rounded lamp niches built into each corner of

    the two sleeping benches, a deep tunnel, and a shallow recess in the back wall.

    Numerous ivory and antler objects duplicate Thule culture patterns from north–

    east Canada to Point Barrow, Alaska, including typical Thule decorative engraved

    elements. Delicately engraved spirals on thin ivory objects seem to represent

    a new design element in the area. New Thule types are expected to emerge, es–

    pecially in the abundant wooden pieces recovered, when the collections are

    studied in detail. The wealth of tree-ring material obtained from building

    timbers promises chronological interpretation of individual houses as well as

    of the whole site.

            A site contemporary with Ekseavik, but represented at the present stage

    of excavation by only three house ruins, is one on the outskirts of the town

    of Kotzebue, on the Arctic Sea coast at the mouth of the Kobuk. Old Kotzebue,

    as it is designated, appears less rich in culture than Ekseavik, but contains

    a higher proportion of objects connected with sea hunting. The Intermediate

    Kotzebue Site, dating roughly 150 years later than Ekseavik and Old Kotzebue,

    was the subject of extensive excavation in 1947. Although no sign of dog trac–

    tion was found at any of the older sites, the Intermediate Kotzebue finds in–

    clude many sled runners of the pegged-on type, and other appurtenances of dog

    009      |      Vol_VIII-0856                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Giddings: Archaeology in Alaska

    traction. The houses conform to type, rectangular to square in plan, with

    fairly deep tunnels, and sometimes a storm-shed floor at higher level. Along

    with extensive dog traction this site contains some of the traits lacking at

    Ekseavik, but found in the late prehistoric sites at Point Hope and Point

    Barrow, such as armor plate and long flint points with small tangs and an in–

    cipient diamond-shaped cross section. Pottery decoration, characteristic of the

    earlier phases, does not appear, but etched designs on ivory and antler comprise

    only Thule elements.

            A house ruin twice as large as the usual dwelling is believed to have been

    a kazgi, or ceremonial house, because of the absence in it of pottery and other

    goods belonging primarily to a woman's sphere of interest, and the abundance

    of men's tools, sled runners, wood shavings, and the like. A long, deep tunnel

    extended about eight feet into the house proper, providing an entrance through

    the house floor, a feature encountered elsewhere only at Ahteut, but present in

    the recent Point Barrow type of house.

            No village site has been identified in the Kobuk area with the 150-year

    period following Intermediate Kitzebue, but three large and several smaller

    village ruins have been investigated from the middle Kobuk to its headwaters

    which appear to have been mainly occupied after the late 1600's. These all are

    characteri zed by great numbers of jade artifacts, and present a new aspect

    lacking most of the Thule traits of the earlier sites.

            All 15 houses of the Ambler River Site, on the upper Kobuk, were excavated

    in 1941, establishing a type site for the early 1700's. The houses conformed

    to a single construction plan. A short entrance tunnel entered the rectangular

    houses at floor level. Two sets of opposite posts supporting t he roof had outlined

    a central, rock-lined fireplace and surrounding split-plank floor. Beyond the

    010      |      Vol_VIII-0857                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Giddings: Archaeology in Alaska

    center posts on either side of the house were slightly raised benches strewn

    with young willows, and retained by a log running the lenght of the house.

            Jade was used by the Ambler people for knife blades of several kinds,

    including lancets and wide, semi-lunar woman's knives; for thick adz heads

    as well as small adz blades; and for drill bits and awls. Jade was prepared

    by sawing partly through with a thin sandstone slab and breaking into the re–

    quired size, then grinding on large, shallow-basin grindstones with a low hump

    at the center, and finally polishing with some fine material which added a

    luster. Jade seems to have completely supplanted theppolished slate of earlier

    periods. It is a matter of conjecture how the jade-working complex developed

    in this area, the only known place north of British Columbia where a deposit of

    jade exists.

            Ambler Village appoars to have been inhabited by Eskimos. Ethnographic

    information shows that the Eskimos still living on the river have continued in

    almost all respects the form of culture indicated in the archaeological site.

    The list of traits also known from neighboring Athapascan areas is so large,

    however, as to leave no doubt of strong Indian influences, particularly those

    concerned with living in a timbered, strictly inland climatic zone. Greater nomadism

    is perhaps responsible for the less permanent houses with their thinner floor

    deposits in the later Kobuk sites. Dog traction gave Ambler people greater

    mobility and at the same time increased their hunting responsibilities twofold.

            Perhaps the greatest significance of the Kobuk sites is that they show the

    gradations from a coastal to an almost purely inland culture in an area which

    seems to have been for hundreds of years occupied by Eskimo-speaking groups.

    It does not seem likely that the upper Kobuk marked the extreme inland range of

    the western Eskimos in earlier times, for if so virile a people were able to

    011      |      Vol_VIII-0858                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Giddings: Archaeology in Alaska

    maintain themselves in this area, they could have penetrated the interior of

    Alaska elsewhere, too. The present inland-dwelling Eskimos of northwestern

    Alaska, may be the living manife s tations of a once widespread Eskimo stock whose

    culture was better adapted to forest dwelling than to sea hunting.

            Besides the systematic work thus far considered, archaeology in the interior

    of Alaska includes sporadic finds of flints which do not fit into any recent

    pattern. Though seldom found in situ , and as yet not indisputably identified

    with geologic strata, some of these pieces suggest in form and workmanship that

    they belong to the Folsum-Yuma complex, and may be traces of those most sought–

    after pioneers who first crossed the Bering Strait. These flints, now in various

    hands, have yet to be described and compared in aggregate. Whatever the culture

    patterns of the earliest Alaskans, we can expect those people to have solved

    many environmental problems in the same ways as have the more recent nomads of

    the Yukon and Kobuk rivers.



    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0859                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Giddings: Archaeology in Alaska


    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    Giddings, J. L. Jr.

    1941. Dendrochronology in Northern Alaska. Univ. of Alaska Pubs.

    Vol. 4; Univ. of Arizona Bull. 12, No. 4.

    1942. Dated Sites on the Kobuk River, Alaska. Tree-Ring Bull., 9 , 1-8

    1944. Dated Ruins of an Inland Zone. Amer. Antiquity, 10 , 113-134.

    1947. Mackenzie River Delta Chronology. Tree-Ring Bull., 13 , 26-29

    Hibben, Frank C.

    1943. Evidences of Early Man in Alaska. Amer. Antiquity, 8 , 3, 254-259

    Hrdlicka, Alex.

    1930. Anthropological Survey in Alaska. 46th Annual Rep. Bull. Am. Eth.

    de Laguna, Frederica

    1934. The Archaeology of Cook Inlet, Alaska. Univ. of Pennsylvania

    Press, Philadelphia

    1936. An Archaeological Reconnaissance of the Middle and Lower Yukon

    Valley, Alaska. Amer. Antiquity, 2 , 6-12

    1947. The Prehistory of Northern North America as Seen from the Yukon.

    Mem. Soc. for Amer. Arch., No. 3.

    Rainey, Froelich, G.

    1939. Archaeology in Central Alaska. Anth. Papers, Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist.,

    36 , part 4.

    1940. Archaeological Investigation in Central Alaska. Amer. Antiquity,

    5 , 4, 299-308.

           

    J. L. Giddings, Jr.

    Ipiutak Culture


    001      |      Vol_VIII-0860                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Helge Larsen)


    IPIUTAK CULTURE

            Ipiutak is the name given an ancient form of Eskimo culture first

    found in 1939 at Point Hope, Alaska, by James L. Giddings, Jr., Froelich

    G. Rainey, and Helge Larsen. The investigations, sponsored by the Univer–

    sity of Alaska, The American Museum of Natural History, and the Danish

    National Museum, were continued in 1940 and 1941.

            The Ipiutak village site is located about one mile from the present

    Eskimo village, Tigara, near the north shore of the triangular gravel-and–

    sand spit, which forms the westernmost tip of the Point Hope Peninsula, on

    the a rctic c oast. Numerous shallow depressions, barely visible under normal

    conditions, indicate where the houses had been. The pits are arranged in five

    parallel rows, which is due to the fact that the houses were built on top of

    the low gravel ridges of which the whole spit is built up. The original

    number of houses at Ipiutak is not known; 575 have been mapped, but as drift

    sand has covered the northernmost row, there may easily be 100 more, not to

    mention those wasted away by the sea. Despite the fact that all the excavated

    houses were of the same type and that their contents of artifacts indicated

    a uniform culture throughout the site, it is considered unlikely that all

    houses were occupied contemporaneously. The village was probably built up

    gradually.



    002      |      Vol_VIII-0861                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Larsen: Ipiutak Culture

            The Ipiutak house was semisubterranean. About 50 centimeters below

    the surface was a floor, usually of hard-packed gravel but sometimes of

    wood. The ground plan of the house was between 4 and 5 meters square with

    rounded corners. In the center was a fireplace and along three walls low

    platforms, which served as seats in the daytime and as beds at night. The

    house was probably entered through a passage on the west side. The Four

    posts placed inside the walls supported wooden superstructure which was

    covered by a layer of sod and dirt.

            The material culture of the Ipiutak people was based upon hunting and

    fishing. Their favorite game was the caribou, which was hunted with bow

    and arrow. Since the caribou mainly live in the interior, the Ipiutak people

    must have spent part of the year inland, probably fall and winter when the

    animals are fattest. Another winter occupation was fishing with salmon spears

    through holes in the ice on rivers and lakes. The main attraction of Point

    Hope was the walrus herds that pass the peninsula in the spring and early

    summer. The many walrus bones and artifacts made of walrus ivory indicate

    the importance of this game. Walrus as well as w s eal and bearded seal were

    harpooned on the pack ice and probably also in open water. Two kinds of

    harpoons were used, one with a long, fized foreshaft like the ice-hunting

    harpoons of the Central Eskimos and one with a short, detachable foreshaft

    like the common Eskimo kayak harpoon. Since no traces of boats were found

    at Ipiutak, it is uncertain whether these were used by the Ipiutak epople.

    The total absence of float accessories probably means that the well known

    method of hunting sea mammals with an inflated sealskin attached to the

    harpoon line was not practiced. This also excludes whale hunting, at least

    in its arctic form. Birds were hunted with multipronged spears.



    003      |      Vol_VIII-0862                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Larsen: Ipiutak Culture

            The Ipiutak weapons are distinguished by the extensive use of finely

    chipped flint blades inserted in the sides of arrowheads, harpoon heads and

    lance heads. The flint industry is one of the most characteristic features

    of the Ipiutak culture. More than half of the 10, 000 specimens found in

    Ipiutak are made of flint or other cryptocrystalline minerals. The flint

    implements are distinguished by the multiplicity of forms and by fine work–

    manship. Of the two main groups of flint implements, the unifacially chipped

    includes various forms of side scrapers, end scrapers, and gravers, of which

    the latter are chipped to form a point. In the other group, the bifacially

    chipped, we find arrow points, inset blades, harpoon blades, knife blades,

    and disc-shaped scraper blades. The delicate arrow points and inset blades

    compete favorably with flint work of other prehistoric cultures. For working

    flint the Ipiutak craftsman had a hammer with a bone head and a flaker con–

    sisting of a handle of antler with a bone point lashed to it. The only ground

    stone implements were adz blades of hard, silicified slate and a chisel-like

    tool with a short, transverse edge.

            In spite of the many stone implements the Ipiutak culture was not a true

    Stone Age culture. A tiny piece of iron found in an engraving tool, and a

    type of knife handle designed to hold a very small iron blade leave no doubt

    that the Ipiutak people had access to iron although in very small quantities.

    The source of this iron could only have been Asia, most likely Siberia.

    Notably absent in the Ipiutak fine are parts of the common Eskimo bow drill;

    most holes were gouged out and some round holes were probably made with a

    hand d r ill. The two-handed scraper for dressing skins occurs in two forms,

    the common type of caribou tubular bone and a wooden shaft with a separate

    blade in the middle. The latter has not previously been reported from arctic

    004      |      Vol_VIII-0863                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Larsen: Ipiutak Culture

    America. Needles made of bird bone, some of them extremely fine, were

    found in considerable numbers, but no carved needle cases and no thimble

    holders.

            Household utensils were surprisingly rare in the Ipiutak find. Lamps

    and cooking pots of stone or pottery are totally absent, and the poor con–

    ditions for preservation of wood account for the small number of wooden

    trays and bowls. The presence of sewn pieces of birch bark indicates that

    this material was used for vessels. Without fireproof cooking pots, the

    Ipiutak people probably used hot stones for cooking.

            Of personal adornment two types are of particular interest, namely

    labrets and facial tatooing. The occurrence of large stone and ivory labrets

    is rather surprising, as they were formerly believed to constitute a late

    element in the Eskimo culture of northern Alaska. The pattern of facial

    tattooing is known from a few carvings of human faces and a considerable

    number of schematic faces engraved on various antler and ivory objects. The

    schematic faces consist of tattoo marks, eyes, mouth, and labrets. The

    tattoo pattern, a Y-shaped nose line and one to four horizontal cheek lines,

    is similar to that used by the Central Eskimos until recently, and in prehis–

    toric times it was known from south Alaska to East Greenland. The schematic

    faces and the so-called skeleton motive, stylized ribs and spine engraved on

    animal carvings, constitute the most common realistic motives in Ipiutak sur–

    face decoration, although it is often difficult to determine whether they

    are purely decorative or have some religious significance. The skeleton

    motive, for instance, may in some cases signify the spirit of the animal to

    which it is applied; in others, when the skeleton is more or less conventional–

    ized, it is undoubtedly purely ornamental.



    005      |      Vol_VIII-0864                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Larsen: Ipiutak Culture

            This transition from realistic to geometric design is typical of

    Ipiutak decorative art. The purely geometric design is reminiscent of

    the Old Bering Sea art, especially in its earliest known form, the Okvik

    style. The elements of which it is composed are about the same in the two

    art forms; only the Ipiutak design is usually simpler and is applied to a

    wider range of artifacts.

            It is in carving in the round, however, that the Ipiutak art is es–

    pecially distinguished. The find contains not only numerous carvings in

    ivory and antler but also a great number of weapons and tools decorated

    with carvings. Animals and, in particular, animal heads were the favorite

    motives of the Ipiutak artists. Harpoon socket pieces, knife handles, adz

    heads and many other artifacts are either carved in the shape of an animal

    head or carry one as a terminal decoration. The motives are not all taken

    from the local animal life; there are heads that are reminiscent of reptiles

    and amphibians, and others belong in the realm of fantasy. This animal

    complex is suggestive of the Scytho-Siberian animal style, and the presence

    in the Ipiutak find of such characteristic elements as the pear-shaped boss

    on the hips of animals, the griffin head, and the skeleton motive supports

    strongly the supposition that the Ipiutak animal style originated in Asia.

            The spiritual life of the Ipiutak people is elucidated by the many

    rich grave finds. The burial grounds were discovered by Rainey in 1940

    to the west of the village site. One hundred sixty-six burials strung out

    for nearly three miles, were excavated. The burials, of which nothing was

    visible on the surface, were of at least two different types — log coffins

    and surface burials. The typical log coffin was deeply buried and contained

    a single skeleton, which was extended, supine, with the hands on the pubic

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0865                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Larsen: Ipiutak Culture

    region and the head to the west.

            The original appearance of the surface burials is uncertain. Directly

    under the turf were found scattered fragments of wooden poles, human bones,

    and artifacts. As a rule the surface burials contained more abundant and

    more elaborate grave furniture than the log coffins.

            The Ipiutak burials are indicative of highly complex and elaborate

    burial customs, and of a spiritual life which was basically the same as

    that of the modern Eskimos and the boreal peoples of Eurasia. A ghost cult

    and shamanism are the two most conspicuous elements of the spiritual culture

    of the Ipiutak people. Examples of a ghost cult include the skeleton design

    on animal figures and the [ ?] adornment of the deceased with artificial

    eyes, a mouth cover, and nose plugs. The purpose of the latter was probably

    to protect the body against evil spirits. A loon skull with artificial eyes,

    a dog buried in a log coffin, and numerous examples of animal carvings with

    the same tattoo marks as the human heads prove that the circumpolar concep–

    tion of the relationship between animals and humans is applicable to the

    Ipiutak people.

            The so-called openwork carvings, peculiarly shaped ivory objects which

    were mainly found in the surface burials, have been interpreted as shamans'

    regalia. They were either carried by shamans or attached to their costumes,

    as are the bone carvings on the Tlingit shaman's costume and the iron objects

    on the Siberian shaman's costume. Like the latter, the Ipiutak openwork

    carvings are nonutilitarian and probably of some symbolic significance.

            The flint industry, the knowledge of iron, the animal stype, and some

    of the burial customs point toward Eurasia as the original home of the Ipiutak

    culture. Assuming that many of the ivory carvings such as chains and animal

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0866                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Larsen: Ipiutak Culture

    figures are copies of metal objects, it appears that several close parallels

    with Ipiutak types occur in early Iron Age cultures in the Ural mountains,

    in western Siberia and eastern Russia, especially in Perm. Since it is a

    well-known fact that there were trade connections between Perm and the hunt–

    ing peoples of the arctic coast, it is not unlikely that the Ipiutak people or

    their ancestors at one time lived in these regions, possibly around the estua–

    ries of the Ob and Yenisei. Other close parallels have been found in northeast

    Russia and the northernmost parts of Norway, indicating that the Ipiutak cul–

    ture and probably the Eskimo culture as a whole is part of a circumpolar hunt–

    ing culture. The Ipiutak culture is undoubtedly a late phase of this culture,

    which probably has its roots in the epipaleolithic cultures of the Old World.

    Judging from the Uralian parallels, the Ipiutak culture has been placed at

    about the birth of Christ.

            Within the Eskimo culture the Ipiutak culture occupies a key position.

    It is related to the Kachemak Bay culture of south Alaska, the earliest cul–

    ture of the Aleutian Islands, the Dorset culture, and the recent cultures of

    the Caribou Eskimo and the Nunatarmiut of arctic Alaska, all of which belong

    to a Paleo-Eskimo culture complex. On the basis of the latter a new complex,

    the Neo-Eskimo arose, presumably in the Bering Strait region. This complex,

    or the Arctic Whale Hunting culture as it has been called, is characterized

    by a further adaptation to the arctic coast. It contains, for instance,

    such elements as whale hunting with float, the house with deeply excavated

    entrance passage, pottery, ground slate implements, and the bow drill, which

    are absent in the Paleo-Eskimo complex. Some of these elements are probably

    due to local development, others, like pottery, slate implements, and the

    bow drill, [ ?] have been adopted from east Asia. Of the

    008      |      Vol_VIII-0867                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Larsen: Ipiutak Culture

    various phases of the Arctic Whale Hunting culture, Okvik, Old Bering Sea,

    Panuk, etc., Ipiutak is most closely related to the first. Seven specimens

    with typical Okvik decoration were found in Ipiutak house, and burials

    indicating that Okvik and Ipiutak were contemporaneous, even if Ipiutak

    probably dates farther back than the former. At Point Hope the Ipiutak

    culture was replaced by the Arctic Whale Hunting culture, but in the interior

    of arctic Alaska we still find traces of it in the culture of the Nunatarmiut.

            Another and closely related phase of the Ipiutak culture, temporarily

    called Newr Ipiutak, was found at Point Hope. It has a more primitive stamp,

    and it is this phase rather than the Ipiutak culture proper, which constitutes

    the connecting link between the cultures of south Alaska and the Dorset culture.

    As such it is of the greatest significance not only for the understanding of

    the archaeology of Alaska but of the Eskimo culture as a whole.



    009      |      Vol_VIII-0868                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Larsen: Ipiutak Culture


    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    1. Birket-Smith, Kaj. The Caribou Eskimos . I-II. Report of the fifth

    Thule expedition, vol.5. Copenhagen, 1929.

    2. Collins, Henry B. Jr. "Archaeology of St. Lawrence Island, Alaska."

    Smithsonian Misc. Coll ., vol.96, no.1, 1937.

    3. de Laguna, Frederica. The Archaeology of Cook Inlet, Alaska .

    Philadelphia University Museum. 1934.

    4. Larsen, Helge, and Raney, Froelich G. "Ipiutak and the Arctic Whale

    Hunting Culture." Anthropological Papers , American Museum of

    Natural History, vol.42, 1948.

    5. Mathiassen, Therkel. Archaeology of the Central Eskimos . I-II. Report

    of the Fifth Thule expedition, vol.4. Copenhagen, 1927.

    6. Rainey, Froelich G. "The Ipiutak Culture at Point Hope, Alaska."

    American Anthropologist , new series, vol.43, pp.364-74, 1941.

    7. ----. "Eskimo prehistory: the Okvik site on the Punuk Islands."

    Anthropological Papers , American Museum of Natural History, 1941.

           

    Helge Larsen

    Old Bering Sea and Punuk Cultures


    001      |      Vol_VIII-0869                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Henry B. Collins, Jr.)


    OLD BERING SEA AND PUNUK CULTURES

           

    Old Bering Sea

            History of Discovery . The Old Bering Sea culture was discovered by

    Diamond Jenness on Little Diomede Island in the summer of 1926. As he

    was on the island only a few weeks, Jenness' own excavations extended no

    deeper than 3 feet in the frozen kitchen midden. Here he found Thule type

    harpoon heads, like those had had excavated earlier in the summer at nearby

    Cape Prince of Wales. Meanwhile, some of the Diomede Eskimos, digging for

    a meat cellar, had reached a greater depth and found harpoon heads and

    other ivory objects of unusual forms decorated with graceful, flowing lines

    and circles, a style of art which Jenness saw was different from any pre–

    viously known. On the basis of these few pieces Jenness postulated the

    existence of a distinct, ancient phase of culture, ancestral to that of the

    modern Alaskan Eskimo, which had flourished in the vicinity of Bering Strait

    around the beginning of the Christian era:

            We seem justified, therefore, in concluding that the shores and

    islands of Bering sea were at one time the home of a distinct and

    highly developed Eskimo culture, a culture marked by special types

    of harpoon-heads and other objects that in many cases show the most

    skillful workmanship, marked too by a very original art, partly ge–

    ometrical and partly realistic, that suggests in some of its features

    contact with the Indians of the northwest coast of America, although

    its roots more probably lie in northeastern Asia. It appears to be



    002      |      Vol_VIII-0870                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Old Bering Sea Culture

            150 the oldest culture yet discovered in the western Arctic, preceding, at

    least in Wales and on Diomede islands, the Thule stage as exemplified by

    the mound dwellings at Wales, and by similar ruins at Point Hope and at

    Barrow. Its true centre seems to have been Bering sea, but its influence

    extended northward, and conditioned the form of the earliest known seal–

    ing harpoon-head at Barrow. (Jenness, 1928a, p. 78.)

            What was the date, approximately, of the Bering Sea culture, and

    from what source or sources did it spring? These are questions we cannot

    answer in the present state of our knowledge. If the Thule culture goes

    back at least a thousand years in the eastern Arctic, as seems most

    probable, its earlier phase at Birnirk and at Van Valin's site near Bar–

    row may quite well date from the early centuries of the Christian era.

    The Bering Sea culture would then precede the Christian era, but by how

    long we have not the faintest clue. There can hardly be any doubt that

    the curvilinear art was not invented ex ovo by the Eskimo; it reminds us

    too strongly of Melanesian art, of the art of the Ainu and of tribes along

    the Amur River, of certain designs current among Indian tribes on the

    north Pacific coast of America, and, most of all, of the patterns on

    Aleutian head-dresses. Possibly there have been culture drifts from a

    common source to all these places, southward down the coast of Asia into

    Indonesia and Melanesia, and northward to the Chukchee Peninsula and

    into America; for civilization reached China long before the Shang Dynasty

    in the second millenium B. C., and influences from that country must have

    streamed in all directions. At all events, it is on the northeastern

    shores of Asia, probably, and not in Alaska, that we should look for the

    origin of the mysterious curvilinear art of the Bering Sea culture, and

    in the same general area for the sources of other elements in that culture

    that appear unique among the Eskimo to-day merely owing to the limita–

    tions of our knowledge. (Jenness, 1933, p. 387.)

            Thus in one brief season's work Jenness recognized that in Alaska the Thule

    culture had persisted until protohistoric times, that it was the outgrowth of

    the old Birnirk culture of the Point Barrow region, and that the latter had

    been preceded by the ancient Bering Sea culture which in turn had its origin

    in northeastern Asia. These determinations have been fully substantiated by

    later work and have proved basic to our understanding of Eskimo prehistory as

    a whole.

            The first confirmation of Jenness' theory came from Collins' investigations

    in 1931 near Gambell, at the northwestern end of St. Lawrence Island. Here

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0871                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Old Bering Sea Culture

    five sites of different ages were excavated which provided a cross section of

    Eskimo prehistory from Old Bering Sea times down to the present. The latest

    of the old Gambell sites dated from the 19th century; the next oldest site

    (Seklowaghyaget) had been abandoned about 200 years ago and had been established

    during the Punuk period. The third abandoned village (Ievoghiyoq) was found

    to be a pure site of the fully developed Punuk culture, and the fourth site

    (Miyowagh) had been settled in Old Bering Sea times and occupied through the

    transitional early Punuk period. These four old sites were situated on the

    gravel spit between the present village of Gambell and the mountain. Prelim–

    inary evidence of their respective ages was afforded by their positions in

    relation to a series of old beach lines, and this was confirmed by the excavated

    material.

            The fifth and oldest village of the series, which proved to be a pure Old

    Bering Sea site, was situated on the lower slope of the mountain immediately

    back of Miyowagh. Unlike the other sites which were mounds of refuse rising

    prominently from the flat gravel plain, this one was completely buried beneath

    the sod and rocks and in outward appearance was a normal part of the hillside.

    In fact, the local Eskimos had not known that a site existed here even though

    their trail to the mountain top passed over a part of it. Some of the artifacts

    from the Hillside Site were typically Old Bering Sea in form and decoration.

    Others, mostly from between and below the floor stones of the two houses, were

    decorated in a style which, though obviously related to Old Bering Sea, was

    simpler and apparently older; this was designated Old Bering Sea Style 1 (Collins,

    1931, 32, 35, 37b).



    004      |      Vol_VIII-0872                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Old Bering Sea Culture

            In 1934 Otto W. Geist discovered another buried village — the Okvik

    site — on Punuk Island, off the east end of St. Lawrence, of the same age

    as the Hillside Site. The Okvik site yielded hundreds of artifacts, many of

    them bearing the typical Okvik or Old Bering Sea Style 1 decoration (Rainey,

    1914). Between 1929 and 1935 Geist had also conducted excavations at Kukuliak,

    a large abandoned site on the north shore of St. Lawrence Island, which he

    found had been occupied continuously from Old Bering Sea times until 1879

    when the last inhabitants died in the great epidemic and famine which struck

    the island that year (Geist and Rainey, 1936). Kukuliak was a huge 20-foot–

    high midden and the sequence of the material — Old Bering Sea to Punuk to

    modern — which Geist found at this single site corresponded exactly with that

    from the four sites of different ages at Gambell, where the cultural sequence

    had been one of stratigraphic linkage of one site to anot eh he r.

            Extent of Territory . As St. Lawrence lies only 40 miles from Siberia

    and more than 100 miles from the Alaskan mainland, it is not surprising that

    in prehistoric times, just as at present, there were close cultural connections

    with Siberia and hardly any with Alaska. We know from occasional finds that the

    Old Bering Sea culture existed in northeastern Siberia, and in all probability

    it centered there. It also flourished on the Diomede Islands, and traces of

    it are found as far north and east as Point Hope and Point Barrow. In its

    classic form it does not seem to have occurred on the Alaskan mainland south

    of Bering Strait. However, there are strong indications that the oldest phase

    of the culture — Okvik or Old Bering Sea Style 1 — will eventually be found

    in southern Alaska. As it is only on St. Lawrence Island that the culture has

    been fully revealed, the following summary is based on the excavations there.



    005      |      Vol_VIII-0873                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Old Bering Sea Culture

            Villages and Houses . Old Bering Sea villages were located along

    the seashore. We may assume that they were occupied the year around,

    as there were no caribou on the island nor any large salmon streams,

    either of which if present might have led to dispersal of the population

    in summer for caribou hunting and fishing. Like their present-day

    descendants, the Old Bering Sea Eskimos were a strictly maritime people,

    depending entirely on the resources of the sea for their livelihood.

            The houses of the Old Bering Sea Eskimos were small semisubterranean

    structures of stones, wood, and whale bones. They were square to rectangular

    in shape, from 9 to 13 feet in diameter. They were entered by a narrow

    sunken stone-floored passage at a lower level than the floor of the house.

    The house floor was of stone and there were no sleeping platforms as in

    modern Eskimo houses. The walls were built of small horizontally laid

    timbers and whale bones, held in place by bone and wooden stakes. The

    form of roof is unknown. There was no fireplace, heat and light being pro–

    vided by round, saucer-shaped pottery lamps.

            Subsistence. We know from bones found in the middens that the prin–

    cipal food animals were seals, walrus, and whales, supplemented by birds

    and fish, principally cod. Some polar bears were obtained, and dogs were

    also eaten, for most of the dog skulls have a large hole in the side evi–

    dently made for removal of the brain. Although the bones and baleen of

    bowhead whales were used in many ways and the meat and blubber probably

    eaten, these animals do not seem to have been actively hunted by the Old

    Bering Sea people, for only one whaling harpoon head has been found in

    contrast to the many that turn up at all Punuk and later sites. The ear–

    lier Eskimos may have obtained their whales by salvaging those that

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0874                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Old Bering Sea Culture

    drifted ashore dead, the victims of killer whales.

            The following species of birds were eaten, listed in order of abundance

    of their bones in the middens: Pallas's murre, crested auklet, tufted

    puffin, pigeon gullemot, short-tailed albatross, pelagic cormorant, long–

    tailed jaegar, king and Pacific eider, parakeet auklet, old squaw, parasitic

    jaeger, glaucous gull, Pacific kittiwake, little brown crane, red-faced cor–

    morant, yellow-billed loon, red-throated loon, slender-billed shearwater,

    Steller's eider, glaucous-winged gull, least auklet, hor n ed puffin.

            Hunting Methods . Seals and walrus were hunted with harpoons. Birds

    were caught with darts equipped with end and side prongs, hurled with a

    throwing board. Auklets were probably caught in scoop nets and other birds

    with baleen snares. The bow and arrow may also have been used in bird

    hunting. Plummet-shaped ivory sinkers were used in cod fishing but the form

    of the hook is unknown. It may have been only a sharpened piece of bone

    fastened to a wooden shaft. Light fish spears were also used.

            Transportation . Travel was mainly by water, the boats being the familiar

    skin-covered umiak and kayak. Dog traction was unknown for we find none of

    the long bone sled shoes, trace buckles, or other appurtenances of the dog

    sled. The only sled was a short, low form with heavy ivory runners, no

    doubt used for hauling umiaks and loads of meat over the ice. Baleen

    toboggans were also used for hauling meat and blubber. Both the small hand

    sled and toboggan have continued in use to the present time. Ice creepers

    were fastened to the boots to prevent slipping on the sea ice.

            Tools and Utensils . Knives, adzes, scrapers, gravers, and harpoon

    heads all had stone blades. These were either of rubbed slate or chipped

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0875                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Old Bering Sea Culture

    chert or other hard variety of stone. Snow shovels were made from walrus

    scapulae, and heavy picks and mattocks from walrus tusks and whale ribs. Bow

    drills were used both as tools and for making fire. Food was cooked in deep,

    rounded pottery vessels. Other household utensils included pottery lamps,

    wooden-bottomed baleen pails, wooden trays and bowls, trough-shaped ivory

    fat scrapers, and ladles and spoons of wood, bone, or ivory.

            Clothing, Ornaments, and Toys . The Old Bering Sea Eskimos dressed much

    like their modern descendants. They wore sealskin boots, body clothing of

    seal and bird skins, and waterproof coast of seal and walrus intestines. Orna–

    ments were rare, consisting of small brow bands and occasional gorgets and

    buttons. Childrens' toys included dolls and small animal figures made of

    wood and bark, or occasionally ivory. There were also toy wooden bows, boats

    and sleds of wood or ivory, and tiny ivory harpoon heads.

            Art . The Old Bering Sea Eskimos possessed an art style which was more

    elaborate and sophisticated that that of any other arctic people, ancient or

    modern, of whom we have knowledge. The characteristic decoration consisted of

    incised lines deftly applied to the flat or rounded contours of ivory objects

    which, having been buried for centuries in the frozen ground, have assumed

    variegated shades of color ranging from a rich creamy gray to dark brown or

    almost black. The lines were graceful and flowing, and these, together with

    circles and ellipses, were blended into designs of unusual symmetry and beauty.

    Among the objects decorated were iv ro or y harpoon heads and socket pieces, needle

    cases, snow goggles, fat scrapers and pail handles. Other of unknown use

    included winged objects resembling Indian banner stones, the symmetrical forms

    of which were particularly suited to the graceful patterns of the incised orna–

    mentation.



    008      |      Vol_VIII-0876                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Old Bering Sea Culture

            The earliest phase of Old Bering Sea art — Old Bering Sea Style 1 or

    Okvik — was less perfectly executed and the designs lacked the elaboration

    and finish they came to have later. Though it made use of such typical Old

    Bering Sea motives as curving lines and circles and ellipses with appended

    spurs, Style 1 was more linear in total composition, being characterized by

    a profusion of radiating lines, long slanting spurs, short detached lines,

    and broken lines.

            Outside Relationships and Origins . On the arctic coast of Alaska the

    Old Bering Sea culture has affinities with Birnirk (the ancestral phase of

    the Thule culture) and Ipiutak, the remarkable old Eskimo culture recently

    discovered at Point Hope. It is older than the Birnirk and apparently in part

    ancestral to it. [ ?] Ipiutak is in many respects very different from Old Bering

    Sea. Parts of the Ipiutak complex seem clearly older, but there are also

    numerous decorated objects and other artifacts at the old Point Hope site which

    indicate contemporaneity between Ipiutak and Old Bering Sea.

            There are a few but apparently significant points of resemblance between

    the Old Bering Sea and Dorset cultures — simple art motives and some stone

    implement types. While we may assume a remote relationship between the two

    cultures, and also the Ipiutak, the Dorset has a much more primitive stamp

    than either and must have left Alaska before the Old Bering Sea and Ipiutak

    cultures reached their full development around Beri [ ?] Strait.

            The fact that in Alaska the Old Bering Sea culture is found in concentrated

    form only on islands near the Siberian shore — St. Lawrence and the Diomedes —

    and that despite the lack of intensive excavation similar remains [ ?] are known

    from a number of Siberian localities (Collins, 1940, p. 555; Matchinsky, 1941),

    009      |      Vol_VIII-0877                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Old Bering Sea Culture and Punuk Culture

    leads to the conclusion that the immediate origin of the Old Bering Sea cul–

    ture is to be sought in northeastern Siberia. Its ultimate roots, like

    those of Ipiutak, extend deeper into the Old World, as was pointed out in

    the article "The Origin and Antiquity of the Eskimo," pp. 21-28, 42-46.

           

    Punuk

            This culture takes its name from Punuk, a small island four miles off

    the east end of St. Lawrence, where it was discovered in 1928 (Collins, 1929a,

    1929b). Like the Old Bering Sea culture, of which it is in large part an

    outgrowth, the Punuk culture is best known from St. Lawrence Island, where it

    is represented by many old sites, some of them very large. Punuk remains

    also occur in northeastern Siberia (Matchinsky, 1941) and on the Diomedes. On

    the Alaskan mainland Punuk distribution exceeds that of Old Bering Sea. It

    was the dominant prehistoric phase at Cape Prince of Wales, where it is found

    at the old site Kurigitavik in direct association with the Thule culture

    (Collins, 1937a). Giddings (1944) excavated Punuk type harpoon heads and

    other artifacts at Ekseavik, an inland Eskimo site on a tributary of the

    Kobuk, Kotzebue Sound, and James A. Ford discovered a house ruin with typical

    Punuk material at po i nt Belcher, 60 miles below Barrow (Collins, 1933).

    Giddings' 1948 excavations revealed a Punuk phase of culture at two old sites

    on Cape Denbigh, in Norton Sound (Giddings, 1949).

            Villages and Houses . On St. Lawrence Island, Punuk village sites are

    known on the east, north, and west shores. Some, like Ievoghiyoq at Gembell,

    are pure sites, occupied only during the Punuk stage. Others, like nearby

    Miyowagh, are middens in which Punuk material overlies Old Bering Sea. Still

    010      |      Vol_VIII-0878                                                                                                                  
    EA-Ant rh hr op. Collins: Punuk Culture

    others, like the large middens on Punuk Island and at Cape Kialegak on the

    southeast end of St. Lawrence, have modern material superimposed on Punuk.

    Kukuliak, as mentioned above, shows a sequence of Old Bering Sea to Punuk

    to modern. On St. Lawrence Island as a whole the great bulk of habitational

    refuse is post-Old Bering Sea, with Punuk material probably equal in abun–

    dance to modern and protohistoric. From all indications the inhabitants

    of St. Lawrence Island in Punuk times were not less than 1,500, the number

    estimated for the period just prior to 1878-79 when the population was

    severely reduced through epidemic and famine. The population in Old Bering

    Sea times, on the other hand, probably did not exceed 500.

            Houses of the early Punuk period, though almost twice as large as those

    of the Old Bering Sea, were constructed in similar fashion. At a later

    stage of the Punuk a different type of house came into use. It was s semi–

    subterranean, square to rectangular, with a stone floor and walls made of

    stones, walrus skulls, and whale bones instead of timbers; the form of roof

    is unknown, though it was probably of skins; the narrow entrance passage was

    either lower than or at the same level as the house floor; the passage was

    roofed with whale ribs or stones and there was sometimes a circular enlarge–

    ment of or annex to the passage.

            Subsistence . The only respect in which the Punuk subsistence pattern

    differed significantly from that of Old Bering Sea was in the greater use

    of birds. The Punuk middens contain greater quantities of bird bones and

    also more species. Bones of the following species, present in Punuk middens,

    are not represented at Old Bering Sea sites for which information is available:

    Pacific loon, Rodgers' fulmar, white-fronted goose, greater scaup duck,

    011      |      Vol_VIII-0879                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Punuk Culture

    Western harlequin duck, short-billed gull, red-legged kittiwake, and Kittlit [ ?] 's

    murrelet. A punuk site at Cape Kialegak, at the southeast end of St. Lawrence,

    yielded bones of the following species which were not found at the Gambell

    sites: whistling swan, cackling goose, black brant, American pintail, spec–

    tacled eider, white-winged scoter, surf scoter, American scoter, red-breated

    merganser, pomarine jaeger.

            Hunting Methods. The harpoons used in hunting seals and walrus were of

    the same basic types as those of the Old Bering Sea. However, the various

    parts of the Punuk harpoons — the toggle heads, foreshafts, socket pieces,

    and ice picks — differed in structural details so that it is always possible

    to distinguish them from the Old Bering Sea types. Whales were hunted by the

    Punuk Eskimos, but to judge from the number of whaling harpoon heads, not to

    the same extent as in protohistoric and modern times. The throwing board and

    bird dart with side prongs continued in use. A new hunting device, the bolas,

    made its appearance in the Punuk stage, and this may be the principal reason

    why so many more birds were captured than previously. Arrowheads were also much

    more numerous and these too may have been used at times for killing large birds.

    For fishing, a composite hook was used consisting of a heavy plummet-shaped

    body of bone, ivory, or wood, with inserted ivory prongs.

            Transportation . Umiaks and kayaks were used for hunting and traveling,

    just as in Old Bering Sea times. The Punuk sled was like the earlier type,

    though the runners were made somewhat differently.

            Tools and Implements . The prototype of the modern Eskimo "crooked knife"

    appeared during the Punuk stage. End-bladed knives continued in use but dif–

    fered in structural features from those of the Old Bering Sea. This was also

    012      |      Vol_VIII-0880                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Punuk Culture

    true of other Punuk implements such as adz heads, ulu handles, and fat scrapers.

    An important distinction between Old Bering Sea and Punuk is the virtual ab–

    sence in the latter of chipped stone implements. Stone blades, though no less

    abundant than in Old Bering Sea times, wer almost always of rubbed slate.

    The Punuk Eskimos also had access to small amounts of iron, which however was

    so precious that it was used only as points for engraving tools and tiny

    blades for the compound "whittling knife." As the Punuk culture long antedated

    the period of Russian contact, the most probable source of the Punuk iron was

    eastern Siberia, where there is his t orical evidence of its use as early as A.D.

    262 (Laufer, 1914; Collins, 1932; 1937b).

            Ornaments and Toys . Ornaments were much more common than in Old Bering

    Sea times though there was not a great variety of forms. Brow bands, ivory

    buttons, ear ornaments, and pendants were worn. Combs were used and some of

    these, like ulu and drum handles, had ivory links attached. Childrens' toys,

    though more numerous, did not differ significantly from those of the Old Bering

    Sea.

            Art . Perhaps the most striking difference between the two culture stages

    is their art. Punuk art is characterized by the use of straight or slightly

    curving lines, which in contrast to those of the Old Bering Sea were deeply

    and evenly incised. It also employed perfectly round, compass-made circles

    and small circular pits or dots either free or placed at the ends of short

    lines. The patterns of Punuk art, though graceful in a way, appear rigid and

    mechanical when compared with the elaborate flowing designs of Old Bering Sea

    art. There is also a difference in technique. Old Bering Sea circles are

    always somewhat irregular, having been made freehand; these and the accompanying

    013      |      Vol_VIII-0881                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Punuk Culture

    lines could well have been made with stone tools. Punuk lines, on the other

    hand, are so smooth, sharp, and regular that they could only have been made

    with metal, which as mentioned, is actually present at Punuk sites. The

    earliest style of Punuk art seems to have been primarily an outgrowth of

    Old Bering Sea, for on harpoon heads the engraved lines follow the same paths,

    and the decoration as a whole, like the form of the harpoon head itself, may

    be regarded as a simplification of the Old Bering Sea pattern. Later, as a

    result of further degeneration and simplification, and also of new motives

    and techniques introduced from Siberia, Punuk art became increasingly rigid

    and stylized.

            Origin and Relationships . What has been said of Punuk art is true of

    the culture as a whole. It is partly an outgrowth of Old Bering Sea and partly

    the result of new impulses from Siberia. Numerous implements were identical

    with those of the Old Bering Sea: earthenware lamps and cooking pots, walrus

    scapula shovels, baleen pails, ivory picks, mattocks, wedges, meat hooks, some

    forms of knives, arrows and harpoon heads, reamers, awls, ulus, drills and

    drill rests.

            In other respects, however, it is possible to trace developmental changes

    from Old Bering Sea to Punuk: art, harpoon heads and parts, bird darts, ice

    creepers, fishline sinkers, knives, adzes, "winged" objects of unknown use,

    needle cases, sled runners.

            Finally, there [ ?] are numerous new elements which appear suddenly in the

    Punuk stage, evidently as importations from Siberia. These are: whaling

    harposn heads, the Thule Type 2 harpoon head, bird bolas, wrist guards, bow

    braces and sinew twisters for the sinew-backed bow, plate armor, sealing

    014      |      Vol_VIII-0882                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Punuk Culture

    scratchers, fishhooks, heavy ivory net sinkers, bone and ivory daggers,

    iron-pointed engraving tools, ivory and bone pendants, and link ornaments

    of ivory. The rectangular house with stone and bond walls also appeared in

    the Punuk stage.

            Punuk art motives, in particular, indicate close affinities with

    Eurasia. Incised decoration on bone objects from Iron Age sites (probably

    early Lapp) in Finmark and northern Russia are very close to some of the

    later Punuk designs. Link ornaments like those used by the Punuk Eskimos

    have a wide distribution in Eurasia. They are very common in the European

    Iron Age, in Bronze Age finds in the Ordos region of Mongolia, and in post–

    Han sites in southeastern Asia. Bronze Age sites around Lake Baikal have

    yielded not only art motives but various other elements strikingly similar

    to Punuk (Collins, 1937b, pp. 303, 305; 1943).

            In the American Arctic the Punuk shows close affinities with the Canadian

    Thule culture, with which it was contemporaneous. At Bering Strait, especially

    at the old site of Kurigitavik at Wales, Punuk and Thule objects are found in

    direct association, overlying Birnirk material. The Punuk also exerted strong

    influences on Eskimo culture in the Bering Sea region from Norton Sound south

    to Bristol Bay, and to some extent even as far south as the Aleutians and Cook

    Inlet. Many Punuk elements occur here, and Punuk art seems to have been

    directly ancestral to the modern style of Eskimo art south of Norton sound.



    015      |      Vol_VIII-0883                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Punuk Culture


    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    Collins, Henry B., Jr.

    1929a. The ancient Eskimo culture of northwestern Alaska. Explor. and

    Field-work Smithsonian Inst. In 1928, pp. 141-150.

    1929b. Prehistoric art of the Alaskan Eskimo. Smithsonian Misc. Coll.,

    vol. 81, no. 14, Nov. 14.

    1931. Ancient culture of St. Lawrence Island, Alaska. Explor. and

    Field-work Smithsonian Inst. in 1930, pp. 135-144.

    1932. Prehistoric Eskimo culture on St. Lawrence Island. Geogr. Rev.,

    vol. 22, no. 1, pp. 107-119, January.

    1933. Archeological investigations at Point Barrow. Explor. and Field–

    work Smithsonian Inst. in 1932, pp. 45-48.

    1935. Arche l ology of the Bering Sea region. Ann. Rep. Smithsonian Inst.

    for 1933, pp. 453-468.

    1937a. Archeological excavations at Bering Strait. Explor. and Field–

    work Smithsonian Inst. in 1936, pp. 63-68.

    1937b. Archeology of St. Lawrence Island, Alaska. Smithsonian Misc.

    Coll., vol. 96, no. 1, Aug. 9.

    1940. Outline of Eskimo prehistory. Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol. 100,

    pp. 533-592.

    1943. Eskimo archeology and its bearing on the problem of Man's antiquity

    in America. Proc. Amer. Phil. Soc., vol. 86, no. 2, pp. 220-235,

    Feb.

    Geist, Otto W. and Rainey, F. G.

    1936. Archeological excavations at Kukulik, St. Lawrence Island, Alaska.

    Misc. Publ. Univ. Alaska, vol. 2. U.S.Dept. Interior, May 19

    (Issued in April 1937).

    Giddings, J. L., Jr.

    1944. Dated Eskimo ruins of an Inland z o ne. Amer. Antiquity, vol. 10,

    no. 2, pp. 113-134, October.

    1949. Early flint horizons on the north Bering Sea coast. Journ. Wash.

    Acad. Sciences, vol. 39, no. 3, pp. 87-90.



    016      |      Vol_VIII-0884                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Punuk Culture

    Jenness, Diamond

    1928a. Archeological investigations in Bering Strait. Nat, Mus.

    Canada, Ann. Rep. 1926, Bull. 50. Ottawa.

    1928b. Ethnological problems of Arctic America. Amer. Geogr. Soc.

    Special publ. no. 7, pp. 167-175.

    1933. The Problem of the Eskimo. The American aborigines, their

    origin and antiquity, pp. 373-396. Univ. Toronto Press.

    Laufer, Berthold

    1914. Chinese clay figures. Field Mus. Net. Hist. Publ. 177,

    Anthrop. Ser., vol. 13, no. 2.

    Matchinsky, A.V.

    1941. Old Eskimo culture on the Tchukotsky Peninsula. (In Russian).

    Short Communications, Inst. for History of Material Culture,

    IX, pp. 80-87. Moscow.

    Rainey, F. G.

    1941. Eskimo prehistory: the Okvik site on the Punuk Islands.

    Anthropol. Papers, Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 37, pt. 4.

           

    Henry B. Collins, Jr.

    Birnirk Culture


    001      |      Vol_VIII-0885                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Henry B. Collins, Jr.)


    BIRNIRK CULTURE

            The first excavations at Birnirk (near Point Barrow, Alaska), the type

    locality of the Birnirk culture, were made by Vilhjalmur Stefansson in 1912.

    W. B. Van Valin, a school teacher at Barrow, in 1918 excavated old mound

    sites of the same age as Birnirk near Utkiavik, 8 miles southwest of Barrow.

    In 1931-32 and in 1936 James A. Ford conducted excavations for the Smithsonian

    Institution at Birnirk and other old sites around Barrow. None of the Birnirk

    collections has been fully described and the culture phase they represent

    remains one of the least known of all the prehistoric Eskimo cultures. The

    harpoon heads, foreshafts, socket pieces, ice picks, and arrowheads collected

    by Stefansson were described by Wissler (1916). Part of the Van Valin material

    has been described by Mason (1930), and a brief summary of Ford's work has

    been given by Collins (1933).

            Excavating at Cape Smythe and modern Point Barrow as well as Birnirk,

    Stefansson was able to demonstrate the relative chronology and cultural dif–

    ferentiation of the sites. At Birnirk, the oldest site, he observed that the

    harpoon heads were of a distinctive type, entirely different from those of

    the modern Eskimo. Pottery, wh i ch was no longer used by the Barrow Eskimos,

    was abundant at Birnirk, but soapstone was absent, and there were no pipes,

    metal objects, or sinkers, floats or gauges for making nets — objects which

    were found at the two later sites (Stefansson, 1914, pp. 393-94).



    002      |      Vol_VIII-0886                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Birnirk Culture

            Wissler, in describing part of Stefnsson's collection, pointed to the

    similarity between the Birnirk harpoon heads and some that had been described

    by Bogoras from old sites on the Siberian side of Bering Strait. This

    indicated "an older unity of culture in eastern Siberia and western Alaska,"

    but none of the Alaskan sites, Wissler thought, were more than 500 years old.

            To the westward the Birnirk culture extended well into northeast

    Siberia, for H. U. Sverdrup excavated two harpoon heads of Birnirk type on

    Firsøjle Island at the mouth of the Kolyma River (Mathiassen, 1927, v. 2,

    pp. 178-80).

            To the south of Bering Strait, Birnirk harpoon heads were found asso–

    ciated with early Punuk culture remains on Punuk and St. Lawrence islands

    by Collins (1929, 1937) and Geist (Geist and Rainey, 1936). A small sand

    mound containing Birnirk harpooon heads and other artifacts was found by

    Collins (1937a) two miles north of Cape Prince of Wales at Bering Strait.

    This and Sverdrup's Kolyma site are the only habitation sites of Birnirk age

    that have been found outside the Barrow district, though burials containing

    typical Birnirk material have been found by Larsen and Rainey (1948) at Point

    Hope.

            Villages and Houses . The Birnirk sites appear now as mounds on low

    marshy ground near the coast. One of them is described by Stefansson (1914,

    p. 393) as about 12 feet high and 375 feet in circumference with 5 house ruins

    on top. Stefansson records the following Eskimo tradition regarding the Birnirk

    site:

            I was told "as matter of common knowledge" by various Cape Smythe

    and Point Barrow people that Birnirk was inhabited before either Utkiavik

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0887                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Birnirk Culture

    or Nuvuk were settled. At present the land at Birnirk is low and

    mostly covered with ponds. At one time, it is said, the land was

    higher and when the water began to rise and turn the village site

    into a swamp, the inhabitants gradually moved off and settled Cape

    Smythe and Nuvuk. Another story says that this is in a measure true,

    but that Nuvuk is a far older settlement than Utkiavik. (Stefansson,

    1914, p. 394)

            Exact information as to house construction is lacking, though we know

    from the excavations of Stefansson and Ford that Birnirk houses were square

    in plan and made of driftwood and whale bones; they had an entrance passage,

    wooden floor, and walls of horizontally laid timbers.

            Implements, Tools, and Utensils . Our scanty knowledge of subsistence

    activities and hunting methods of the Birnirk people is based on the rela–

    tively few artifacts that have been described by Wissler and Mason. Though

    no whaling harpoon heads have been fou n d, the presence of baleen and whale

    bones shows that whales were obtained, possibly hunted. Like other Alaskan

    Eskimos the Birnirk people no doubt depended on seals and walrus for much of

    their food. The most common type of harpoon head which they used for walrus

    and seals had an open socket, a multiple-barbed basal spur, two small stone

    side blades or one side blade and an opposite barb. Seals were captured

    by the auktok method, that of creeping up on the animals as they lay basking

    on the ice; this is indicated by the presence of "sealing scratchers," wooden

    objects with curved prongs fitted with seal claws with which the hunter would

    scratch the ice, imitating a seal, as he approached.

            The large number of arrowheads and of implements made of antler shows

    that caribou hunting was also an important activity, as it was with the

    modern Point Barrow Eskimos. Birds were captured with the bolas and with

    side-pronged darts hurled with a throwing board. Fishhooks have not been

    reported from Birnirk sites, but barbed fish spears have been found.



    004      |      Vol_VIII-0888                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Birnirk Culture

            Umiaks and kayaks were used for water transport and hunting, but dog

    traction seems to have been unknown as it also was with the Old Bering Sea

    and Punuk Eskimos.

            Cutting tools consisted of ulus, mens' knives, and adzes, all equipped

    with stone blades, though one type of man's knife, with a composite handle,

    probably had a small iron blade.

            Steep-sided earthenware pots and flat round lamps were used for cook–

    ing and illumination, respectively. The exterior of these vessels was often

    decorated with curvilinear stamped impressions made with ivory or wooden

    paddles. Food receptacles included oval bowls carved out of wood and wooden–

    bottomed bowls with sides of baleen. Fire was produced with a bow drill, the

    mouthpiece of which was a caribou astragalus.

            Other objects found at Birnirk sites are harpoon finger rests, loose

    lance heads, bone daggers, wooden snow shovels and food ladles, skin scrapers

    of caribou leg bones, stone flaking tools, snow goggles, needle cases, ivory

    pendants, and wooden dolls.

            Relationship to Other Cultures . There has been considerable discussion,

    and a certain amount of confusion, regarding the relationship of the Birnirk

    to other prehistoric Eskimo cultures, especially the Thule. In his monograph

    describing the Canadian Thule culture, Mathiassen demonstrated conclusively that

    this extinct whaling culture of the Central regions must have had its origin

    in Alaska. He was led to this conclusion principally because of the close

    resemblance of the Thule culture to that of the modern Point Barrow Eskimos.

    If the prehistoric Thule was so close to the historic Barrow culture, one might

    005      |      Vol_VIII-0889                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Birnirk Culture

    logically suppose that a prehistoric culture of the same basic character in

    the Barrow region, like the Birnirk, might be regarded as the ancestral form

    of the latter. It was not, however, so regarded by Mathiassen, who considered

    the Birnirk either as simply equivalent to or later than the Thule. In his

    Arch a eology of the Central Eskimos (vol. 2, pp. 179-180), Mathiassen had

    described as Thule the two Birnirk harpoon heads which Sverdrup had excavated

    near the mouth of the Kolyma River in northeastern Siberia. Though these

    harpoon heads possessed the general Thule features of an open socket and a

    "thin" shape, they also had an irregular or divided spur and a single side

    blade with opposite barb — specific features which clearly marked them as

    Birnirk. In a later publication Mathiassen discussed the age of the Thule

    harpoon heads in Alaska and their relation to the Birnirk heads found by

    Stefansson and Van Valin around Point Barrow and those of the Old Bering Sea

    culture described by Jenness from Bering Strait. Because the Thule harpoon

    heads were simple in form and widely distributed (citing the typical Birnirk

    heads from the Kolyma River as evidence of an extensive "Thule" distribution),

    Mathiassen (1929, p. 54)concluded that they were older than the more circum–

    scribed, elaborate Old Bering Sea and Birnirk types, and that the Thule was

    therefore the oldest culture stage in Alaska, as in the Central regions.

            This interpretation ran counter to the findings of Jenness who in the

    summer of 1926 had discovered the Old Bering Sea culture on the Diomede

    Islands, and, unconnected with it, a Thule stage of culture at nearby Cape

    Prince of Wales. At the Wales site Thule harpoon heads were observed to have

    undergone changes leading directly to the modern type. Therefore, according

    to Jenness (1928a, 1928b), the Thule culture in Alaska was later than the



    006      |      Vol_VIII-0890                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Birnirk Culture

            130 Old Bering Sea and the related Birnirk. Jenness' theory received confirma–

    tion from Collins' excavations in 1928 and 1929 (1929) on St. Lawrence and

    Punuk islands which showed Old Bering Sea and Birnirk harpoon heads and

    art motives to be earlier than those of the Thule culture. Later, more

    intensive excavations at Kukulik and Cambell, on St. Lawrence Island, pro–

    duced abundant and conclusive evidence of the priority of Old Bering Sea–

    Birnirk over Thule (Geist and Rainey, 1936; Collins, 1932, 1935, 1937b).

            In 1930 Mason described the material which Van Valin had excavated

    at sites of Birnirk age around Barrow, thus providing the first information

    on Birnirk implement types other than harpoons, darts, and arrows. Mathiassen

    had also examined the Van Valin material, and guided by his identifications

    Mason described the collection as Thule. Mason noted that the skeletons

    which Van Valin had found, and which had been studied by Hrdli c č ka (1930)

    represented a highly specialized long, narrow, and high-headed type which on

    the basis of information already available was not what one would expect to

    find associated with the Thule culture; for it was very different from that

    exhibited by the three modern Eskimo groups who had retained to the fullest

    degree the old Thule culture, i.e., the modern Point Barrow, Southampton

    Island, and Polar Eskimos. This puzzling situation was pointed out, not as

    casting doubt on the identification of the Van Valin skeletal and cultural

    material as Thule, but as an unexplained paradox, a problem to be solved

    by future investigation.

            In 1931-32 James A. Ford made further excavations at the old Barrow

    sites for the Smithsonian Institution. At Birnirk itself he found mainly

    the Birnirk type harpoon heads except for one example of the Thule Type 2,

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0891                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Birnirk Culture

    the form with two opposite barbs. However, this Thule form predominated at

    the older part of the more recent site of Utkiavik, where it later developed

    into forms characteristic of the protohistoric period (Collins, 1933).

    Ford's findings, reinforcing those of Stefansson and Van Valin and conform–

    ing with the stratigraphic relationships of harpoon types indicated for

    Bering Strait and St. Lawrence Island, left no doubt that the Birnirk was

    an older culture than the Thule.

            In his paper presenting and analyzing Stefansson's measurements on 526

    Alaskan and Coronation Gulf Eskimos, Seltzer (1933) accepted the Van Valin

    skeletal material as that of the "carriers of the Thule culture," citing

    Mason's demonstration of their culture as Thule, and, proceeding on that

    basis, presented a new theory of the immediate origin of the Eskimo.

            In a discussion of Seltzer's and Mason's papers, Collins (1934) pointed

    out: (1) that the Van Velin cultural material was not Thule but Birnirk,

    which the archeological evidence showed to be an older stage of culture,

    related to the Old Bering Sea; (2) that the Canadian Thule culture, though

    unquestionably of some antiquity in the Hudson Bay area, actually showed

    closer resemblances to the modern and protohistoric phases of Alaskan culture

    than to Old Bering Sea, Birnirk, or Punuk; (3) that to account for the presence

    of numerous important Thule elements at modern but not earlier Alaskan sites

    it was necessary to postulate a return migration of Thule culture to the north

    coast of Alaska within the past few centuries, subsequent to the original

    eastward movement of the Thule culture; and (4) that inasmuch as the modern

    Point Barrow, Smith Sound, and Southampton Island (Sdalermiut) Eskimos, the

    three modern groups whose culture was closest to that of the Thule, were

    008      |      Vol_VIII-0892                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Birnirk Culture

    likewise all very similar physically, it was their type, and not that of

    the pre-Thule Birnirk, that was more likely to be the physical type of the

    Thule culture. This was borne out a few years later when Fischer-Møller

    (1937) published the results of his study of the skeletal material from

    Mathiassen's Thule sites around Hudson Bay. These actual Thule skulls were

    found to be almost identical with those of the modern Point Barrow Eskimo

    and very different from the old Birnirk.

            While all the evidence had pointed to the conclusion that Birnirk was

    older than Thule, direct indications of its being ancestral to the latter

    were not obtained until 1936. In that year Collins (1937, 1939), excavating

    at the old site of Kurigitavik at Cape Prince of Wales, found stratigraphic

    evidence that the Thule Type 2 harpoon head had arisen through modification

    of one of the Birnirk types.



    009      |      Vol_VIII-0893                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Birnirk Culture


    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    Collins, Henry B., Jr.

    1929. Prehistoric art of the Alaskan Eskimo. Smithsonian Misc. Coll.,

    vol. 81, no. 14, Nov. 14.

    1932. Prehistoric Eskimo culture on St. Lawrence Island. Geographical

    Review, vol. 22, No. 1, Jan., pp. 107-119.

    1933. Archeological investigations at Point Barrow. Explor. and Field–

    work Smithsonian Inst. in 1932, pp. 45-48.

    1934. Eskimo archeology and somatology. Amer. Anthropologist, vol. 36,

    [ ?] no. 2, pp. 309-313.

    1935. Archeology of the Bering Sea region. Ann. Rep. Smithsonian Inst.

    1933, pp. 453-468.

    1937a. Archeological excavations at Bering Strait. Explor. and Field–

    work Smithsonian Inst. in 1936, pp. 63-68.

    1937b. Archeology of St. Lawrence Island, Alaska. Smithsonian Misc. Coll.,

    vol. 96, no. 1, Aug. 9.

    1939. Exploring frozen fragments of American history. Nat. Geogr. Mag.,

    vol. 65, no. 5, May, pp. 633-656.

    1940. Outline of Eskimo prehistory. Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol. 100,

    pp. 533-592.

    Fischer-Møller, K.

    1937. Skeletal remains of the Central Eskimos. Rep. 5th Thule Exped.,

    1921-24, vol. 3, no. 1, Copenhagen.

    Geist, Otto William, and Rainey, Froelich G.

    1936. Arch a eological excavations at Kukulik, St. Lawrence Island, Alaska.

    Misc. Publ., Univ. Alaska, vol. 2. U. S. Dept. Interior, May 19.

    (Issued in April 1937).

    Hrdli c č ka, Ale s š .

    1910. Contributions to the anthropology of Central and Smith Sound Eskimo.

    Anthrop. Papers, Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 5, pt. 2.

    1930. Anthropological survey in Alaska. 46th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol.



    010      |      Vol_VIII-0894                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Collins: Birnirk Culture

    Jenness, Diamond

    1928a. Arch a eological investigations in Bering Strait. Nat. Mus. Canada,

    Ann. Rep. 1926, pp. 71-81.

    1928b. Ethnological problems of Arctic America. Amer. Geogr. Soc. Special

    Publ. No. 7, pp. 167-175.

    Larsen, Helge, and Rainey, Froelich

    1948. Ipiutak and the Arctic Whale Hunting culture. Anthrop. Papers,

    Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 42.

    Mason, J. Alden

    [ ?] 1930. Excavations of Eskimo Thule culture sites at Point Barrow, Alaska.

    Proc. 23d Int. Congr. Americanists, New York, 1928, pp. 383-394.

    Mathiassen, Therkel

    1927. Arch a eology of the Central Eskimos. Rep. 5th Thule Exped. 1921-24,

    vol. 4, Copenhagen.

    1929. Some specimens from the Bering Sea culture. Indian Notes, Museum

    of the Amer. Indian, Heye Foundation, vol. 6, no. 1, pp. 33-56, Jan.

    1930. Arch a eological collections from the Western Eskimos. Rep. 5th Thule

    Exped., 1921-24, vol. 10, no. 1, Copenhagen.

    Seltzer, Carl C.

    1933. The anthropometry of the Western and Copper Eskimos, based on data

    of Vilhjalmur Stefansson. Human Biology, vol. 5, no. 3, pp. 313-370.

    Stefansson, Vilhjalmur

    1914. The Stefansson-Anderson Arctic expedition of the American Museum:

    preliminary ethnological report. Anthrop. Papers, Amer. Mus.

    Nat. Hist., vol. 14, pt. 1.

    Wissler, Clark

    1916. Harpoons and darts in the Stefansson collection. Anthrop. Papers,

    Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 14, pt. 2.

           

    Henry B. Collins, Jr.

    Thule Culture


    001      |      Vol_VIII-0895                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Therkel Mathiassen)


    THULE CULTURE

            The prehistoric Canadian Thule culture was first recognized as a

    special culture through the excavations which were made by the Fifth Thule

    Expedition, 1921-24. However, specimens from it had existed previously in

    some museums, especially American, chiefly collected by Captain George

    Comer on Southampton Island and Melville Peninsula, descriptions of which

    had been published by Boas. The Fifth Thule Expedition was first to make

    systematic excavations in the territory of the Central Eskimos, the most

    important of which was at Naujan in Repulse Bay, while others were made at

    K u û k on Southampton Island, at Qilalukan and Mitimatalik in Pond Inlet

    (excavator: Therkel Mathiassen) and at Lalerualik on King William Island

    (excavator: Knud Rasmussen).

           

    Excavation Sites

            The Naujan village is near the middle of the north coast of Repulse

    Bay, which bay is just on the Arctic Circle and nearly cuts off Melville

    Peninsula from the American mainland. Here are twenty ruins of old winter

    houses, at a distance from the sea of about 100 to 200 yards and at a height

    above sea level of 40 to 70 feet, indicating that the land has risen con–

    siderably since they were built. Thirteen of these houses were excavated,

    all of which were so fallen and overgrown that their shape could hardly be

    002      |      Vol_VIII-0896                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Mathiassen: Thule Culture

    recognized before excavation; mostly they appeared as shallow hollows

    surrounded by a low wall, with faint traces of the doorway. They were

    small, in diameter from 10 to 20 feet, round, partially underground struc–

    tures with walls of stones, whale bones, and turf, the roof supported by

    jawbones and ribs of large whales. The back part of the house was occupied

    by a raised platform; the floor was covered by flat stones; the floor of the

    passageway was sunk deeper than that of the house. One of the houses, bigger

    than the others, had three patforms; a side platform was seen in one house;

    the lamps had their places at the ends of the main platform.

            The excavation of 12 houses and of a part of a big refuse heap, formed in

    front of some of them, gave a total of 3,000 specimens. These were mostly of

    whale bones, but there were also many of walrus ivory, caribou antler, and

    whalebone (baleen). There were many objects of stone (flint, slate, soapstone);

    there was little wood and only a very few pieces of metal (native copper, meteo–

    ric iron). There was nothing to indicate contact with white people. The animal

    bones were mostly those of whale, walrus, seals, and caribou, but there were

    also bones of the dog, bear, wolf, wolverine, fox, musk ox, and several species

    of birds and fish.

            Besides the house ruins, there were at Naujan a number of other remains

    of about the same age: tent rings of heavy stones, kayak supports, meat caches,

    fox traps and 65 graves, heavy oblong-square stone cists, covered by a heap of

    stones; among the grave finds were a number of skeletons.

            Qilaluk a o n and Mitimatalik both lie close to the Hudson's Bay Company post

    at Pond Inlet. At Mitamatalik there was one, at Qilalukan 18 ruins, situated

    between 16 and 32 feet above sea level. Four houses and some middens were

    excavated. The houses seemed to be of the same type as those at Naujen, as

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0897                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Mathiasson: Thule Culture

    were, for the most part, the specimens from these sites, numbering about

    1,800. There were, however, a number of new types; long, thin harpoon heads

    with several barbs, flat harpoon heads with open socket, seal scratchers,

    big slate knives, stone axe with baleen handle, winged needle case, a comb

    with a picture of a women's boat, platform mats of baleen, a sealskin boot;

    and a lump of metal, probably a sign of contact with white people.

            Malerualik is a large village site on the south coast of King William

    Island. Here were found 68 house ruins at heights of 49 to 72 feet above

    sea level. Thirteen ruins were excavated and about 200 specimens secured.

    The houses are of the same type as Naujan, but whale bones seem to have been

    ver / y little used in the construction. The specimens also are mainly of the

    Naujan types; but whale hunting seems to have played a much less important

    role, for the specimens are mostly of antler. Among them were a harpoon

    head of Dorset type, some barbed arrowheads with owner's mark, an ice scoop,

    and a sherd of earthenware pottery. There is no evidence of contact with

    white people. The culture is poorer than at Naujan because of the scarcity

    of big sea mammals.

            K u û k , on the west coast of Duke of York Bay on Southampton Island, is

    situated on a river, a little less than two miles from the sea and about

    40 feet above sea level. A salmon dam in the river, now 16 feet above sea

    level, shows that the land has risen at least that much since the houses

    were built. Of the 14 house ruins, 7 were excavated, yielding about 1,000

    specimens. The preservation of the ruins and the finds shows that the houses

    are of quite different age. The newest and best-preserved house was cloverleaf–

    shaped with three platforms and a storeroom. Walls, floor, and platforms were

    built of flat limestone slabs, and a whale skull and several other big whale

    004      |      Vol_VIII-0898                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Mathiassen: Thule Culture

    whale bones were used in the construction.

            The specimens from the oldest houses were of the well-known Naujan

    types. The more recent ruins showed the beginning of a local development.

    For instance, there were indications of a highly developed flint technique,

    while the latest house showed a considerable number of local types, such as

    special forms of flat harpoon heads, flint flakers of walrus rib, lamps and

    cooking pots of limestone slabs, certain forms of combs, etc. It is a culture

    close to that of the Sadlermiut, the now extinct Eskimo group on Southampton

    Island who died out in 1902, probably from disease brought to the island by

    a Scottish whaler. The Sadlermiut are known through the collections Captain

    Comer brought to America and through information from two old Aivilik Eskimos

    who had lived and hunted with them.

           

    The Sadlermiut

            These Sadlermiut were small but powerfully built people, living in winter

    houses such as the most recent house at K u û k. The men wore coats of caribou

    and bear skin, with bearskin trousers. The women wore high sealskin boots.

    The inside of the houses were soiled with blubber and soot, because the women

    were not skillful at trimming the lamp wick. The Sadlermiut were good hunters,

    catching walrus, seals, and bears; they also hunted whales in their kayaks.

    They knew bolas and bird harpoons, the latter being shot with bows. The sledges

    were small, of bone and walrus tusk, and their many dogs were directed with a

    long thin whip. Clever flint workers, they used in this work a flaker of

    walrus rib. They had little communication with the Eskimos on the mainland.

            These Sadlermiut were probably the last remnants of the Thule people in

    the Central Arctic. Only two children, adopted by Aivilik Eskimos, survived

    the catastrophe of 1902.



    005      |      Vol_VIII-0899                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Mathiassen: Thule Culture

           

    The Thule People and their Culture

            Everywhere along the shores of the Canadian mainland and on the Arctic

    Archipelago we find ruins of winter houses of the same type as at Naujan

    and the other investigated sites. The ruins from which we have finds show

    a similar culture in Chesterfield Inlet, Aivilik in Repulse Bay, Labrador,

    and Craig Harbour in Kllesmere Island. Thus there is no doubt that this old

    culture was spread over the coasts of the Canadian Arctic.

            This Eskimo culture has been called the Thule culture because of its

    having first been found near Thule in Northwest Greenland by the Fifth Thule

    Expedition. Later discoveries show that the Northwest Greenland Thuoe cul–

    ture (Comer's Midden) is more closely related to the somewhat later Inugsuk

    culture than to the Thule culture proper.

            Summerizing what we know about the culture of these Thule Eskimos:

    They dwelt in small villages near the shore; their houses were small, half

    underground, built of stone, whale bones, and sod, with a narrow, underground

    passageway and a raised platform. Snowhouses were also known, and in the

    summer skin tents were used. For the most part, these people hunted sea

    mammals, whales, and walrus, but also seals, caribou, bear, and musk ox;

    foxes were caught in stone traps; birds and fish, especially salmon, were

    also caught. Their most important hunting implements were harpoons for

    ice- and kayak-hunting; most of the harpoon heads were thin, with open shaft

    socket; and ice-hunting harpoon had in its rear end an ice pick; they also

    used the lance, bladder dar, bird dart, and salmon spear; lance and harpoon blades

    were mostly of bone and stone. They used also the bow and arrow, bolas, baleen

    wolf killers, and gull hooks. The kayak and umiak were known, also the

    toboggan and the dog sledge with shoeing of bone and baleen; the dogs were

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0900                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Mathiassen: Thule Culture

    fastened fanwise to the sledge.

            Important implements were snow knives, snow shovels, flensing and

    whittling knives, bow and hand drills, adzes, mattocks, wedges, clubs,

    flint flakers, ulus without stem, scrapers, baleen shaves, bone needles,

    winged needle cases. The soapstone lamps had wick ledges, and the soap–

    stone cooking pots were rounded; pottery was known, and they also used

    oval bowls, trays, and cups of baleen and wood.

            As to their clothing we have little definite information; they had

    fur coats with hoods; the men probably wore bearskin trousers and the women

    long sealskin boots. Snow goggles were used. They had many ornaments and

    often decorated their implements with incised motives, both naturalistic

    and geometric, such as double lines with alternating cross lines, Y-ornaments,

    and zigzag lines; dolls and other carvings were made. The dead with some of their implements, were buried

    in heavy stone cists.

            Altogether the Tule culture seems to have been a rich and vigorous

    Eskimo culture, closely attached to the sea and its mammals, especially its

    big game, whale and walrus.

            How old is the Thule culture? The upper limit seems to be indicated by

    the weak traces of connection with white people which we found at Qilalukan;

    this may be from the first whalers who entered Baffin Bay in the 17th century.

    The lower limit is more difficult to determine. At Naujan, K u û k, and Malerualik

    the land must have risen considerably since the houses were built, at Naujan

    probably about 32 feet, at K u û k at least 16 feet. How long this has taken is

    difficult to say, but we can guess at somewhere between a thousand and fivew

    hundred years. Some idea of the age of the Thule culture is provided by

    Holtved's excavations in the Thule District in Northwest Greenland, where,

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0901                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Mathiassen: Thule Culture

    in Inglefield Land, he found a culture very similar to Naujan but probably

    a little older. This culture shows no connection with the medieval Norse

    culture of South Greenland, which had influenced several other culture

    stages in the Thule District, and Holtved assigns it to the tenth to twelfth

    centuries; but it can be older. If we then assign Naujan to the eleventh

    to thirteenth centuries, it cannot be too early. Malerualik and the oldest

    houses at K u û k are probably of a similar age, while Qilaluskan must be some

    centuries younger, with the most recent houses dating from the seventeenth

    century.

            In the tales of the recent Central Eskimos we have the Thule people

    referred to as the Tunit. An old Aivilik Eskimo said that once his people

    lived in the interior of the country; they went out to the coast where they

    met the Tunit — big, strong people who lived in permanent winter houses,

    built of stone and whale bone, and who hunted the whale and walrus; their

    men wore bearskin trousers and their women long boots. When the Aivilika

    settled down along the coast, the Tunit left their settlements and went

    away to the North. Only on Southampton Island did they remain; these were

    the Sadlermiut who died out in 1902; their most important settlement is still

    called Tunirmiut. This same belief is found everywhere among the Igluliks;

    house ruins and the heavy tent rings were ascribed to the Tunit. Pond Inlet

    Eskimos, questioned as to the use of certain objects from Qilalukan, said that

    an Eskimo could not know, as these things had belonged to the Tunit. Other

    tales from the Canadian Arctic tell about quarrels between the Eskimos and

    the Tunits, resulting in the Tunits leaving the country. All these tales

    agree in that the Tunit were very unskilled in preparing their skins for

    clothing, and that was also the case with the Sadlermiut. As a matter of

    008      |      Vol_VIII-0902                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Mathiassen: Thule Culture

    fact, the Polar Eskimos, who probably are of Tunit offspring, are not able

    to make the caribou skins as thin and soft as the Central Eskimos.

            In many respects the Thule culture forms a connecting link between

    east and west, between Alaska and Greenland. Many implement types occur

    among the Alaskan and Greenland Eskimos which are not found in the Central

    area. The explanation must be that there was an earlier connection between

    these two regions, which was broken when the Central Eskimos from the interior

    came down to the coast and expelled the Thule people.

            As to the origin of the Thule culture, many traits point to the west,

    along the north coast of Alaska. Here in very early times there existed

    Eskimo cultures, the Old Bering Sea and Birnirk, which also depended mainly

    on whaling and walrus hunting, and which possessed many implements of the

    same fundamental type as those of the Thule [ ?] culture. From here there

    must have been an immigration toward the east, along the arctic shores and

    over the Arctic Archipelago. But it was in the Central territory that the

    Thule culture reached its final form, as we know it from Naujan and other

    sites. Here it flourished as a vigorous culture for centuries; it expanded

    also to Greenland, where we find a pure Thule culture in Inglefield Land.

    In the other parts of Greenland, however, through Norse influence and local

    development, it changed into another culture, the Inugsuk culture, and in

    that f ro or m it spread over all of Greenland, even the east coast. The Inugsuk

    phase of the Thule culture is the foundation on which the whole later Greenland

    Eskimo culture is built.



    009      |      Vol_VIII-0903                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Mathiassen: Thule Culture


    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    1. Boas, Franz. "The Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay," Bull .,

    American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XV. 1901 and 1907.

    2. Holtved, Erik. "Archaeological Investigations in the Thule District

    I-II," Medde l elser om Grønland, vol. 141, 1944.

    3. Mathiassen, Therkel. "Archaeology of the Central Eskimos," I-II.

    Report of the Fifth Thule Expedition 1921-24. Vol. IV.

    Copenh., 1927.

    4. ----. "The Archaeology of the Thule District," Geografisk Tideskrift,

    vol.47, 1944-46.

    5. Wissler, Clark. "Archaeology of the Polar Eskimo," Anthropological

    Papers
    , American Museum of Natural History, vol.22, 1916.

           

    Therkel Mathiassen

    Dorset Eskimo Culture


    001      |      Vol_VIII-0904                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Douglas Leechman)


    DORSET ESKIMO CULTURE

            Distribution . This early Eskimo culture was confined in its distri–

    bution to the eastern Canadian Arctic. Sites are scattered along the seacoast

    north and east of lines running from northern Ellesmere Island to King William

    Island and thence to Newfoundland. Approximately fifty sites have been re–

    corded, and in nearly every case the specimens have been random surface finds

    by Eskimos or by amateurs with no training in archaeology. Usually Thule and

    Modern specimens are mixed indiscriminately in the collection with Dorset

    material. The route by which these people, who undoubtedly came from the

    western Arctic, traveled is still unknown, and further investigation to deter–

    mine the limits of their distribution is urgently needed.

            Physical Type. No human remains which can be attributed to the Dorset

    people have yet been found. Graves which can be linked with this culture

    are also lacking.

            Language . On August 27, 1824, Captain G. F. Lyon visited a group of Eskimos

    on the east coast of Coats Island. He noted that, though their speech was

    clearly Eskimo, they "spoke a language differing very materially from that of

    any other Eskimaux whom we had seen." He notes that it "was pronounced shortly,

    [and] appeared in consequence to abound in monosyllables." If these people were

    indeed of the Dorset culture, as seems likely, this note of Captain Lyon's would

    002      |      Vol_VIII-0905                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Leechman: Dorser Eskimo Culture

    appear to be the only information we have as to their language.

            Houses . Recognizable house remains are few. They consist of shallow

    saucer-shaped depressions, difficult to detect, which lie on or near the

    beach with ready access to the sea. House remains excavated by the writer

    at Nuvuk showed no trace of stone walls, and only a suggestion of an entrance.

    The absence of the snow knife (except perhaps until after Thule contact),

    noted also in the early Alaskan cultures, argues ignorance of the snowhouse.

            Resources. The Dorset culture was apparently based on the hunting of

    caribou, seals, walrus, and smaller game. The natural resources of which

    they availed themselves, both animal and vegetable, were presumably those

    which are to be found in the area today. Hunting sea mammals from the kayak

    appears to have been unknown, for there are no harpoon finger rests and no

    float inflators or stoppers. Mineral resources included various siliceous

    stones for the making of chipped implements, soapstone for pots, silicified

    slate for boot creasers and chisels, nephrite for adz blades, and other

    materials.

            Clothing. We have only circumstantial evidence as to the clothing worn

    by the Dorset people, but the presence of needles leads us to conclude that

    it was tailored of skins and furs and similar to that worn in historical

    times.

            Tools and Implements. Dorset tools as a whole seem to be smaller than

    Thule or Modern specimens. They are usually carefully made and the workman–

    ship in stone is delicate and skillful. The harpoon heads, of which there

    are xis principal types, are suitable for seals and walrus, but no whaling

    harpoons are found. The harpoon heads may have open or closed sockets; in

    the latter case the socket, instead of being rounded, is a rectangular slot

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0906                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Leechman: Dorset Eskimo Culture

    such as would fit a screwdriver. Projectile points may be tanged, notched,

    or have a concave base.

            Knife handles, with a slot in one or both sides, carried inset blades

    of chipped chert. Other knife blades were curved and so tanged as to enable

    them to be hafted in an off-set position.

            The absence of certain traits typical of other Eskimo cultures is an

    outstanding feature of the Dorset. Among these are the following: the bow

    drill, the ulu, the dog sled, the throwing board, the kayak, and the umiak.

    Absent too were the rubbed slate implements so common among the Thule and

    Modern Eskimos. Most of their stone implements were chipped from chert or

    other dense homogeneous stone. Many of them bear a strong resemblance to

    tools of the early Eskimo cultures of Alaska such as Ipiutak and Old Bering

    Sea. Soapstone was used for pots and lamps, the former frequently taking

    the shape of an elliptical bowl with notably thin walls, reminiscent of

    pottery. These were sometimes colored red either inside or out, or both.

    Chisels and boot creasers of angmak (a dense, hard, silicified slate) were

    first chipped and then ground into shape, as were adz blades of nephrite.

    They were apparently shaped by rubbing them on blocks of quartz or quartzite.

    Another notable lack in the Dorset culture is the bow, and the bone, or antler,

    arrowhead. It is possible that the stone projectile points, which suggest

    arrowheads, were actually used on darts or javelins but no throwing stick

    has been found associated with the Dorset culture. There is no pottery.

            Transportation. One of several striking features of the Dorset culture is

    the apparent absence of dog traction. No trace buckles, swivels, or other

    accessories have been found. Small sled shoes of walrus ivory, suitable for

    use with a hand-drawn sled, are fairly common. Equally remarkable is the absence

    004      |      Vol_VIII-0907                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Leechman: Dorset Eskimo Culture

    of all fittings which could have been parts of kayaks or umiaks. It is

    possible that inflated seal skins were used as floats, as recorded by Captain

    Lyon off Coats Island in 1824. Ice creepers, almost identical with those of

    Alaska, and snow goggles occur in the Dorset culture. It is almost incredible

    that these people should have succeeded in covering so large a geographical

    area with no means of transportation, but what these means were still remains

    to be discovered.

            Art. Small carvings in the round, representing animals, are common.

    They are skillfully executed and lifelike. Groups of human faces carved

    on pieces of caribou antlers are other striking examples of Dorset sculpture.

    Designs on flat surfaces, such as the ends and sides of tubular cases of

    antler, consist of rather crude scratches with spurred lines and a few simple

    geometrical forms. They are reminiscent of the early art (Style 1 of Collins)

    preceding the Old Bering Sea curvilinear designs.

            Origin. The recent publication by Larsen and Rainey of their study of

    the Ipiutak culture makes it clear that the Dorset is either a direct deriva–

    tive of the Ipiutak or that they both flow from a common source. Comparison

    of the two cultures shows their common origin conclusively. Both of them are

    "chipped chart" cultures, rather than "rubbed slate." They both lack pottery,

    the bow drill, the slate ulu, the dog sled, the bolas, the snow knife, the

    kayak, and the umiak. They both include end scrapers, side scrapers, S-shaped

    scrapers, inset side blades, chipped points with a concave base, flaring adz

    heads, faceted adz blades, chipped discoid blades, and other culture traits.

    The use of soapstone vessels and of nephrite appears to have been adopted by

    the Dorset people after their separation from Ipiutak, as do also the rectangu–

    lar harpoon socket and the curved knive, since none of these features is found

    there.



    005      |      Vol_VIII-0908                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Leechman: Dorset Eskimo Culture

            Culture Contacts. In previous discussions of the Dorset culture,

    some authors have even doubted that it was Eskimo at all. Others have

    insisted on its Indian-like features, and on the supposed occurrences of

    rubbed slate specimens comparable to those of the Thule. These misappre–

    hensions have somewhat confused the subject. It is now evident that the

    Dorset is a "chipped-stone" culture, having its closest affiliates in

    Alaska. It is possible that the Sadlermiut of Southampton Island, who also

    used chipped-stone implements, closely related to those of Ipiutak, were a

    specialized group of Dorset people, as were also the Eskimo occupants of

    Newfoundland. The culture contacts of the Dorset were, on one hand, with

    the Thule people who invaded the area later in history; and, on the other,

    with the "Indian" people of the Labrador and Ungava. It is highly probable

    that various culture traits were interchanged where these peoples met, but

    the details of these transferences have not yet been clarified. The suggestion

    that the Manitunik culture of the Belcher Islands is connected with the Dorset

    appears to be ill-founded.

            Chronology. Various attempts have been made to construct chronological

    tables showing the relative positions of the Dorset, Thule, Inuksuk, and

    Modern Eskimo cultures. These have at least served the purpose of clarifying

    our thoughts. It would appear certain that the Dorset people were the first

    human occupants of the area, possibly a thousand years ago, that the Thule

    people came perhaps five hundred years later, in some cases exterminating

    the Dorset, and in others blending with them until they were absorbed.

    Possibly some lingered on in isolated areas, such as Southampton Island,

    Coats Island, Igloolik, Newfoundland (from where few, if any, Thule specimens

    have yet come), and perhaps southwestern Devon Island, where we find typical

    005      |      Vol_VIII-0909                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Leechman: Dorset Eskimo Culture

    Dorset harpoon heads made from fresh walrus ivory.

            Historical Note . This culture was first described by Jenness in

    The Geographical Review of July 1925, who named it, temporarily, the Cape

    Dorset culture, following the examination of a collection of archeological

    material from Cape Dorset in southwestern Baffin Island and Coats Island.

    Unrecognized Dorset specimens had been excavated by Mathiassen in 1921-24 on

    by Bylot and Southampton islands. In 1927 and 1929 a variant form of this

    culture was found by W.J. Wintemberg in Newfoundland. In 1935 the author

    excavated typical Dorset material in a site near Port Burwell at the north

    end of the Labrador and again, in 1936, on Nuvik Island, southeast of Cape

    Wolstenholme. Another Dorset site was examined by Rowley at Igloolik in

    1939. To date (April, 1949) no other pure Dorset sites have been reported.



    006      |      Vol_VIII-0910                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Leechman: Dorset Eskimo Culture


    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    1. Collins, H.B. "Outline of Eskimo Prehistory," in Essays in Historical

    Anthropology of North America
    , pp. 533-592. Smithsonian

    Miscellaneous Collections, Vol.100, Washington, D.C., 1940.

    2. de Laguna, Frederica. "The Importance of the Eskimo in Northeastern

    Archaeology," in Man in Northeastern North America . Papers of

    the Robert S. Peabody Foundation. Vol.3, Andover, Mass., 1946.

    3. Jenness, Diamond. "A new Eskimo Culture in Hudson Bay," Geographical

    Review
    , Vol.15: 428-437, 1925.

    4. Larsen, Helge, and Rainey, Froelich. "Ipiutak and the Arctic Whale

    Hunting Culture." American Museum of Natural History. Anthropological

    Papers
    . Vol.42, New York, 1948.

           

    Douglas Leechman

    Prehistoric Cultures in Greenland


    001      |      Vol_VIII-0911                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    [Erik Holtved


    PREHISTORIC CULTURES IN GREENLAND

            The interest taken in Greenland antiquities dates back more than a hundred

    years, but not until our own century has a scientifically founded study of the

    prehistory of Greenland been earnestly begun. The Danish National Museum, and

    other European museums, have collections brought home by expeditins from the un–

    populated regions of Northeast Greenland, and during the last century the National

    Museum in Copenhagen has received a great number of artifacts, mainly of stone,

    collected particularly by Danish officials and originating in the surroundings

    of Disko Bay on the middle west coast of Greenland. Basing his studies upon these

    finds, Solberg (1907) has attempted to draw certain historical conclusions through

    typological considerations. From Northeast Greenland a more comprehensive picture

    of the ancient culture was obtained from the finds made by the expeditions of

    Koldewey (1869-70), Ryder (1891-92), Amdrup (1898-1900), Nathorst (1899-1900), and

    in particular by the Danmark expedition (Thostrup, 1906-08). From the Thule

    District the Second Thule Expedition (1916-18), in charge of Knud Rasmussen,

    made an interesting find when excavating "Comer's Midden," this find later on

    giving name to the widespread "Thule culture" (Th. Mathiassen, 1927), L. Koch

    picked up some interesting specimens on Washington Land and Hall Land still

    farther to the north (Mathiassen, 1928). In his work Greenland , Th. Thomsen has

    given a general view of what Greenland archaeology was able to yield before syste–

    matic researches began.



    002      |      Vol_VIII-0912                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Holtved: Prehistoric Cultures in Greenland

            In 1929 a series of excavations was started by Mathiassen at Inugsuk in the

    Upernivik District; it was continued by him in thefollowing years (at Kangamiut

    in 1930, at Angmagssalik in 1931-32, at Disko Bay in 1933, at Julianehaab in 1934),

    and by Helge Larsen (at Clavering Island in 1931-32, at Kangerdlugssuaq in 1935).

    P. V. Glob worked at King Oscar Fjord in 1932 and E. Holtved at Thule in 1935-37

    and in 1946-47. In the extreme northeast finds were made by E.Knuth in 1939 and

    1947. These excavation fields being distributed rather evenly along all of the

    Greenland coasts, the resulting finds must be considered a reliable basis for an

    understanding of the main lines of culture development within Greenland.

            Greenland forms the extreme eastern part of the vast area peopled by Eskimos;

    its Eskimo population must have immigrated from the west via Ellesmere Island,

    crossing Smith Sound, or Kane Basin, mainly pushing thence southward through the

    Thule District. It seems probable that a secondary, northern route was also taken,

    toward Northeast Greenland via Peary Land; this was, however, of minor importance.

    But when did the first immigrants arrive, and what did their culture look like?

    What were the agencies that modified the culture they brought with them — climatic

    conditions, new immigrations, later cultural diffusion from the west, the medieval

    Norsemen, the later whalers? And what routes did the Eskimos follow in their

    dispersal all over Greenland?

            The geographical extension of Greenland, a north-south extent of 1,600 miles

    (more than twenty-three degrees of latitude), and the currents of the surrounding

    seas, produces a climatic transition from high arctic in the north to subarctic

    in the south. Moreover, several facts indicate that the climate in the middle

    ages was more dry, and that later on rather great oscillations in the ice conditions

    took place that have exerted a direct influence upon the conditions of life (L.

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0913                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Holtved: Prehistoric Cultures in Greenland

    Koch, 1945). As proved by Mathiassen, both West and East Greenland have been

    peopled by immigration southward along the west coast, via South Greenland, and

    onward to the north along the east coast, finally reaching Northeast Greenland.

    Consequently a considerable process of cultural adjustment must have taken place.

            Advancing along the west coast the Eskimos came in contact with the Norsemen

    in what are now the Godthaab and Julianehaab districts, where for a few centuries

    they must have lived side by side until the Norsemen disappeared about A.D. 1500.

    Some think that about these events the Greenlanders have kept several folk tales

    (Rink ) , 1866-71); others (Nansen, Stefansson) think that the tales adduced by Rink

    as Eskimo race memories of a struggle with the Europeans really represent theories

    by which the Danes following Egede's arrival (in 1721) explained to the Eskimos

    how and why the Europeans must have disappeared, which explanations the Eskimos

    cast into stories that were eventually told by them to Rink and others, who published

    them.

            From the Norsemen the Eskimos acquired some new culture elements, above all the

    technique of coopering. Together with original Norse [ ?] objects found in

    Eskimo strata, this has constituted a decisive point of departure for Greenland

    chronology.

            In the Islaendingabok (Book of the Icelanders) of Ari the Wise, we are told

    that Erik the Red at his first arrival in Greenland, about A.D. 982, found evidence

    that people had been there, but he did not see the [ ?] people themselves. It has

    not been possible to corroborate this archaeologically.

            In all likelihood the oldest traces of the Eskimos in Greenland are those

    which have been found in the Thule District. At Inuarfigssuaq, Marshall Bay, a

    004      |      Vol_VIII-0914                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Holtved: Preshistoric Cultures in Greenland

    refuse heap excavated in 1936 contained mainly Dorset culture. Part of this was

    overlain by refuse and house ruins of the Thule culture, distin c tly indicating that

    here the Dorset layers were the older ones. Thus, most probably, the first to in–

    vade Greenland were people with Dorset culture. The finds are partly characteris–

    tic Dorset types, partly culture elements of more common Eskimo distribution,

    and point toward seal and caribou hunting as the chief means of subsistence. The

    flint technique was high, and meteoric iron was also in use. Excavation of

    the house ruins, above the midden, show that several houses had been built one

    above the other; therefore the outlines of Dorset houses, if there ever were any,

    could not be made out. One may only suggest that they were turf-and-stone houses

    like those of the Thule culture. Corresponding Dorset sites have been found no–

    where else in Greenland; but Dorset types occur in several places, especially in

    finds from the following period.

            In Inglefield Land the Dorset culture was succeeded by the Thule culture, this

    new phase differing from the former to such an extent that there must have been

    a new and evidently greater immigration. It now becomes evident that whaling was

    of great importance, many implements being made of baleen; the culture bears a

    strong resemblance to the one demonstrated by Mathiassen for arctic Canada. The

    houses were partly dug out, with a deep entrance passage, sleeping platform in

    the rear, and the front corners extended to make room for meat, blubber, and so

    forth. Often two or three houses were built together, mostly at right angles

    to make a clover-leaf shape. In one instance the two houses are paralle, their

    sleepi n g platforms running in one direction, divided [ ?] only by a partition wall,

    a structure found in later times within the Thule District, possibly an early

    stage of the long multi-family house later in use in other parts of Greenland

    005      |      Vol_VIII-0915                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Holtved: Prehistoric Cultures in Greenland

    (Steensby). Beyond this there is no fixed ground plan, the form of the houses

    changing from rounded to rectangular.

            Fireplaces have not been observed in any of these older houses. In a few of

    them Norse objects were found, so they can hardly be earlier than the 13th century.

    But when this immigration of Thule culture began, and when the Dorset people ar–

    rived, is [ ?] still impossible to ascertain with certitude. Probably this Thule

    culture was diffused all over the Thule District, and possibly also somewhat to

    the south, by way of Melville Bay. Finds which can be ascribed with certainty to

    this period in West Greenland are scarce.

            In all probability there was a development of the kayak technique in the

    Thule District; this is indicated by finds of harpoon rests such as are used on

    kayak decks, and finds of raised kayak racks, etc. This development advanced as

    the settlements pushed on to the southward. Thus the early Thule culture gradu–

    ally changed into the phase which Mathiassen has called the Inugsuk culture, from

    the site in the Upernivik District where in 1929 he made the first great collec–

    tive finds. The main difference from the elder phase is that new forms of harpoon

    heads are now prevalent, in particular a more rounded type with closed socket and

    inserted blade, the "Inugsuk" harpoon head which had superseded the older open–

    socket forms. The use of baleen has developed still further, including new forms;

    coopering has been introduced; handsomely made ornamental bodkins are common and

    Norse objects become frequent. Presumably this development took place in the

    course of the 13th and 14th centuries.

            Within this period a new immigration from the west reached the Thule District.

    In 1936, on a little island outside the mouth of Marshall Bay, Ruin Island, six

    house ruins were found differing from those on the mainland, five of them having

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0916                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Holtved: Prehistoric Cultures in Greenland

    solidly built kitchens with regular fireplaces, with access from the house pas–

    sage or directly from the house itself. To judge from the arrangement of the plat–

    forms, along the walls, the sixth house had been a ceremonial house or working

    place for the men. These houses contained mainly Thule culture, but in some

    respects they bear a rather western stamp.

            Also at Thule a group of houses was found apparently culturally related to

    those on Ruin Island. Of particular interest were some harpoon heads with vesti–

    gial spurs, a type so far found only in Alaska, resembling specimens from the

    early Punuk culture. A circular extension of the tangs of the arrowheads is also

    a western feature, as opposed to the knobs of the Thule culture. The knowledge of

    this culture phase has been further increased through the excavation of a great

    ruin site at Nugdlit, some sixty kilometers to the northwest of Thule.

            In the houses on Ruin Island, and in the similar ones at Thule, were also found

    a number of Norse objects, such as tub staves, but no indications of Inugsuk

    culture.

            Evidently these Ruin Island people had immigrated from the west just at the

    time when Inugsuk culture began to flourish at Thule. The settlement of Nugdlit

    is indicative of a considerable increase in the population. Apparently, however,

    they soon adopted the Inugsuk culture, their cultural peculiarities so far not

    having been found outside the Thule District. Only their house form, with cooking–

    places, in its turn dependent on great quantities of whale blubber for fuel,

    was taken over by the people of the Inugsuk culture and gradually made its appear–

    ance outside the Thule District. In the subsequent centuries both house forms are

    to be seen in West and South Greenland, both of them containing objects of the

    Inugsuk culture.



    007      |      Vol_VIII-0917                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Holtved: Prehistoric Cultures in Greenland

            The adjustment of the Inugsuk culture to subarctic conditions forms the

    background for the great advance southward at the end of the 13th and the be–

    ginning of the 14th century, and it may be suggested that in this the Ruin Island

    people were a moving power. In the 15th century, this culture seems to have cul–

    minated in the Thule District, showing an astonishing multitude of forms; this

    period was succeededby a stagnation and decline which seems to have continued

    till about the middle of the 19th century, possibly in connection with a change of

    climate which may have contributed to the cessation of whaling and increase of

    ice-hunting. [Or it may be that whaling along the west coast of Greenland lessened

    because whales were getting fewer throughout the whole Arctic, through the slaughter

    by Europeans, which extended from the North Atlantic farther and farther toward and

    into the Arctic. | ] Eventually communication by way of Melville Bay, between

    people of the Thule districts and those farther south, came to an end, presumably

    in the course of the 17th century, the Cape York or Polar Eskimos in some respects

    recurring to the Thule culture. At last the use of kayak, bow and arrow, and

    the three-pronged salmon spear, passed totally into oblivion, only to be re–

    introduced by new immigrants from the west about the year 1866.

            In West Greenland, what evidently are the oldest house ruins were excavated

    by Mathiassen on the little island of Igdlutalik in Disko Bay. If anything, they

    belonged to the Thule culture, apparently being older than the Inugsuk find; but

    here also fireplaces were found in the houses. At the same ruin site, however,

    finds from a midden made it evident that Inugsuk culture had come in. Through

    excavations in the Kangamiut area, Julian [ ?] haab District, South Greenland, and in

    the Angmagssalik District of East Greenland, Mathiassen has demonstrated that

    everywhere it is this culture which characterizes the finds from the lower strata.

    008      |      Vol_VIII-0918                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Holtved: Prehistoric Cultures in Greenland

    Furthermore, it has been traced northward along the east coast, finally to reach

    Northeast Greenland. In West Greenland [according to the Danish authorities, and

    some others] encounters with the Norsemen led to the total destruction of the

    Vestribygd, or Western Settlement, of the medieval Europeans, about the middle of

    the 14th century. [ ?] [According to Nansen, there is little or no evidence of

    destruction of Europeans by the Eskimos but much evidence that the two peoples

    amalgamated, the Eskimo culture prevailing because it was better suited to local

    conditions.]

            How the advance of the Eskimos took place in detail cannot be said with cer–

    tainty. Most likely they felt their way forward, and constantly on the way

    some of them settled down upon the most profitable hunting places. Presumably

    South Greenland was reached in the 14th century, Angmagssalik shortly afterward,

    and at last Northeast Greenland in the 16th century.

            During this period a conspicuous development took place on the west coast,

    most perceptible in the regions around Disko Bay, where it was especially [ ?]

    whaling that made living conditions good . for a relatively numerous population.

    Implements gradually took on a new appearance, the slender, orrounded, harpoon

    heads being succeeded by flat ones, the tang on arrow and bird-dart heads being

    furnished with a screw, a new type of bladder dart with a ring of barbs, and the

    lamp without partition ledge coming into common use. The development of the kayak

    appurtenances went on, and the small rectangular one-family house became the habitual

    mode of dwelling, later on (in the 17th century) to be succeeded again by the long

    multi-family dwelling as it was met with at the beginning of Danish colonization.

            In the middle of the 17th century the visits of the whalers began to become

    frequent, and with them came European articles, glass beads, knives, etc., which

    from then onward characterize the finds. This development spread southward, the

    009      |      Vol_VIII-0919                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Holtved: Prehistoric Cultures in Greenland

    dog sledge naturally being replaced by the kayak and the umiak, yet without

    being quite forgotten. However, in the southernmost districts the culture kept

    an old-fashioned appearance longer than farther north. The small, rectangular

    houses also reached that far, but here they were soon succeeded by the multi–

    family dwelling.

            Mathiassen's investigations have shown that at first the Eskimos lived in

    a few great settlements, about midway of the fjords, where it was still possible

    to practice ice hunting in winter. Not till the Norsemen had quite disappeared

    did they begin to spread along the outer coast from where it was possible to

    carry on kayak hunting on the open sea. In south Greenland the influence by

    the whalers was not so perceptible, and Danish colonization here began later

    than it did farther north, the colony of Julianehaab not being founded till 1775,

    thus 54 years after Egede's settlement in the Godthaab district.

            The Inugsuk wave reached as far as Northeast Greenland, but geographical

    conditions on the east coast made it difficult to keep up communication between

    the scattered groups, and gradually a locally stamped culture began to develop

    in different places. The last connection to be broken off was that between

    South Greenland and Angmagssalik where, furthermore, a later and not inconsider–

    able immigration from the south seems to have taken place in the 18th century.

    After this, however, the East Greenland culture began to develop its peculiar

    features, as met with at the arrival of G. Holm in 1884. A minor group had

    settled at the fjord Kangerdlugssuaq, about 300 km. to the north of Angmagssalik,

    but this apparently died out in the course of the 18th century.

            On Clavering Island in Northeast Greenland, Clavering in 1823 fell in with

    Eskimos, but after that time the population became extinct. The culture development



    010      |      Vol_VIII-0920                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Holtved: Prehistoric Cultures in Greenland

            100 in these remote parts has been elucidated especially through the excavations of

    H. Larsen at Dødemandsbugt on Clavering Island. Based upon the Inugsuk culture,

    the characteristic Northeast Greenland culture developed here, remarkable in

    particular for its extensive use of slat. Lamps were often made of sandstone;

    and, as in other places, the slender harpoon heads were replaced by flat forms.

    The type with no inserted blade here become prevalent, this particular form not

    being met with outside the area. The rounded houses assume a rectangular, or

    trapeziform ground plan, with characteristic extensions in [ ?] front, thus bearing

    a close resemblance to house forms in the northern Thule District. So it seems

    that at some time or other a migration came from the west around the north end

    of Greenland, carrying with it Thule culture. H. Larsen suggests that this took place

    in the 17th century, subsequent to the immigration from the south. However,

    fuller particulars as to this intrusion of [ ?] Thule culture are needed.

            Beyond material culture, Greenland archeology does not give much informa–

    tion. Almost everywhere in Greenland it has been the custom to inter the dead in

    stone graves, in most cases the corpse having its legs doubled up. Often a single

    grave contains several skeletons. At some places in West and South Greenland are

    found burial caves, as those examined by Mathiassen on the island Unartoq in the

    Julianehaab District. He found mummies, and with them specimens which dated the

    interment as belonging to the 16th century.

            On social and religious matters, particulars have been preserved in writing

    by the first missionaries and officials (H. and P. Egede, Glahn, Dalager, Crantz),

    and by the verbally communicated traditions of the Greenlanders collected by

    Rink, Holm, Knud Rasmussen, and Thalbitzer. From these it appears that the religion

    of the Greenlanders in past times, like that of other Eskimos, was animistic and

    011      |      Vol_VIII-0921                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Holtved: Prehistoric Cultures in Greenland

    ruled by shamanism, the drum being an indispensable cult object. The main spirits

    were the Sea-woman ( Arnarquagssaq , Nerrivik ) and the Moon-man to whom the shamans

    ( angakut , angatkut ) used to pay visits in times of stress, this with the help of

    their familiar spirits, the most prominent of which was Tornarssuk .


    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    [Abbreviations: MoG.: Meddelelser om Grønland;

    GSS.: Det Grønlandske Selskabs Skrifter]

    Clavering, Douglas Charles. "Journal of a Voyage to the East," The Edinburgh New

    Philosophical Journal
    , 1830.

    Cranz, D. Historie von Grönland . Barby, 1770.

    Dalager, Lars. Grønlandske Relationer (Ed. Bobe) GSS II, København, 1915.

    Egede, Hans. Det gamle Grønlands nye Perlustration eller Naturel-Historie .

    København, 1741. (New ed. Bobe, MoG 54, 1925.)

    Glahn, H.C. Dagbøger (Ed. H. Ostermann). GSS VI. København, 1921.

    Glob, P.V. Eskimo Settlements in Kempe Fjord and King Oscar Fjord. MoG 102,

    København, 1935.

    Holm, G.: Etnologisk Skizze af Angmagsalikerne. MoG 10. 1887. (New ed. Thal–

    bitzer, MoG 39, [ ?] København, 1914.)

    Holtved, E. Archaeological Investigations in the Th [ ?] le District. MoG [ ?] 141.

    København, 1944.

    Larsen, Helge: Dødemandsbugten. MoG 102. København 1934.

    ----. Archaeological Investigations in Knud Rasmussens Land. MoG 119. København

    1938.

    Larson, L. M. (Editor) The King's Mirror , New York, 1917.

    Mathiassen, Therkel: Archaeology of the Central Eskimos I-II. Rep. 5th Thule

    Exp. Vol. IV. Copenhagen, 1927.

    -----. Eskimo Relics from Washington Land and Hall Land. MoG. 71. København, 1928.

    -----. Inugsuk. MoG 77. København, 1930.



    012      |      Vol_VIII-0922                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Holtved: Prehistoric Cutlres in Greenland

    ----. Ancient Eskimo Settlements in the Kangamiut Area. MoG 91. København, 1931.

    ----. Prehistory of the Angmagssalik Eskimos. MoG. 92. København, 1933.

    ----. Contributions to the Archaeology of Disko Bay. MoG, 93. København, 1934.

    ----. The Former Eskimo Settlements on Frederik VI's Coast. MoG 109. København

    1936.

    ---- and E. Holtved: The Eskimo Archaeology of Julianehaab District. MoG 118.

    København, 1936.

    Nansen, Fridtjof: In Northern Mists . 2 vols., London and New York, 1911.

    Rasmussen, Knud. Nye Mennesker . København, 1906.

    ----. Myter og Sagn fra Grønland , I-III. København, 1921-25.

    Rink, H.: Eskimoiske Eventyr og Sagn , I-II. København, 1866-71.

    Solberg, O. Beiträge zur Vorgeschichte der Osteskimo . Christiania, 1907.

    Steensby, H.P. "An anthropological study of the origin of Eskimo culture,"

    MoG ., 53. København, 1917.

    Thalbitzer, W. The Ammassalik Eskimo, I. MoG 39. København, 1914. (Incl. new

    ed. of G. Holm) - II. MoG 40, 1923 and 1941.

    ----. Die kultischen Gottheiten der Eskimos. Archiv für Religionswissenschaft

    XXVI. Leipzig-Berlin, 1928.

    Thomsen, Thomas: Implements and Artifacts of the North East Greenlanders.

    MoG 44. København, 1917.

    Thorhallason, Egil. Exterretninger om Rudera [ ?] eller Levninger af de Gamle Nor–

    maends og Islaenderes Bhgninger pa [ ?] Grönla [ ?] ds Vester-Side, Tilligemed

    et Anhang om deres Under gang Sammesteds
    , København, 1776.

    Thostrup, C. B. Ethnographic Description of the Eskimo Settlements and Stone

    Remains in North-East Greenland. MoG 44. København, 1911.

           

    Erik Holtved

    The Norsemen in Greenland


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0923                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    [Aage Roussell-Karin Fennow]


    THE NORSEMEN IN GREENLAND
    Page
    Colonization 1
    Eastern and Western Settlements 4
    Organization and History of the Settlements 9
    The Greenland Churches 13
    The Farms 21
    The Relics 27
    Bibliography 29



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0924                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthropology

    (Aage Roussell)

    (Translated from the

    Danish by Karin Fennow)


           

    THE NORSEMEN IN GREENLAND

            Note : This paper was originally written in Danish by

    Professor Roussell. It was translated into English by Mrs. Karin

    Fennow and her translation was proofread and in some cases slight–

    ly emended by Professor Roussell. The version here presented

    follows the edited version of Professor Roussell except for a few

    minor changes, particularly with regard to the spellings of cer–

    tain Old Norse words. These words have been changed by the editors

    of the Encyclopedia from the Danish forms used by Professor

    Roussell to the Old Norse forms as commonly used in English-language

    works that deal with Iceland and Greenland in the saga period.

           

    Colonization

            The colonization of Greenland — like so many great things — had rather

    modest beginnings. Erik Thorvaldsen, called Erik the Red, the son of a

    Norwegian immigrant in Iceland, was condemned to three years of exile because

    of his wild and ungovernable temper. His friends provided him with a ship,

    and accompanied him on his voyage out through Breidifjordur, the big Ice–

    landic fjord opening into the waters between Iceland and Greenland which we

    now know as Denmark Strait. On parting from his friends, Erik confided to

    them that he planned to use his period of exile in visiting the region called

    Gunnbjörn Skerries which the Norsemen Gunnbjörn was said to have seen almost

    a hundred years earlier, when he was driven off his course while en route to

    Iceland and had gone far westwards. With a royal contempt for his now miser–

    able state, Erik promised to aid his friends should they be in need of help.



    002      |      Vol_VIII-0925                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

            Erik confidently sailed westward. But the Greenland he first encountered

    could not have made an encouraging impression on him. The southeastern coast

    is a wild, rocky region, blocked by ice from both land and sea. The picture

    changed as he unhesitatingly continued his voyage and reached the west coast.

    Luxuriant green slopes spread out along the banks of the beautiful, deep

    fjords, and both land and sea swarmed with game.

            But Erik did not succumb to the charms of an idle hunter's life. He must

    have realized that the new land presented undreamt-of possibilities for the

    hardy and frugal Icelanders, and he spent his three years navigating and ex–

    ploring the land, inspecting practically all of the territory which could come

    into consideration for colonization.

            We do not know if he immediately made plans for colonizing Greenland,

    but since he got into difficulties again shortly after his return to Iceland

    he could scarcely have had any doubts about what he should do. His great

    organizing abilities at once became apparent. At that time Iceland was com–

    pletely settled — perhaps even over-populated — and no small number of per–

    sons were threatened with loss of life and property as a result of legal en–

    tanglements. It was therefore possible for Erik to leave Iceland as early as

    985 or 986 in command of an emigrant fleet of not less than twenty-five ships.

    The expedition was grand and fantastic — 600 to 700 men, women, and children

    were crowded together among horses, cattle, and poultry, among sacks of grain

    and barrels of fresh water, in the big, open boats. Perhaps some of the skippers

    regretted their daring as soon as they were no longer under Erik's direct in–

    fluence; perhaps the f l eet encountered bad weather. In any case, only four–

    teen of the ships arrived in Greenland.

            Erik had christened the new land Greenland. The sagas place strong

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0926                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    emphasis on the propaganda power of the good name, but we dare not doubt that

    as far as Erik and his fellows were concerned it contained no elements of

    exaggeration. They had every reason to feel convinced that the new land offered

    means for a life better than that they were familiar with in the settlements of

    the Icelandic motherland.

            When the fleet arrived at the southwest coast of Greenland, Erik steered

    his ship into the fjord he had given his own name — the present Tunugdliarfik

    Fjord beyond Julianehaab. He built his farm, Brattahlid, on the great plain

    which the Eskimos have named Qagsiarsuk. He had probably been at the spot as

    early as in his second summer of exile and built a house there, but in any

    case he chose for his own use this place — without comparison the best place

    in Greenland for a cattle and sheep-raising farmer. And from here he ruled

    the new land as long as he lived, as undisputed chief of all its inhabitants.

    His own wife was the only person who dared to oppose him — but more about that

    later.

            A fjord was apportioned to or taken by each of the ships' commanders as

    his landnam (claim); the commanders then allotted to their followers valleys

    and building grounds in these areas. To begin with there was enough room,

    but new immigrants followed the first-comers, and as the settlements flourished

    demands for space for new farms increased steadily. Thus the region from 60°

    N. latitude at Cape Farewell to the 65 th parallel, which forms the northern

    limit for farming according to the Icelandic pattern, was very rapidly settled

    in its entirety.

            The original inhabitants of the land gave the colonists no trouble. The

    newcomers found traces of a strange race, but apparently there was no permanent

    Eskimo settlement of the southern part of the west coast in the period around

    004      |      Vol_VIII-0927                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    the year 1,000. But the Icelanders — or the Greenlanders, as they called

    themselves — were sufficiently numerous and strong at that point to have held

    their own had a clash arisen. Did Erik's knowledge of the Eskimos' existence

    lay back of his occupation-like emigration? That we do not know, but anyway

    he was unquestionably wise enough to realize that if the Norsemen wanted to

    live as they were accustomed to living they would have to be numerically strong

    in order to create a colony with a chance of survival.

            T e discovery of America and the unsuccessful attempt to settle there is

    closely connected to Erik the Red's circle. In the southernmost part of that

    North American area with which the Norsemen were familiar and which they called

    Vinland, living conditions were indubitably far more favorable than those on

    Greenland. It has been a cause for wonder why the whole Greenland colony did

    not move down there. But Vinland did not only have grapevines and self-sowing

    wheat — there was also a numerous, hostile population, and the Norsemen no

    doubt lacked a leader of the necessary stature. Moreover, the urge to expand

    was surely satisfied and in spite of everything the Norsemen were content in

    climates familiar to them.

           

    Eastern and Western Settlements

            The Norsemen had no maps, and their topographical nomenclature, unlike

    that of the Eskimos, was only rarely based on regional characteristics; in–

    stead, with a typically Nordic self-assertiveness, it was built on personal

    names. Consequently, modern science has found it fairly difficult to identify

    the localities on the basis of the rather detailed, but at times conflicting,

    lists of fjords and parishes that have come down to us from the Middle Ages.

    But with the aid of the few natural clues available to us — among which the

    hot springs at Unatoq Island play a prominent role — and especially as

    005      |      Vol_VIII-0928                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    archaeological expeditions have gradually established the locations of almost

    all of the churches, we have arrived at a generally clear picture of the medi–

    eval topography.

            According to the documentary sources, the Norsemen ought to be looked

    for in either the Eastern Settlement (Estribygd) or the Western Settlement

    (Vestribygd). We now know that these names denote, respectively, the regions

    around the Julianehaab fjords and the Godthaab fjords. Today it would doubtless

    seem more natural to use the terms south and north to denote the relationship

    of these regions to one another. In between these two settlements, which can

    be clearly identified by discovered ruins, there is a curious settlement in the

    Ivigtut area. This settlement may have been part of the Eastern colony, but

    it cannot be identified from the documentary sources with any certainty. Its

    farm sites are small, and must obviously have been based on modest-scale sheep

    holdings. No church site has ever been found. Could this have been the final

    refuge of the last poor and miserable Norsemen?

            Hunting expeditions — most likely hunters of polar bears, especially —

    visited the east coast, and people from the settlements, as well as unfortunate

    victims of shipwrecks, found their way to it; but it was as uninhabitable as

    was the Cape Farewell region, which the sailing directions of the time char–

    acteristically called Hvarf , "the place where one disappears." However, not

    so very far to the north of Hvarf the first outpost of the Eastern Settlement

    was encountered. This was the colonial farm ( landnamsgaarden ) Herjolfsnes, with

    "Sand Harbor," the traders' first port of call. Herjolf Baardson, the owner

    of the farm, must have thought of himself as more a trader and less a farmer

    than did the other colonists; otherwise he would not have situated his farm

    here at the mouth of this unproductive little fjord and right beside the open

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0929                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    sea, while all the others sought to get into the sheltered fjord basins. At

    Herjolfsnes we encounter the first of the twelve parish churches the Eastern

    Settlement is believed to have had in addition to its two cloisters. The mon–

    astery isffound in the midst of the densely populated Ketilsfjord (now Tasermiut),

    the nunnery of Unartok.

            The central part of the Eastern Settlement is grouped around Einarsfjord

    (Igaliko) and Eriksfjord (Tunugdliarfik), the two main fjords of the Juliane–

    haab region, and is dominated by Gardar and Brattahlid, the colonial farms of

    the two fjords. Gardar is situated at the head of Einarsfjord, which at this

    point is separated from Eriksfjord by nothing more than a strip of land which

    is so narrow and low that it takes no more than a quarter of an hour to cross

    from one fjord to the other. Because of this, Gardar became the center of the

    colony, and thereby the tingsted , or Thing-place, and subsequently the bishop's

    seat.

            As the population density of the colony increased, all t e suitable

    places along the fjord banks gradually became occupied, so that the last

    colonists had to turn to the more remote valleys in the interior, particularly

    in the great Vatnahverfi (watershed) region south of Einarsfjord. However,

    some farms — definitely not belonging to the most insignificant category —

    are found at a great distance from the fjord in particularly inaccessible

    places such as, for example, in Jespersens Dal (Jespersens Valley) within

    Undir Hofdi farm in South Qagsiarsuk at Einarsfjord. At present it is impos–

    sible to figure out what kind of relations then existed between these farms

    and the main fjord farms. The layouts of the farms certainly differ typo–

    logically, as we shall see in a more detailed discussion, below. But unfor–

    tunately the smaller artifacts found in the excavations cannot as yet be dated

    with any exactitude.



    007      |      Vol_VIII-0930                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

            90

            According to the documentary sources, the Eastern Settlement comprised

    190 farms: of these about 140 farms and 63 smaller establishments have been

    discovered.

            As has been mentioned above, a settlement of small and poor farms is

    situated in the vicinity of Ivigtut. This is not referred to in the Icelandic

    sources. It will be exciting to see if future excavations will be able to

    give us further information about it.

            The Frederikshaab Glacier and the adjacent wastelands unconditionally

    divide the southern colony from the Western Settlement. The outposts of the

    Western Settlement are encountered in Bukse Fjord, but otherwise, it is con–

    centrated in the large fjord formations beyond Godthaab. The Icelandic desig–

    nations of the fjords have been tentatively assigned to the Godthaab fjords,

    but it must be conceded that this has been done on a rather weak basis. Among

    the four churches the settlement is supposed to have had, it should be possible

    to identify the one at Hop farm, since this name connotes a narrow basin con–

    necting the two fjords only at high tide. There is a place of that kind at

    Itivdlerq between the main fjords Ameralik and Pisigsarfik; moreover, the ruins

    of a large farm are located there. It has not been possible to uncover a church

    site at this spot between the fjords, but perhaps this is partly due to sub–

    sequent occupation of the place by Eskimos, partly to sinking of the land which

    may have caused the church to disappear under the surface of the sea, as was

    the case at Sandnes farm in the interior of Ameralik, where the church is only

    partly visible at low tide. The rather considerable settlement at Kangersunek,

    which is now closed to navigation for at least eleven months of the year, is

    noteworthy. Climatic changes may also have been influential in this case.

            In the Western Settlement the inland farms reach close to the inland ice,

    008      |      Vol_VIII-0931                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    especially in that valley made famous by Fridtjof Nansen under the name

    "Austmannadal" in his narrative of the journey across the inland ice. Ex–

    aminations of the middens of these remote farms have revealed the existence

    of abundant quantities of bones of large marine animals; accordingly, for

    this reason alone, the farms could not have been built by the last Norsemen

    although they might otherwise be believed to have sought refuge there after

    giving up the struggle against overpowering Eskimo tribes.

            The Western Settlement is supposed to have contained 90 farms in 4 parishes;

    3 churches, 46 farms, and 23 smaller establishments have been found. Erik the

    Red could scarcely have penetrated farther north than to the area which later

    became the Wes tern Settlement, but when the region was colonized the Norsemen

    embarked on the capture of large marine animals as far to the north as beyond

    Upernivik. They gave the name Nordursetur to the whole northern part of the

    west coast. Karlsbudir, which may be the walrus-trapping grounds at South

    Strømfjord, lay at a rowing distance of six days from the Western Settlement;

    from there it took three days to row to Bjarney (Bear Island, now Disko), where

    they were aware of the existence of coal. A small rune stone found on the

    little island of Kingigtorssuak north of Upernivik relates that three Norsemen

    were at the place on April 25; thus they presumably spent the winter there.

    According to the Icelandic narratives, there were Norsemen in Melville Bay in

    1266. We do not know what they called these regions. The northernmost place

    name we know of is Krogsfjardarheidi, which should probably be identified with

    the region around Vaygat. Norse artifacts have not infrequently been found

    in North Greenland, but we have not yet run across any definite traces of Norse

    settlement.



    009      |      Vol_VIII-0932                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

           

    Organization and History of the Settlements

            In keeping with Erik the Red's authoritative position as the colonies'

    most prominent man, the Greenland farmers assembled for the Thing (Parliament,

    Congress) at his Brattahlid farm. There after the land was ruled according

    to laws which were no doubt directly derived from the laws of the Icelandic

    motherland. We know very little about the Greenlandic form of government in

    the pagan and early Christian periods. Without doubt the Greenlanders con–

    stantly asserted their independence, which the Norwegian kings tried to curb

    from as far back as in the reign of Saint Olaf. But in 1261 the Greenlanders

    decided — surely justifiably — that they had better submit to the Norwegian

    crown; in return the crown took over the shipping, which soon took on a monop–

    olistic character. From then on Norwegian law was in force in the Greenland

    fjords.

            At the same time that Christianity was introduced into Iceland the Church

    stretched out its arm to Greenland. The colonist Herjolf already had a Christian

    man on board, but it was Erik the Red's son, Leif the Lucky, who brought the

    first clergyman to Greenland after he had himself been christened at the court

    of Olaf Tryggvason in Trondheim. Erik the Red grumbled, but his wife accepted

    the new faith regardless, and refused to share his bed as long as he remained

    a heathen. This annoyed him, but, so far as we know, it did not convert him.

    Meanwhile, the colonies were ripe for a change of faith, and the original

    chieftain's domains appear to have undergone rapid transformation into just as

    many parishes. However, the willful Greenland farmers were not content to sub–

    mit to a foreign bishop. A specially appointed bishop for Greenland came out

    to the colonies as early as 1112, and curiously enough it appears he settled

    down in the Western Settlement. But after he departed in 1121 in search of

    010      |      Vol_VIII-0933                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    Vinland and never returned, the Greenlanders sent a trusted man to King Sigurd

    Jorsalfar and the Archbishop at Lund, who granted their wish and set up the

    Greenland bishopric.

            Characteristically enough, Brattahlid did not become the bishop's seat;

    the same place could not contain both the spiritual and the worldly power.

    But Gardar farm on the narrow strip of land between the Eastern Settlement's

    two main fjords, Eriksfjord and Einarsfjord, was the easily accessible geo–

    graphical center of the colony. There was a farm — or a farm could be estab–

    lished there — that was large enough to support the numerous people connected

    with the bishop's seat. Actually, the bishop appears to have soon taken over

    the entire administration of the colonies, since we see that the Thing was also

    moved to Gardar. One would expect the remotely located Western Settlement to

    have had a Thing place of its own, but this is never mentioned, and we have

    never found any traces of the Thing booths, such as those we are acquainted

    with from Gardar and Brattahlid.

            The Greenland colonies got along very well to begin with. When they were

    in their full flowering they must have had a population of about 3,000, and

    their products — especially walrus and narwhal tusks — played a not insig–

    nificant role in Europe. Moreover, we receive an impression of a rather pros–

    perous community actively connected with Europe — this becomes particularly

    striking through the finds of European styles of clothing in the Greenland graves.

    Thus it is somewhat difficult to understand why the colonies did not have vital–

    ity enough to get along on their own when shipping gradually failed them and

    when, finally, some time in the 15th century, it was entirely discontinued.

    The last information we have about the colonies is curiously dramatic. It is

    contained in a letter in the papal archives, according to which in the year

    011      |      Vol_VIII-0934                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    1492 the Greenlanders had been without a priest for a long time, but celebrated

    a kind of divine service whereby the oldest person in the community annually

    exhibited the cloth which had at one time covered the holy chalice.

            Finally, the Icelander Jon Gronlander relates that around the year 1540,

    when he was on a voyage between Hamburg and Iceland storms drove him to Green–

    land, where his ship sailed into a fjord. There the only remaining Norseman

    was found — a corpse on a rock. In his hand the man held a knife that was so

    worn from constant sharpening that hardly any of the iron was left. Thereupon

    the great darkness sinks down over the Norse colonies, and it is only through

    present-day scientific studies that we are able to obtain new information.

            It is difficult to believe that isolation alone could have had such cat–

    astrophic results for the colonists. There must have been a whole series of

    interacting factors that brought on the catastrophe. Primarily there was the

    climate. The Greenlanders were cattle-raising farmers, who had almost reached

    the northern limits of the region where they could find means of life for their

    stock. But now studies of the bogs around the Norse farms have shown that a

    climatic deterioration which took place in the greater part of the Northern

    Hemisphere in the Middle Ages also affected Greenland. This may have been less

    a question of lowered average temperature and more a matter of a decrease in

    rainfall leading to the very dry climate which characterizes the inland fjord

    areas and brings about a drought that gives the wind free play across the thin

    layers of soil. Many places have been scraped bare of soil, so that the bare,

    coarse gravel is now exposed in large areas; presumably there were luxuriant,

    grassy fields here in the Norsemen's time. This is particularly striking at

    Gardar, but it can also be observed at many other places, where sheep-raising

    has now been taken up. There it is necessary to store up winter fodder at a

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    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    great number of the places where the medieval farms were once located.

            Cattle epidemics and failure of crops may also have decimated the stock.

    In 1932 a large part of the area occupied by the Western Settlement was ravaged

    by an attack of moth larvae which wiped out all the grass, ate the leaves of

    the osiers, and had even begun to gnaw the moss. Careful study of the cultural

    strata of the Norse period revealed the presence of innumerable chrysalids of

    the same insect in the uppermost and newest stratum; consequently, it appears

    that a similar attack must have taken place in this colony's final period. That

    may have forced the Norsemen to slaughter their cattle and move out to the coast

    regions where they could live on the capture of marine animals; here conflicting

    interests led to controversies with the Eskimos and competition with the latter's

    superior technical skill at this means of livelihood.

            In the years 1350-60 alarming news reached the Eastern Settlement and

    Norway concerning an Eskimo attack on the Western Settlement. The law lord

    ( lovsigemanden ) at Brattahlid sent out an expedition to the Western Settlement,

    but it returned with the news that neither Christians nor pagans had been en–

    countered, which was interpreted to mean that the savages had destroyed the

    Western Settlement. The Norwegian king took steps to send out a relief expedi–

    tion, but we do not know if the plan was ever put into action.

            In 1379 the Icelandic Annals tell of an Eskimo attack on the Eastern Settle–

    ment, but otherwise the Eskimo folk tales are the best sources for the belief

    that a struggle between the two races took place. Meanwhile, excavations have

    now been made on so many farms without a single discovery of slain Norsemen in

    or near the dwellings that we can definitely state that no actual massacre oc–

    curred. On the other hand, the Norsemen could scarcely have possessed vessels —

    in this their weak period — which could have made an emigration possible. We

    must therefore believe that sickness or need (which can so far be seen to an

    013      |      Vol_VIII-0936                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    extent from the skeletons brought to light in the graves beside the small

    churches) combined with deteriorated economic conditions gave the Norse stock

    its mortal blow.

           

    The Greenland Churches

            Wherever Christendom was victorious, pagan sanctuaries had to give way to

    Christian edifices. It is unlikely that pagan temples were ever built on Green–

    land, and it could not have been difficult for the priests to persuade the newly

    converted farmers to become church builders. The documentary sources are not

    very informative in this connection. We learn only that Erik the Red's wife

    erected a church at Brattahlid at a little distance from the dwellings, and the

    lists of the fjords give a survey of the names and locations of the churches.

    However, these lists contradict one another to a certain extent, and uncertainty

    increases when they are compared with the findings of modern archaeological in–

    vestigations. Study of the situation leads us to the conclusion that the East–

    ern Settlement had twelve churches, including two cloister churches, and the

    Western Settlement four churches. Eleven of these churches have been found in

    the Eastern Settlement; two of them, however, are situated so close to one an–

    other that perhaps a move may come into the question. Three churches have been

    found in the Western Settlement.

            The most detailed list of the Greenland fjords was compiled by Ivar Bardarson,

    who was the administrator of the bishop's seat in the middle of the 14th century.

    But he was primarily interested in the churches' property rights, so his superla–

    tives "large" and "costly" should not be interpreted too literally. On the

    contrary, the ruins found indicate that the Greenland churches were small and

    modest houses of worship, erected by farmers who doubtless had the physical

    014      |      Vol_VIII-0937                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    strength and the enthusiasm the task called for, but who were in possession

    of only those materials the land itself provided, and who lacked both the means

    and the ability needed for architectural ornamentation. This is true of all

    the churches, with the exception of the cathedral at Gardar. Nevertheless,

    even the smallest churches are constructed according to architectural principles

    which indicate that the direction of the work was in the hands of people with

    European training, undoubtedly of a clerical nature.

            The churches were built of stone from the mountains, as beautiful and as

    well-formed as could be obtained. There was no real masonry; mortar was used

    in one case, only, and that was on a sparing scale as joining material in

    Hvalsey church. The fact that Hvalsey is the only church which has been pre–

    served to any appreciable extent may, however, be due to other causes. It has

    a "dry mortar" construction, whereby the remarkably appropriate local stone

    was piled layer upon layer without the use of any kind of binder. When done

    carefully a wall of this kind has a considerable longevity. The same construc–

    tion was evidently used in the east part of Undir Höfdi church, where the wall

    has been preserved to a height of more than two meters. Elsewhere only the

    church foundations remain. This is undoubtedly because another form of construc–

    tion was used in building these churches, whereby the building stones must have

    been laid either in clay or on layers of turf. Such a system of construction

    makes for a firm and excellent wall as long as the building is covered by a

    roof, but results in a fairly rapid collapse of the walls as soon as they are

    no longer protected against being washed out from above.

            One characteristic aspect of the Greenland church sites is that they

    apparently have completely exposed west gables. This may be the result of

    their having been built of turf without an admixture of stone, or — and this

    015      |      Vol_VIII-0938                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    is more probably — they were built of timber. This tallies with the find of

    a plank fragment at the Herjolfsnes church ruin that is undoubtedly part of a

    gable.

            The Greenland churches fall into two categories. The one type, which as

    we shall see below is the older of the two, consists of a very short nave with

    a small chancel at the east end, and an exposed west gable. The other type

    is constructed on a simple rectangle; only one of these, Un [ ?] r Höfdi, has an

    exposed west gable. The cathedral at Gardar in its latest form is the only

    exception to these rules of construction. In consideration of the special

    requirements of a cathedral, the small church that stood on the site was de–

    molished and a new building was erected in its place. This new building had

    a chancel larger than that of any other Greenland church; moreover, it had a

    chapel on either side. The south chapel had an entrance that was connected

    to the bishop's residence by a flagstone path, and it must therefore have

    served as a sacristy. In the north chapel we have made a sensational find of

    a bishop's grave — this will be further discussed below. The new cathedral

    was provided with a nave measuring not less than 9-1/2 x 17 meters; in contrast

    to this the cloister church at Ketilsfjord had a nave measuring only 6-1/2 x

    7-1/2 meters. Unfortunately only the foundation stones of the cathedral have

    been preserved; consequently it is impossible to arrive at any opinion concern–

    ing the architectural construction. However, the discovery of a transverse

    piece of steatite in the vicinity of the south door may indicate that the latter

    had an ornamented doorframe of this material of a type which is not un- known in

    the Norwegian churches. Moreover, the find of a piece of windowpane glass at the

    ruin indicates that the church had glass windows.

            The Hvalsey church rightfully deserves the most prominent place among the

    016      |      Vol_VIII-0939                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    antiquities of Greenland. Its rectangular building measures 13 x 15-1/2 meters

    on the inside, and has walls 1-1/2 meters thick. The walls are painstakingly

    constructed in graduated layers of the exceptionally well-adapted local building

    stone. At various places on the inner sides of the walls we have found frag–

    ments of mortar; this was presumably baked from mussel shells, which are found in

    abundance along the fjord banks. The church has three entrances, two facing

    south and one facing west. The west entrance has a rabbet for a door and it is

    the largest and the widest of the three; thus it must be considered to have been

    the main entrance to the church. Six small, funnel-shaped windows are distribut–

    ed as follows: one in the east gable high above the door, one in the north wall,

    and four in the south wall. But in the east gable, above the altar place, there

    is a wider window covered by a shallow arch.

            The presence of a window arch does not give us sufficient grounds for

    assuming that the church was built according to European architectural principles;

    it is only upon further study of the ruins that we may see if this really was

    the case. Then we discover that the plan of the church building is twice as

    long as it is wide, and thus is made up of two quadrangles. This simple arrange–

    ment — the construction of the church on two quadrangles — is found over and

    over again in many places. Thus the height is the same as the breadth, and the

    entrances are formed by two quadrangles. As the following table indicates, a

    unit of measurement of 0.322 meters was employed in marking out the dimensions.

    The dimensions must have been marked out with great care, presumably with the

    aid of a 5-foot measure.



    017      |      Vol_VIII-0940                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    Surveyed part of

    building
    Measured

    in meters
    Should be

    meters
    Unit of

    measure–

    ment
    Marked

    off
    Churchyard wall N-S 25.75 25.76 322 mm. 80′ 5x16
    Churchyard wall E-S 32.20 32.20 100′ 5x20
    North wall of church 16.10 16.10 50′ 5x10
    East wall of church 7.95 8.04 25′ 5x5

            Age of the Church Buildings . It should be emphasized without delay that

    the churches we know of cannot be the oldest in Greenland. We have seen that

    the cathedral covers the foundations of an older and smaller church, and

    Brattahlid's rectangular church lies on top of the remains of a little church

    with a narrower chancel. However, the Brattahlid church site is located direct–

    ly in front of the entrance to the dwellings, and since the Saga of Erik the

    Red informs us that the first church in the region was situated "not too close

    to the dwellings," three churches must therefore have been built at Brattahlid.

    In addition, at several of the other churches thick cultural layers have been

    found penetrating under the foundations, so that there must have been building

    in the locality long before the church was erected. This presupposes the con–

    struction of provisional church buildings, now entirely vanished, but which may

    have been wooden structures. Examinations of the dimensions of the churches

    indicate that two kinds of units of measurement were used — one, like that at

    Hvalsey, an approximately 32.5 cm. foot, the other a foot of about 29.5 cm.

    The latter was used in the churches having narrower chancels. This type of

    plan belongs to the architectural style of the later Middle Ages, the Romanesque

    style; however, there is no connection with the fact that the Roman foot of

    29.5 cm. has often been observed to have been used in marking off dimensions in

    the European religious edifices of the period. On the other hand, the "Carloving-

    018      |      Vol_VIII-0941                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    ian-Greek" foot of 32.5 meters is best known from the subsequent style period,

    the Gothic period.

            In order to reach a final conclusion in the investigation of the age of

    the Greenland religious edifices, it is necessary to look for their predeces–

    sors. It has frequently been pointed out that there is a great similarity be–

    tween the Greenland churches and the small churches on the Scottish islands,

    both with regard to construction techniques and as far as stylistic forms are

    concerned. We know, also, that the Greenlanders had active connections with

    these islands, which were Christian long before the Norsemen accepted the new

    faith. As far as can be seen, Roman feet were used at some of the Orkney Island

    churches, at others Greek feet; at the Kirkwall Cathedral both units of measure–

    ment are used, in that the Roman foot is encountered in the oldest part and the

    Greek in the newer parts of the cathedral. The medieval Icelandic churches

    are so little known that the material is valueless for the purposes of our in–

    vestigation, but if we turn to Norway, which was Iceland's and Greenland's

    motherland religiously speaking as well as in other respects, we encounter the

    same distribution of units of measurement and of stylistic forms; moreover,

    there are churches, especially Eidfjord Church in Søndre Bergenhus Amt (Province),

    which have an amazing similarity to the Hvalsey church as far as form and dis–

    tribution of windows are concerned. The Eidfjord church is dated about the

    year 1300, and like the Hvalsey church is built on two quadrangles and with the

    use of the same unit of measurement. Consequently, it should be possible to

    establish that the erection of the Greenland churches falls into three periods;

    the oldest, with which we are not acquainted and in which wood may have been

    used for building material; the Romanesque, from about 1200, in which a unit of

    measurement of about 29.5 cm. was used, and which roughly speaking comprises

    019      |      Vol_VIII-0942                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    those churches with the narrower chancels; the youngest, the Gothic, from about

    1300, where the unit of measurement is about 32.5 cm. and the plan is a simple

    rectangle.

            Graves . The old pagan colonists were not buried in the churchyards, but

    must have been interred according to old custom in mounds located at an appro–

    priate distance from the dwellings. But in the majority of cases these mound

    burials must have been performed by the old men's Christian sons, and it cannot

    be expected that the same magnificence and care we know from the old Viking

    graves of the North was displayed. The documentary sources pay but little atten–

    tion to this matter; the Landn a á mab o ó k only relates concerning Thorkel at Hvalsey

    that he was buried in a mound on the home grounds and thereafter haunted the

    dwellings. On the home grounds in this place, remote from the dwellings, large,

    irregular stones form an entryless chamber double the length of a man; perhaps

    this is Thorkel's grave. Two graves have been found in the Western Settlement

    in the valley passage between Sandnes Farm in Ameragdlafjord and Pisigsarfikjord,

    a 20 to 30 minutes' walk from Sandnes, each consisting of a narrow, stone-lined

    chamber in the midst of a gravel mound surrounded by a ring of stones. The

    chambers were partially exposed, and the skeletons were missing. Grave goods

    was found in only one of the graves, but it was very poor; the only thing that

    can be said about it is that it belongs to the Norse culture and is no more

    Eskimoid in character than the construction of the grave. But there may still

    be a chance of finding more well-preserved pagan Norse graves.

            A great number of graves have been examined in the churchyards; these have

    provided an abundance of anthropological material. As is true almost everywhere

    in Christian graveyards, the older interments have been destroyed by the newer

    ones, so that the skelet al materials found essentially belong to the latest

    020      |      Vol_VIII-0943                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    period of the settlements. Especially at the little graveyard at Sandnes in

    the Western Settlement the graves lie close beside one another. In one place

    a man, his wife, and two children are buried together; undoubtedly they were

    the victims of an epidemic disease. But the inhabitants of the Western Settle–

    ment disappeared at least 100 years earlier than those of the Eastern, and the

    skeletons of the former indicate that this race was stronger and healthier

    than that which was observed in the Herjolfsnes graveyard. At Herjolfsnes

    everything indicates that the end was close. The great majority had died

    before reaching the age of thirty; adult women had an average measurement of

    only 140 cm., and the men 155-60. Coalescent pelvic bones made the women un–

    adapted to childbirth, and hunchbacks and sickly deformations of the bones are

    typical of the skeletons. But there are no indications of an admixture of

    Eskimo blood.

            A small wooden cross had often been placed on the corpse's breast or on

    the coffin cover; there were a considerable number of these crosses at Herjolfsnes.

    The cross either consisted of nothing more than two crossed sticks or else it

    was fashioned with very fine and painstaking carvings, with magic runic inscrip–

    tions, or with personal appeals for God's help; but almost all of the crosses

    have the bottom branch ending in a point, perhaps because they were stuck into

    the earth before the corpses were lowered into the graves.

            In a corner of a coffin at Herjolfsnes Dr. Nörlund found a little runs

    stick stating that "this woman, who was named Gudveg, was put overboard in the

    Greenland Sea;" thus this must have been a pitiful attempt to provide burial

    for a woman who never reached land, but whom one may have feared to meet in the

    form of a ghost had she not been given burial.

            Gravestones were used only rarely, but mostly at the Brattahlid graveyard,

    021      |      Vol_VIII-0944                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    where the most beautiful one bore the runic inscription: " leidi ( leithi )

    inlibjarkar " (Ingibjörg's resting place), and was set in a sandstone frame.

    One stone had a cross engraved on its surface, but otherwise the most custom–

    ary type of stone appears to be a smooth, flat one with a small headstone.

            The bishop's grave in the cathedral's north chancel chapel has no grave–

    stone at all, even though the deceased was buried in all his vestments. How–

    ever, conditions for preservation were so poor that no clothing was intact;

    but he had a gold ring, with the stone missing, on his finger and in his arm

    lay a splendidly carved bishop's crozier made of walrus tusks. This fine little

    work of art should be dated in the years around 1200; thus the occupant of the

    grave can pretty certainly be identified as Jon Smirill (Sparrowhawk), who died

    at his post in 1209. The bishop's crozier could scarcely have been carved in

    Greenland; it is far more probable that Bishop Jon received it during his visit

    to Iceland from his friend Bishop Poul of Skalholt, who had a dexterous woman

    servant named Margaret who was famous for her ivory carvings.

           

    The Farms

            As would be expected, the colonists situated their farms at those places

    where the grazing was best, and close by the fjord, which was the natural route

    of communication and gave access to fishing and to hunting of the large marine

    animals. But less important man, and late arrivals, were unable to find room

    beside the fjords and had to be satisfied with more remotely located building

    grounds. On the other hand, the upland was almost unlimited, and access to

    hunting of large land animals, especially reindeer, was better.

            The farms were laid out according to the plan familiar from Norway and

    from the Icelandic motherland, whereby the necessary stables and outhouses were

    022      |      Vol_VIII-0945                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    distributed around the dwelling and the fenced-in home grounds. It was only

    on some places, such as at Hvalsey, where the grazing was not so good in the

    place where for other reasons it was preferable to locate the dwelling, that

    stables were erected, a few kilometers distant, without actual dwellings.

            In the course of the centuries the dwelling underwent a development which

    in certain instances resulted in reconstruction and in additions to the original

    structure, and in others took the form of new construction. But building tech–

    niques remained unchanged throughout the entire period. As far as the walls

    were concerned each consisted of a plinth of varying height made of mammoth

    stones under thick turf walls laid in horizontal layers of alternating thick–

    nesses, or in a herringbone pattern. Only the outer part of the front wall

    appears to have been built of selected stones in its entire height.

            The one room long house , the oldest type of plan, is scarcely to be found

    in Greenland in its original form, but fragments have been discovered under the

    sites of later buildings. In other places a house of this kind has been incor–

    porated into newer, larger establishments. The most noteworthy of these is the

    dwelling at Brattahlid. Here the "hall" forms a room measuring 14.7 x 4.5 meters.

    Directly opposite the door in the long wall is a large cooking fireplace, in–

    cluding a long fire in the center of the floor. The long fire covers a trough

    that brought fresh water in through the back entrance of the hall and carried it

    out through the front wall beside the door, an arrangement probably designed

    more for convenience than for providing security in times of strife. In the

    newer, very much remodeled dwelling at Hvalsey there is also a large, old hall,

    with a fireplace in the middle of the floor. In this place we have found two

    rows of holes which originally contained pillars for supporting the roof.

            The multiple-room long house is known from the oldest part of the dwelling

    023      |      Vol_VIII-0946                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    at Gardar, and, in a purer form, from Sandness and several other smaller farms.

    At Sandnes, where fragments of foundations of older houses can be seen under

    the newest dwelling, there is a large room on either side of a narrow hall; one

    of these rooms was obviously the living room, the other presumably the sleeping

    chamber. A small storehouse is built at the rear of the house; here a large

    barrel stood half-buried in the ground. Archaeological investigations in Ice–

    land reveal that the multiple-room long house was general there in 1300, and

    perhaps later.

            The passage house , which is characterized by a short facade and a great

    depth, has the rooms situated on either side of a long corridor leading into

    the house block. Under the then existing circumstances this seems to have been

    the natural development when the need for room increased; on the large farms

    this method was used to expand existing dwellings. At Gardar, for example,

    additions were built on to the back of the house, and at Hvalsey, because of

    the conformation of the land, at the front of the house. The passage house is

    encountered in its purest form on a small farm at Tingmiut at North Sermilik–

    fjord in the Eastern Settlement. In the later centuries this type of dwelling

    was the dominating form of construction in Iceland, but it should be mentioned

    that no Icelandic ruin has so far proved to be of this type; moreover, those

    attempts that have been made to reconstruct a passage house according to the

    descriptions of dwellings contained in the sagas have not proved to be valid.

    Consequently, it is possible that this expedient kind of dwelling originated

    in Greenland, and from there was transplanted to Iceland.

            The centralized farm should be considered the final expression of the long

    house principle. While the long house had only the necessary living rooms and

    those storerooms most intimately connected with them assembled in one block, in

    the centralized farm all of the farm buildings — dwelling, stables, barn, and

    024      |      Vol_VIII-0947                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    storehouses — are, so to speak, built close together. We know of house blocks

    of this kind running to 21 rooms. It is typical of these farms that the cow

    stables are always situated in the midst of the cluster of houses, surrounded

    by sheep stalls and barns, so that the cows, which must be considered that part

    of the stock most sensitive to cold, had the best possible protection. We are

    familiar with cattle stables attached to or located under the dwellings in Ice–

    land; there this was apparently done so that people could benefit from the animal

    heat. But strangely enough it never occurred to anyone in Greenland to make use

    of this source of comfort; consideration of the animals was the sole determining

    factor. The centralized farm must thus be regarded as the most consistent type

    of peasant farm at those latitudes where we reach the northern limits for the

    possibility of raising cattle.

            The Festal Hall . Eating and drinking under festive conditions was the

    high point in the Norseman's enjoyment of life, and every farmer took pride in

    entertaining his guests well. Thus we observe Erik the Red on a certain occasion

    sitting sulky and withdrawn because unfortunate circumstances prevent him from

    carrying out his duties as a host until a friend comes to his rescue by lending

    him the required necessities. Accordingl, it was necessary on the large farms

    to have a house for use on festive occasions that was more impressive in size

    than any other building on the place. At the bishop's farm the hall is built

    at the rear of the other buildings. It measures 16.75 x 7.8 meters, and is

    twice as large as the Icelandic hall of Flugumyri, where, according to Sturlunga

    Saga, 240 guests were banqueted on a certain occasion; moreover, it is larger

    than many of the halls at the English baronial seats. The hall at Hvalsey, with

    its choice masonry construction, still stands up to the height of the doors. Rows

    of post holes along the walls indicate that there were probably banquet tables

    025      |      Vol_VIII-0948                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    on either side of the long fire. As would be expected, Herjolfsnes farm, at

    Greenland's first port of call, also has an impressive hall in which strangers

    could be assembled and news from Europe could be heard.

            Interestingly enough, the centralized farm, which is known from both the

    Eastern Settlement and the Western, has never been found along the fjords, but

    always in the interior. This can be partly explained by the fact that this type

    of farm first came into use when the last farms were being built, and it can

    partly be attributed to the circumstances that the interior climate is essen–

    tially more of a mainland climate in nature than that alongside the fjords and

    the winters are therefore colder. But, as was pointed out above, the centralized

    farm was not built by the last remnants of the Norse race, since the excavations

    show that the inhabitants of the interior regions possessed the same knowledge

    of agriculture as did the fjord farmers; moreover, hunting of the big marine

    animals was an important part of the economy.

            Interior Arrangement of Dwellings . Under fortunate circumstances the ar–

    rangement of the interior of the dwellings can be observed in the excavations.

    The "living room," which under more modest circumstances served as both living

    room and kitchen, can have a wooden bench along one of the long walls and one

    along the end wall. The raw earthen walls were covered with wood panelling,

    but only high enough so that a man could sit upright on the bench. In the corner,

    directly inside the door, was the place where the large cooking fireplace was

    situated, but a fireplace was also regularly found in the middle of the floor.

    A small stone chest was installed beside the fireplace for the storage of live

    coals. There was also a special kind of cooker in the form of a pit dug into

    the ground, in which the meat was "roasted" under hot stones. Finds of many

    collections of stone weights indicate that the farm's loom was kept in the living

    026      |      Vol_VIII-0949                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    room. On somewhat larger farms there was a special "firehouse" where cooking

    took place and where the servants presumably gathered. This firehouse was

    often connected with one or more storerooms, where a large barrel was buried

    in the floor. This was a container for either water or milk products. The

    latter could also be stored in a rock-lined pit on the floor. Where separate

    sleeping chambers existed, platforms built of stones can be found, but in one

    instance fragments of a short post bed were discovered.

            The bathroom was either built as part of the house or was located in its

    immediate vicinity. In form and accommodations it was just like those bathrooms

    which can still be found in remote parts of the North — a small building with

    a wooden platform behind a big stone oven. Powerful steam is generated when

    water is poured on the heated oven, and this cleanses the bather's skin while

    he occupies the platform.

            The Outhouses. Only a very small number of horses were kept on Greenland,

    and no special arrangements characterize the horse stables. However, on the

    larger farms, especially where there is a church, there is an enclosure —

    usually circular — intended for the use of visitors' horses. Thanks to the

    large up-ended stones forming the dividing walls between the stalls, the cow

    barn is usually that ruin which is easiest to identify on a Norse farm. On

    the centralized farms it is to be found in the middle of the large house block;

    otherwise it is located at varying distances from the dwelling, most frequently

    with a barn building at one end and sometimes with stalls for sheep and other

    domestic animals attached to it. The floor is paved, and has a broad drainage

    trough in the middle. As a rule, the stables have a row of stalls along each

    wall, but it is so narrow that even the small Greenland cows must have stood

    with their rumps pressed against one another's. A medium-sized farm had room

    027      |      Vol_VIII-0950                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    for about ten cows, but on the bishop's farm about a hundred cows could be

    accommodated. It must have been hot in such a tightly-packed Greenland stable,

    and how the animals were able to breathe is almost incomprehensible, particular–

    ly in those places where the cow barns are situated in the middle of the house

    block or where, in the case of detached stables, an attempt was make to achieve

    the same isolation by making the entrance to the stable in the form of a long,

    winding passage leading to the dwelling house.

            There are a considerable number of sheep stables. When they are close to

    the farms and quite narrow, it can be assumed that they were covered by a roof,

    but because of the careless masonry it is often difficult to determine whether

    there was an actual building or merely an exposed pen. In some places so many

    small pens are located at the same spot that the place must be presumed to have

    been used for sorting out herds of sheep that had been left untethered in the

    mountains.

            The storehouses were either built as part of the dwelling or there were

    detached storehouses in the neighborhood of the dwelling. In such cases they

    were usually built of dry mortar, and are therefore relatively well-preserved.

    The most well-known storehouse is at Anavik farm in the interior of the Western

    Settlement. The walls still stand to a height of almost three meters, but

    measurement of collapsed cuilding materials has shown that the house had two

    storeys. The storehouse was often built on top of a large rock, where it was

    inaccessible to children and dogs.

           

    The Relics

            It is not the study of the ruins alone that gives us insight into the

    Greenlanders' daily life. Finds of artifacts in the excavations have been a

    028      |      Vol_VIII-0951                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    very important help.

            Most important of them all — and on the whole one of the most significant

    Nordic archaeological finds — are the costumes from the churchyard at Herjolfs–

    nes, which Dr. Nörlund excavated in 1921. The corpses were shrouded in their

    everyday garments and buried in the earth. As a result of the climatic change

    that took place at the peak of the Middle Ages the ground was rapidly trans–

    formed into a compact, solidly frozen mass, and this preserved the textiles.

    We have thereby come into possession of a number of everyday garments, part

    of which, in any case, must have been made in Greenland and of Greenland wool;

    however, the style is similar to that prevailing in Europe in the latter part

    of the 14th century. At that time men's garments, as well as women's dresses,

    were long and had many pleats. The women's costumes were fuller, but otherwise

    it is difficult to distinguish between masculine and feminine garments. One

    of the masculine costumes — the latest of them — was fashioned so as to button

    in front like a coat; this was in keeping with a style that became fashionable

    in Paris about 1400. The Greenlanders also copied European fashions with regard

    to headgear. No less than fifteen hoods made of woolen material have been found

    in the graves, many of them with a long tail hanging down the back of the neck.

    This was the favorite headgear of the high Middle Ages, worn by churchmen and

    laymen, by kings and peasants, and familiar from innamerable portraits; but it

    was seen in reality for the first time here in this little Greenland graveyard.

    Small, round caps were also found in the graves, and also one single cap about

    30 cm. high which floats out over the back of the head in a curious fashion.

    This is a Burgundian style from the very last part of the 15th century, and the

    presence of the hat in Greenland therefore indicates that connections with

    Europe still existed as late as about 1500.



    029      |      Vol_VIII-0952                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

            A great number of finds of articles of everyday usage have been made in

    and around the farm sites, in the dwellings and the stables. Actually, it is

    hard to dig out a spadeful of earth on a Norse farm site without uncovering

    fragments of steatite vessels. This stone, which is so soft that it can be

    cut with a knife and can stand firing, was used for making cooking utensils

    in the Scandinavian Viking period, and the fact that the mineral existed in

    Greenland must certainly have been a convincing part of Erik the Red's propa–

    ganda for the country. Steatite was put to all possible uses in Greenland —

    cooking utensils, toys, ornaments were made from it. Under favorable circum–

    stances objects made of wood and bone have also been preserved, and a number

    of runic inscriptions with a more or less comprehensible magic content have

    been found at the farms. Iron artifacts are rare, and those knives that have

    been found are small and inferior. Even though the bog iron in Greenland pro–

    vided raw materials for the production of iron — and we observe from the slag

    heaps that it was actually used — the shortage of fuel must have limited this

    industry very tightly. Thus we also observe that the head of a weapon axe was

    made of hard whalebone; however we have also found an iron axe and a pair of

    iron hunting spears.


    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    1. Bruun, Daniel "The Icelandic Colonization of Greenland." Meddelelser

    om Grønland
    , Vol. 57. Copenhagen, 1918.

    2. Nörlund, Poul "Buried Norsemen at Herjolfsnes." Ibid . Vol. 67, 1924.

    3. ----. "Norse Ruins at Gardar, the Episcopal Seat of Mediaeval

    Greenland." Ibid . Vol. 76, 1929.

    4. ---- and Stenberger, Marten "Brattahlid." Ibid . Vol. 88, p. 1, 1934.

    5. ----. "Viking Settlers in Greenland." Copenhagen and London,

    1936.



    030      |      Vol_VIII-0953                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Roussell: Norsemen in Greenland

    6. Roussell, Aage "Sandnes and the Neighboring Farms." Meddeleser om

    Grønland
    . Vol. 88, p. 2. 1936

    7. ----. "Farms and Churches in the Mediaeval Norse Settlements

    of Greenland." Ibid . Vol. 89, p. 1. 1941.

    8. Vebaek, Christen Lelf "Inland Farms in the Norse East Settlement." Ibid .

    Vol. 90, p. 1. 1943.

           

    AAge Roussell

    Regional Description of Prehistoric Cultures in North Eurasia

    Archaeology of Siberia


    Unpaginated      |      Vol_VIII-0954                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop.

    [Eugene A. Golomshtok]


    ARCHAEOLOGY OF SIBERIA

           

    Table of Contents

    Page
    History of Investigation 1
    The Old Iron Period 4
    The Later Iron Age Period 5
    PREHISTORY OF SIBERIA 10
    Old Stone Age 10
    The Verkholensk Moutain 16
    Malta 17
    Siberian Neolithic 21
    Ulan Khoda 22
    Pottery 24
    Dwellings 24
    Kamchatka 27
    Metal Cultures 29
    Andronovo Culture 30
    Minusinsk 33
    The Pazyrik Burial of Altai 35
    Tashtyk Culture 37



    001      |      Vol_VIII-0955                                                                                                                  

           

    ARCH A EOLOGY OF SIBERIA

            Siberia presents one of the most important fields for

    arch a eological investigations because it was in this part of

    N n orthern Asia that there took place many historically recorded

    movements of peoples who tra n sversed the steppes of southern

    Russia and reached as far as the Danube river. It is also impor–

    tant because, in all probability, it holds the answer to the

    question of the origin of the American Indians.

            Most scientists believe that the ancestors of the American

    Indians crossed over the narrow waters of the Bering Strait which

    separate North -E e astern Siberia from the American C c ontinent, and

    then spread out to the south and east.

            Knowledge of early Siberian cultures would eventually permit

    us to reconstruct the story of these eastward migrations and

    enable us to better better to understand their development and growth.

            History of Investigation . Our knowledge of Siberia has

    been limited because of the enormous expanse of this territory,

    its severe climate, the great distance from the cultural centers

    of Europe , and the additional difficulty of language. The Russians

    have done the a great est amount of work in Siberian arch a eology,

    and that only in recent years with the introduction of more

    scientific methods. The early Siberian investigators, like others

    elsewhere, were primarily collectors of curios, and were attract–

    ed by the more obvious and spectacular finds of the Bronze and

    Iron Ages than the more important but less glamorous study of

    the Stone Age s .



    002      |      Vol_VIII-0956                                                                                                                  
    ARCHEOLOGY OF SIBERIA

            First reports of arch a eological remains in Siberia data back

    to the end of the 17th and beginning of the 18th centuries, when

    the first Siberian colonists learned about the treasures b ur ied

    in the ancient kurgans (mounds) and became professional grave

    robbers. Gold and silver objects were either melted down or

    became widely traded. However, in 1721-22, Peter the Great

    issued an edict ordering his officials to buy up all the gold,

    silver , and other rare objects from these graves. This was the

    beginning of the Collection of Siberian Antiquities of the

    Academy of Science.

            At the same time D. G. Messerschmidt and F. I. P. J. Stra h lenberg

    were chosen to head the first scientific expedition to Siberia,

    and they described the various unusual objects and localities

    encountered.

            This work was continued from 1734 to 1744 by G. F. M i ü ller

    and I. J. G. Gmelin, and the latter gave a systematic description

    of Siberian kurgans, which was subsequently used for many years.

            During the period 1768-1774, P. S. Pallas, I. P. Falk , and

    G. G. Georgi made several trips to Siberia and brought back

    much information, particularly on the arch a eology of the Minusinsk

    region of the upper Yenisei.

            This type of sporadic investigation was continued during

    the first half of the 19th century by a number of local Siberian

    residents who also checked previous observations.

            In 1845 M. A. Castren was commissioned by the Academy of

    Sciences to study the origin of the Ostiaks and Samoyeds. He

    remained in Siberia for three years, and excavated several

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0957                                                                                                                  
    ARCHEOLOGY OF SIBERIA

    Minusinsk and Trans-Baikal kurgans. On the basis of his investiga–

    tions Cast r en formulated a theory on the Altayan origin of the

    Finno-Ugrian tribes, but infortunately his premature death pre–

    vented him from continuing his valuable work.

            His theory, however, found some confirmation in the work of

    the Finnish arch a eologist, I. P. Aspelin , who studied the finds of

    bronze implements and postulated the existence of a Ural-Alta y i an

    B b ronze C c ulture. Aspelin believed that bronze tools did not exist

    in E e astern Russia during the early part of the Bronze Age, and

    that, consequently, they must have originated in the Minusinsk

    area and spread to the west ( E e astern Russia), since the bronze ob-

    jects found there were typologically akin to the Minusinsk pro–

    totypes. Thus, according to Aspelin, the Ural-Altayan bronzes

    were derived from the Minusinsk and can be attributed to the

    Finno-U r grian peoples.

            The work by V. V. Radlov from 1862 to 1865 marks an impor–

    tant milestone in the arch a eological investigations of Siberia.

    He made extensive excavations of the ancient burials, and opened

    hundreds of kurgans and graves in the Minusinsk and Mariinsk

    districts, in E e astern and W w estern Altai, and in the Barabinsk and

    Kulundinsk steppes in E e astern Kazakstan and E e astern Turkestan.

    His classical study, "Aus Siberien," Aus Siberien, which appeared in 1884, is

    based on the results of his research and contains the first classi–

    fication of ancient Siberian cultures. He divided them into

    three major periods: (1) Copper and Bronze; (2) Old Iron Age;

    (3) New Iron Age, with a sub - division: Recent Iron Age.



    004      |      Vol_VIII-0958                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

            The Siberian C c opper and B b ronze period is characterized by

    stone burial graves in which the skeletons were placed singly or

    in groups with the head oriented to the east, and covered by a

    layer of wood or stone slabs. The grave furniture included conical

    pots, bronze and copper daggers, arrow points, knives, axes, awls,

    buckles, ear - rings, mirrors, and various other ornaments. Evidently

    the art of smelting and casting was well known by the population

    who worked in numerous copper mines. Bronze and gold ornamenta–

    tions show that gold was known, and together with the stone babas

    and pisanitsy (anthropomorphic stone statues and petrogly f ph s) are

    evidence of a well-developed artistic taste. Sickles and remains

    of irrigation ditches show that sedentary farming and animal

    breeding were also practiced.

            Radlov believed that this was a culture of the Yeniseian

    tribes who inhabited S s outhern Siberia, Altai , and the eastern part

    of Kazakstan at that time, and not of the Finno-Ugrians, who long

    before the Christian e ar ra were pushed out and partly destroyed by

    the Yeniseians.

            The Old Iron Period of the S s outhern Altai is characterized

    by small knob - like stone mounds, (kurgans) which contained the

    burial of a man together with his horses and trappings. Among the

    numerous objects placed in the grave were his weapons: arrows,

    swords , and daggers; the blade and handle of the dagger was made in

    one piece, just like the daggers and knives of the Bronze period.

    Many objects were made of wood, and other ornaments , were covered with

    thin gold leaf, but the real art of gilding was still unknown at

    that time.



    005      |      Vol_VIII-0959                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

            Radlov believed that the people of the Old Iron period came

    to the Altai from the south and did not penetrate north of the

    Altai mountains. The information contained in the Chinese

    annals indicated that they may have been warlike Turkic nomads.

    The numerous earth kurgans of the Kulundinsk and Barabinsk

    steppes apparently belong to the same period, although they may

    not have been made by the Turks, but either by the Yeniseians

    or the Finno-Ugrians.

            The Later Iron Age Period in the region of the Abakan r R iver

    (a tributary of the Yenisei) is represented by small stone kur–

    gans situated in pits and forming well-filled cem e teries. The

    elongated kurgans usually contained a skeleton without additional

    furnishings and a companion round kurgan representing the sacri–

    fical burial, with large - narrow-necked vessels, axes, celts,

    knives, arrows , and horse trappings for the male graves, and

    small round pots, copper (seldom gold or silver) earrings, and

    plaques for the female burials.

            The pottery is quite different from that of the Old Iron Age

    period and is well baked; the horse trappings were gilded or

    silvered, the bits were of the snaffle type, and the knives had

    wooden handles. Swords and daggers were completely absent, but

    the arrows were numerous and of varied shapes. Radlov assigned

    these burials to a war - like Turkic group which practiced hunting.

            In addition, Radlov distinguished a sub - period, the Recent

    Iron Age
    represented in the Mariinsk region by small earth

    kurgans, dated 16th and 17th centuries. The skeletons were

    placed directly on the earth and were covered with birch bark,

    with the head oriented toward the E e ast. Iron or copper kettles,

    various ornaments, arms , and tools were placed with the burial.



    006      |      Vol_VIII-0960                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

            60 In general, a decadence of native culture is indicated, because

    these weapons and tools were made from imported Russian materials.

    The population evidently was made up primarily of hunters. Inas–

    much as there is some similarity to the graves of the Bronze

    period, Radlov believed that these more recent graves belonged

    to the A a ncient Arines who were direct descendants of the peoples

    of the Bronze period.

            To a great extent, Radlov's scheme remains valid up to this

    time.

            At the end of the last century, intensive study of Siberian

    prehistory was begun. The Minusinsk Museum, organized in 1877

    by N. M. Mart ' ianov, was enriched by extensive contributions

    made by a number of investigators. Private collections (I. A.

    Lopatin, I. P. Kuznetsov, and studies by D. A. Klements, V. V.

    Radlov, P. Marteb, V. I. Anuchin, I. T. Savenkov, and others)

    resulted in numerous excavations. In 1887-1889, the Finnish

    Arch a eological Expedition under the leadership of I. P. Aspelin

    excavated in Minusinsk.

            In 1884 I. T. Savenkov discovered the first paleolithic

    site on Afontova Mountain near Krasnoy ar ks sk , and in 1886 he exca–

    vated burials of the Basaikha site near Kransnoyarsk; in 1914,

    excavation of the Afontova again took place and much material for

    the arch a eological map of the khakass and Minusinsk regions was

    collected.

            The East - Siberian Section of the Russian Geographical

    Society played a vital role in the eighties. N. I. Vitovski i ĭ ex–

    cavated s S tone -a A ge burials on the Angara which revealed a peculiar

    N n eolothic culture now known as the Angara Neolithic. N.N. Agapitov

    007      |      Vol_VIII-0961                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

    and M. P. Ovchinnikov worked in the Irkutsk region. In 1913 B. D.

    Petri worked on neolithic sites on Lake Baikal. In the t T rans-

    Baikal region, U. D. Talko-Gryntzevich excavated nearly five hundred

    kurgans and burials, and classified them into four periods:

    (1) Large s S tone -a A ge kurgans with the stone "fence" surrounded by

    small graves, which contained only human and animal bones and crude

    pottery. (2) Flat graves in the shape of a circle with a funnel,

    surrounded by a square stone "fence." The burials were in wooden

    log chambers at a depth of 2 - to 4 meters. Iron and bone objects and

    pottery were found with the skeletons. (3) Square graves surrounded

    by stone slabs standing upright. The grave was often lined with

    stones. The burial contained iron knives, arrowheads, clay pots,

    various objects of iron , and gilded and ornamented horse trappings.

    (4) The outward appearance of the burial is not clear. Burials

    were in coffins with some iron objects placed with the skeletons.

    Beads and various copper and gold ornaments of the animal style

    were very characteristic for this type.

            While this classification does not hold true in the light of

    present-day knowledge, the descriptions are very accurate.

            S. K. Kuznetsov and S. M. Chugunov conducted investigations

    in the Tomsk area, and made excavations of sites and burials of the

    Iron Age. The most important of the excavations of the so-called

    "Tomsk Burial" was made by A. V. Adrianov and S. K. Kuznetsov.

    This, coupled with the work of N. F. Kaschenko, makes it possible

    to trace the transition of cultural changes all the way from the

    P p aleolithic man contemporary with the mammoth, through N n eolithic

    times, and several stages of the Bronze and Iron Ages to the present

    time.



    008      |      Vol_VIII-0962                                                                                                                  
    ARCH, OF SIBERIA

            Kurgans of the Iron Age in Barabinsk region and the Bronze

    Age kurgans of the Mariinsk region excavated by G. O. Ossovskii

    showed a close affinity with the Minusinsk culture.

            In 1909 S. Rudenko excavated a series of graves near the

    village of Obdorsk , at the junction of the Polui and Ob ' rivers,

    which provided rich material on the old culture of the Ostiaks.

            In the Tobol region arch a eological work was done by I. Y.

    Slovtzev who investigated several sites — "Gorodische" - (settlement

    sites) and kurgans. and by V. N. Pignatti who studied the Isker.

            F u a rther east ward work was done by V. K. Arsen ' iev and F. F.

    Busse in the settlements and sites along the Amur and Ussuri

    region. V. P. Margaritov and M. I A nkovskii investigated the kitchen

    middens along the shores of the Amur Gulf , and V W. G. Jochelson

    excavated the ancient burials in Kamchatka.

            After the revolution in 1917 , the arch a eological work was

    intensified, and the most systematic work was done in the Baikal

    and Trans-Baikal regions. B. E. Petri, P. P. Khoroshikh, V. I.

    Podgorbunskii, M. M. Gerasimov, and others studied various arch a eo-

    logical remains from the Old Stone Age to the present time. In

    the region of the Lena River, work was done by B. E. Petri, A. P.

    Okladnikov, N. P. Popov, P. P. Khoroshikh; and G. Mer g hart, G. P.

    Sosnovskii, N. K. Auerbach, and V.I. Gromov worked on the Paleo–

    lithic period in the Yenisei region.

            S. A. Teploukhov studied the sites in the Minusinsk region and

    established a classification of the succession of cultures there.

            A systematic study of the Altai was done by S. I. Rudenko,

    M. P. Griaznov , and A. N. Glukhov. The arch a eology of the Far East



    009      |      Vol_VIII-0963                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

            210 was studied by A. I. Razin.

            Siberian paleontology and arch a eology have greatly benefited

    by the existence of the peculiar phenomenon known as permafrost,

    or permanently frozen ground. In most of northern Siberia, at a

    certain distance below the surface, the ground is in a perpetual–

    ly frozen state, and thus acts as a natural refrigerator.

            The well-known finds of beautifully preserved cadavers of

    mammoth, parts of rhinoceros, etc., have greatly contributed to

    our knowledge of the Qua r ternary fauna of Siberia. In addition,

    on a number of occasions, burials were found with complete pre–

    servation of tissues, clothing, wood, food offerings, etc., thus

    supplying us with highly important data on otherwise perishable

    materials.

            N. A. Men ' shikov, writing in 1920, tells of an old water-

    washed cemetery in the region of the settlement of "Krepost ", ,"

    on the Anadyr r R iver in the Chukotsk peninsula, where the undecayed

    bodies of frozen Cossacks, contemporaries of Peter the Great , . and

    Catherine the Second, were found in coffins.

            Another contemporary of Peter the Great, A. Menshikov, died

    and was buried in exile in the village of Berezovo on the Ob '

    river, and his undecayed body was found ninety-two years after the

    burial.

            M. I. Sumgin ( Permafrost in the USSR , 1937) cites an example

    of a body which had lain in an abandoned pit for fifteen years and

    was found completely preserved in the Olekma-Vitim region. Other

    cases of preserved bodies were noted in the Central Yakutsk region

    where the burials had taken place 163 years previously.



    010      |      Vol_VIII-0964                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

            Another example of a pre-Christian burial is provided in

    the recent find of an extremely well-preserved grave of a Yakut

    in the vicinity of Lake Abalakh. The wooden part of the grave

    construction (logs, poles, etc.,) were preserved, which enabled

    us to reconstruct burial usages. Even the wood board coffins,

    copper ornaments, skin bags with horse flesh, wooden dishes and

    spoons, birch bark containers with readily identifiable food

    offerings of butter, porridge, and sour cream preserved their

    consistency so well that they were easily recognized.

            In 1940, in the same region, the body of an old Yakut was

    found. He was dressed in a fur-lined winter coat, the top part

    of which was of cloth, under which he wore a an under shirt, fur pants,

    a stomacher, fur boots , and a hat. The body was unusually well

    preserved and had a wax - like appearance, dark brown in color.

    The hair, skin , and even the ear lobes were well - preserved, although

    the face was somewhat dried. The eyes and cheeks were sunken,

    but no traces of decomposition or the smell of decay were noted.

    This burial is dated approximately two centuries ago.

            The spectacular finds of well - preserved horses, wood, cloth,

    and other perishable materials found in the kurgan mounds of

    Altai and Mongolia, are also due to this permanently perma frozen state of

    the ground. (See Below - Pazyrik burial).

           

    PRE - HISTORY OF SIBERIA

            Old Stone Age . Most geologists believe that at the time

    when half of Europe and America was covered with glaciations glaciers ,

    the plains of Siberia were more or less free of glaciation ice .

    011      |      Vol_VIII-0965                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA.

    There are traces of former ancient glaciations glaciers in the mountain re-

    gions of E e astern Siberia, but in the rest of Siberia, with the

    exception of the western and part of the northwestern sections

    from the Urals to the Taimyr p P eninsula, the a continuous ice cover

    did not exist. The hypothesis that Central Asia and Siberia had

    a moist and somewhat warm climate during the early Qua r ternary

    period may explain the absence of certain animal and plant remains

    in most of Siberia, their sporadic distribution throughout Europe ,

    and their occurrence in the Far East and in S s outheastern Asia.

    With the advent of the more rigorous climate of the Ice # Age, it

    was possible for these plants and animals to move southward in

    Europe, and survive during this period. But in Siberia, where

    there was no widespread glaciation ice cover , these animals and plants

    either died out or retreated to the southeast because of the

    lowering of the temperature.

            Stone implements were found throughout Siberia from the Urals

    to the Pacific Ocean: in the north, along the Podkamennaya Tung–

    uska ,( the upper part of the Lena, ) and the Ilim rivers, on the

    Kamchatka p P eninsula, and in southern Siberia.

            Apparently the oldest remains belong to the Paleolithic

    period, and are characterized by a c ur ru de stone industry, accompanied

    by peculiar fauna and an absence of polished stone and pottery.

            The P p aleolithic sites discovered along the Tom r R iver, near

    Tomsk, along the Yenisei and Angara rivers , and those on the

    Selenga r R iver were located in sandy clay or loess-like deposits

    of ancient river terraces. The cultural remains included fire -

    places, a large number of stone and bone implements, stone and

    bone workshops, and the split bones of the animals which were

    012      |      Vol_VIII-0966                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

    hunted: mammoth, arctic fox, reindeer, bison, cervus maral or

    cervus elaphus cervus elaphus , maral , and wild horse. The mammoth and arctic fox were

    characteristic for the Yenisei sites but are absent in all the

    Angara sites with the exception of Malta.

            River pebble furnished material for the stone industry which

    was more abundant than the bone industry. The most numerous group

    consisted of one-sided wide scrapers, kn o i ves, round small

    scrapers, nuclei , and blades. Less frequently found were tools which

    were typologically nearer to the hand - axes, or points, gravers,

    perforators, hammerstones, a e nd scrapers, anvils, and bone - polishers.

    No tools like the hand - axes . , or hand points were encountered in

    the Angara sites, but instead there were tools reminiscent of

    laurel-leaf points, numerous bifacial scrapers not generally

    found in the Yenisei sites , and also some harpoons. The bone

    industry of the Yenisei s ti it es included funneled and non - funneled

    spear points of stone, awls, perforators, "hammers ", ," and mammoth

    ivory needles.

            Some decorations were found in the Yenisei, usually pendants

    of animal teeth, or small tubular bones, "buttons" out of mammoth

    ivory, the baton de commandement baton de commandement out of reindeer horn , and balls

    out of mammoth ivory. Ochre of various shades was used as pigment,

    and paint mortars made out of mammoth ivory were found.

            Afontova Gora is the first P p aleolithic S s ite discovered in

    Siberia, and is located on the left bank of the Yenisei near the

    city of Krasnoyarsk. The name applies to a slope of the Gremvachaia

    Sopka, a hill near the city. Part of the Afontova Gora was dug

    out during the construction of a railway. The remaining portion

    is occupied by the settlements of Tarakanovka, Prudy, and others.



    013      |      Vol_VIII-0967                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

            The first discoveries of crude stone and bone implements

    associated with the bones of the mammoth, reindeer, wild bull,

    and other extinct animals were made in 1884 by I. T. Savenkov .

    (q.v.) . These discoveries attracted the attention of western

    European arch a eologists and resulted in a trip to the area by a

    French arch a eologist, De Bay. But these discover ei ie s were met

    with s c k epticism by the Russians.

            Excavations were not started, however, until 1914. Savenkov's

    death in the fall of that same year prevented the publication of

    the results. In 1919-1920 the Austrian scientist, G. Mer g hart,

    investigated the area , and between 1923-1925 N. K. Auerbach, V.I.

    Gromov , and G. P. Sosnovskii wor k ed in this area and discovered

    several cultural horizons in a number of P p aleolithic sites.

    They excavated some 250 square meters on the basic area under the

    summer home of Yudin (Afontova II) and on an oil depot (Afontova III).

    These excavations yielded more than 2,000 stone and bone imple–

    ments, various decorations , and a large quantity of split animal

    bones. These cultural remains were found in a layer of loess

    which covers the ancient river terrace, 15 - to 18 meters high. The

    fauna consisted of a combination of steppe, mountain , and polar

    animals. The bulk of bones found were those of the mammoth,

    reindeer, arctic fox, hare, polar partridge, wild horse , and wild

    bull. Fragments of the bones and teeth of P p aleolithic man were

    also found.

            Two or perhaps three cultural horizons may be distinguished

    in these remains. The lower horizon, located 10 meters from the

    surface, contained the remains of several semi - subterranean

    014      |      Vol_VIII-0968                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

    dwellings, in the form of oval pits, 10 meters long, 5 - to 6 meters

    wide, and 1.5 - to 1.75 meters deep , with walls at a 45° angle. The

    bottom was filled with a thick layer of ashes, charcoal, split and

    charred bones, hearth stones, and a great many stone implements

    and chips.

            The upper horizon was located at a shallower depth (1 - to 1.5 meters),

    and also contained paleolithic implements. Although these were

    basically of the same type as those found in the upper horizon,

    fewer implements were found. The animal remains here show climatic

    changes, since the mammoth becomes rare or disappears as do the

    arctic fox and other polar species, indicating the approaching end

    of the Ice Age.

            The stone industry of Afontova Gora is typical for the rest

    of the P p aleolithic S s ites found in the upper loess terraces of the

    Yenisei River (Kirpichnye Saraii, Voenii Gorodok, Gremiachii, etc.).

    As a rule, the stone tools were made of river pebble -- green, brown ,

    or gr e a y quartzite , -- and slate, and the smaller tools which required

    finer work were made of flint, jasper , and horn stein stone .

            The most typical tool was a large massive scraper, almost

    Mousterian in type. The working edge was made by means of pressure

    flaking, which separated the wide and shallow flakes on the anvil.

    Stone tools which may be compared in outward shape with hand axes,

    made of massive flake, roughly chipped on both sides, were less

    often found. They were disc - like, either oval-almond or somewhat

    irregular in shape.

            Although these tools have archaic forms, other tools found

    show that Afontova Gora can not be classified as Middle Paleolithic.

    015      |      Vol_VIII-0969                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

    Such are the small, prismatic, well-faced nuclei, narrower at one

    end, and from which regular miniature blades, almost microlithic

    in appearance, were are separated. These were used as insertions in

    grooves on bone tools. Other tools found include some perfora–

    tors and gravers made on regular blades, and points with curved,

    retouched backs, almost Azilian in type, and miniature, round and

    semi - circular scrapers.

            The bone industry includes dart points, spindle-shaped . but

    somewhat flatter at one end for hafting; the "baton de commande- baton de commande-

    ments" ments made of reindeer horn with a round hole near the first off–

    shoot of the horn, which were perhaps used for softening the hide

    strips. In addition, there are the usual bone points, awls,

    perforated needles, bone shafts with a groove for the insertion of

    microlithic stone blades, and bone mortars for pigments.

            The ornaments include perforated teeth and tusks of arctic

    fox, bone pendants (flat, square , or round) with perforations for

    suspension, bone plaques of mammoth tusk or reindeer horn with

    two or three holes. The purpose of these plaques is unknown,

    but they are similar to parts of the reindeer trappings now used

    by Siberian groups.

            The presence of an extensive bone industry and the occurrence

    of later types of stone implements have placed these sites in

    the latter part of the peculiar type of Siberian Upper Paleolithic,

    despite the presence of the archaic tools of Mousterian type men–

    tioned above.

            Among the several P p aleolithic sites of the Yenisei, the

    Afontova Gora was the best studied. N. K. Auerbach, G. P.

    Sosnovskii, and V. I. Gromov date it as Upper Paleolithic, Siberian



    016      |      Vol_VIII-0970                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

            50 phase. Gromov considers the lower horizon of Afontova II and

    Afontova III as belonging to the end of the Glacial period and the

    upper horizon of Afontova II as belonging to the post- g G lacial period.

            The Verkholensk Mountain . Another example of Siberian

    P p aleolithic site is Verkholensk Mountain, which dominates the

    town of Ir uk ku tsk. The cultural remains were found on both sides

    of a dried-out creek, at the surface and down to a depth of 120 cm s .

    Several partly destroyed hearths were found containing split animal

    bones, charred bones, large stones showing evidence of fire action,

    and pieces of ochre.

            The fauna of Verkholensk varied. The surface finds show

    remains of the reindeer, bison, and elk , and the wolf , which was partly

    domesticated. The lower portion contained the bones of the rhino–

    cerous, giant elk, Djigitai, etc. This difference in fauna suggests

    the possibility of two cultural horizons.

            The abundant stone implements found were made of material

    similar to that found at the Krasnoyarsk sites: flinty schist,

    hornstein, jasper and quartzite. The large tools of primitive form

    and rough workmanship were made of quartzite and schist; the smaller

    and better ones weremade of flint, horn stein stone , and jasper. The stone

    industry is very similar to that of Afontova Gora and other Yenisei

    sites. A peculiar combination of P p seudo-Mousterian types with the

    developed pressure flaking of the Upper Paleolithic characterized

    these two places.

            A large boulder which served as an anvil and surrounded by

    many chips and flakes was discovered in a stone work shop in the

    center of the site. In another place there was a conglomeration of

    017      |      Vol_VIII-0971                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

    reindeer horn in various stages of work, and also caches of raw

    material. The bifacial spear points made by pressure flaking

    which were found in the Verkholensk Mountain site were quite

    unique and differed from other types of P p aleolithic tools found

    in Siberia.

            Bone tools were made mostly of reindeer horn, and mammoth

    ivory tools are totally absent here. The most characteristic bone

    implement is a harpoon head in the shape of a flat point with

    two rows of teeth. The blade is somewhat widened at one end and

    has a notch for tying. Other tools found include bone dart

    points, awls, and dagger-like tools made of sharpened rib or reindeer

    horn.

            Malta . Still another type of Paleolithic culture was found

    in the E e ast Siberian village of Malta, near the town of Irkutsk.

    This site is located on a 15 - to 18-meter terrace of the Belaya r R iver,

    a tributary of the Angara r R iver. The cultural remains, represent-

    ing a camp of P p aleolithic hunters, were found at the base of a

    loess deposit, 1 - to 1.5 meters thick, covering a thick layer of ancient

    alluvial pebbles and sands which were deposited in the early part

    of the Ice Age.

            The animal remains found in profusion in Malta include a

    large number of reindeer (more than four hundred), nine mammoths,

    ten wooly rhinocerous, thirty arctic foxes, bison, cave lions,

    wolverine, wolf, and some birds, corresponding to the early Magda–

    lenian fauna of W w estern Europe.

            The remains of several dwellings were particularly interesting.

    These were found in rectangular form surrounded by stone slabs,

    with the remains of a hearth male of three stone slabs and ashes

    018      |      Vol_VIII-0972                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

    and charred bones. The bulk of the finds was concentrated inside

    these dwellings, which may have been of the semi - permanent or tent

    type, covered with skins and surrounded by stones.

            The stone industry was characterized by the presence of

    small tools which were well - made out of small blades. The material

    was primarily dark, jasper-like flint, which was found nearby

    in the outcrops of limestone; quartzite and s c hist found in the

    river pebbles were rarer. The tools were mostly scrapers, points,

    perforators, cutting tools, median and lateral gravers, scrapers

    at the end of a blade, small round scrapers, massive, round nuclear

    scrapers, round, bifacial axes, and flint discoidal tools.

            The bone industry for which mammoth ivory and reindeer horn

    were used was well developed. Finished tools and a number of

    partly finished implements and the remains of a bone - work shop

    were found which enable us to reconstruct the bone technique.

    Evidently , the Malta man used a percussion technique to chip a por–



    tion of the mammoth tusk, using the blow of a stone hammer. Long,

    thin bone plaques served as material for preparing longer tools.

    Two parallel cuts were made on the tusk and separated into long

    strips by a skillful blow. The laminated structure of the tusk

    readily permitted such a percussion technique. The long thin sec–

    tions were later made into the desired tools by scraping with

    stones.

            The finished bone implements included: two types of - needles,

    the smaller used for sewing, and the larger, which was always some–

    what curved , and decorated with a series of round depressions , may

    have been used for knitting; awls made of sharpened and rubbed bone

    019      |      Vol_VIII-0973                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

    splinters; beautifully made, needle-like objects with flat round

    heads and decorated with spiral engraving, similar to hair pins;

    and long, thin, slightly curved mammoth points, some notched at

    the flat end which may have been used as compound harpoon heads.

            The decorations found at Malta were varied: beads made of

    such materials as fish vertebrae, small stones, calcite crystals

    with notches for tying, and others carved of mammoth ivory. Bone

    plaques were decorated with carved depressions, either oval-



    shaped or in parallel lines: one of these was decorated with the

    representation of three snakes on one side and dotted spiral

    effects on the other. A necklace, a diadem of mammoth ivory ,

    and other ornamented objects were found with the burial of a

    young boy. The principal decorative motifs were the circle, spiral

    and wavy line.

            One of the most important finds at Malta were the twenty

    carved ivory figurines, which, for the most part, represented

    crudely carved nude female figures, with the hair well - executed



    and often parted in the middle. Some of these had perforations

    at the lower end for suspension, and two of the figures were

    covered with ornamentation of transverse lines.

            Other finds at the Malta site include: the three-dimensional

    representation of a flying bird with wings spread out and necks

    extended, something unique for Siberia, and the remarkable en–

    graving of a mammoth carved on a mammoth bone. The design shows

    the animal in profile, with a small protruding head and humped

    back similar to the way in which the mammoth is represented in

    W w estern European examples of P p aleolithic art.



    020      |      Vol_VIII-0974                                                                                                                  
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            The Malta site represents the oldest P p aleolithic remains in

    Siberia, and may be considered as corresponding to the L l ate

    Solutrean or E e arly Magdalenian sites of W w estern Europe in time.

            Animal remains, stone implements , and ornamented bones found

    in a layer of loess at a depth of 1 1/2 - to 2 meters at the town

    of Irkutsk in 1871 during the construction of military hospitals

    may possible be attributed to this same time, but these finds

    were poorly investigated.

            The Siberian Paleolithic period is considered by Merghart,

    Auerbach, and Sosnovskii to be a separate phase of the Asiatic

    Paleolithic. Some forms are analogous to phases of the European

    Paleolithic and Neolithic.

            Others (Petri) tried to classify T t he Siberian Paleolithic in

    accordance with the European classification. Thus, Afontova Gora

    is considered early Magdalenian, and Verkholensk late Magdalenian.

    Savitskii considered all Siberian sites as belonging to the same

    geological period of Ancillus of N n orthern Europe, or Pian Khoe

    of northern China and belonging to the Azilian-Tardenousean epoch.

            According to Gromov there are three stages of the Stone a A ge

    in the Yenisei: (1) Cultures found on the ancient river terraces

    not lower than 15 meters, located primarily on the left bank of

    the river and dated at the end of the G g lacial epoch. They have

    an ancient fauna: mammoth, arctic fox, etc. - The lower horizon

    of the Afontova Gora. (2) Cultures located on the later (post–

    glacial) terraces, 9 - to 12 meters high, mostly on the right bank of

    the Yenisei, the fauna of which does not contain mammoth or arctic

    fox. - A site of this type is Pereselencheskii Point.



    021      |      Vol_VIII-0975                                                                                                                  
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            (3) Cultures found at a considerable height above the present

    level of the Yenisei - T t he upper horizon of the Afontova Gora.

            Later investigation showed that the first group can not be

    younger than the later stage of the European Magdalenian. The

    second ?, is questionable, and the T t hird is not P p aleolithic.

            Siberian Neolithic . Remains of the New Stone Age were

    found in Siberia scattered all the way from the Urals to the

    Pacific Coast. With the change in climate, a gradual change took

    place together with the disappearance of the paleolithic animals.

    The cold steppes of the preceding period became covered with

    forests and the animals migrated f u a rther north. The nomadic hunters

    of the Paleolithic period became fishermen in the Neolithic period

    and most of the sites found were on the flat banks of rivers

    which are suited for fishing with nets. All the large water

    basins of middle and southern Siberia preserve remains of N n eolithic

    man.

            Definite indications that the climate of Siberia during the

    Neolithic period was warmer than the present climate are found

    in the remains of pine, birch, elm , and cedar in the pits of Karsk

    tundras , as noted by V. N. Sukachev. Therefore, it is not surpris–



    ing that scattered N n eolithic remains were found in the far north

    of Siberia, much beyond the present limit of the forest belt.

    However, these have not been studied to any appreciable extent. amount.

    The northernmost point at which N n eolithic remains were found is the

    village of Dudinskoye near the delta of the Yenisei (69° N. orthern

    latitude). V. N. Novitskii found dune sites at the mouth of the

    Ob ' (66° N. L.) and S. I. Rudenko also did work in the area of

    the Sos ' va River (63° N. L at .)



    022      |      Vol_VIII-0976                                                                                                                  
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            B. E. Petri provisionally divided the Siberian Neolithic

    into five cultural and geographical provinces: (1) the Baikal

    area , including the basins of the Selenga, the Angara , and the

    U u pper Lena R r ivers: (2) the Yenisei area - the Yenisei river basin:

    (3) the Amur area - the Amur River basin and the Kamchatka p P enin-

    sula; (4) the Southwestern area , - including the former Semipala-

    tinsk, Akmolinsk , and Turgaisk regions.

            One of the best-known Siberian N n eolithic sites is that of

    Ulan Khoda in the Trans-Baikal region excavated by B. E. Petri,

    where 11 horizons ranging from the L l ate Paleolithic to the early

    Metal periods were found. Numerous tools of various materials,

    fishing gear, stone work - shops, hearths, and remains of dwellings

    in the form of stone circles with an opening pointing southward

    were discovered and Petri felt that these were foundations of

    the conical, bark-covered tent type of dwelling.

            Ulan Khoda. The cultural remains were found in undisturbed

    sand which was deposited by wind action and which buried successive

    layers of habitation. While they merge into one another and

    average 25 cm s . in thickness, totaling almost 3 meters, some

    eleven distinct cultural horizons can be distinguished.

            The wood and bone objects were not preserved, but the stone

    industry is quite interesting, especially because the lowest or

    11th horizon represents the earliest, pre-ceramic, pre-polished

    stone stage.

            The stone industry, in general, is characterized by the

    presence of miniature tools, and careful and skillful pressure

    f [ ?] king.



    023      |      Vol_VIII-0977                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

            Flint was the basic material for the stone tools, although

    it was not of especially good quality and was not found in abun–

    dance in Siberia. Very often flinty s c hists, quartzite , and chal-

    cedony were used. Large tools were made out of granite, gneiss,

    diorite, phyllite, sandstone , and limestone. Nephrite, which can

    be well polished served as material for the well-made tools.

            The stone industry included a variety of arrow - points:

    triangular, with a flat base or with a point for shafting; laurel

    leaf, and lance-shaped, reaching 5 cm s . in length. The spear

    points made of flint and quartzite were of four types: ( 1) large,

    wide laurel-leaf - shaped , wider either at the middle or at the

    base , ; ( 2) triangular , ; ( 3) narrow , - stilletto-shaped , ; and ( 4) points

    with a notch for shafting.

            Scrapers of various forms, perforators, awls, knife - like

    blades, nuclei, saws, net - sinkers, etc. , were also found. The

    larger tools included polished chisels with straight and curved

    edges, wedge-shaped axes and axes with lobs for hafting, perforated

    mace heads, etc. The absence of perforated hammers and axes which

    are found in abundance in European Russia is characteristic for

    the Siberian Neolithic. A number of polishing stones used both

    for stone and bone work, mortars, pestles , and flat slabs for

    grinding were also found.

            Especially well made were the axes and other tools of

    dark - green and light nephrite, found in many places in Siberia.

    A technique of sawing off the necessary blanks by means of slate

    saws was used.



    024      |      Vol_VIII-0978                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

            Pottery . The evolution of the pottery technique can be seen

    in the successive layers of Ulan Khoda, where the lowest horizon,

    the eleventh, had no pottery; the next contained pottery with only

    traces of basketry impressions: the ninth layer had the beginnings

    of stamped ornamentation which, in the subsequent layers , gradually

    became better , more intricate, and the first type gradually disappeared.

            Finally , in the second and first layers we have thin, well-

    made baked pottery, decorated with stamped ornaments. The pottery

    included egg-shaped vessels with conical-flattened bottoms: none

    of the flat-bottomed pots characteristic for the Siberian Iron Age

    was found. Some vessels had bellies and somewhat constricted

    openings: others had vertical sides; s in some cases the necks of

    vessels had an applique border which was added later.

            The ornaments may be divided into two types: the technical , -

    i.e, i.e., The result of methods of pottery making and not intentionally

    produced. Pots covered with traces of basketry, grass - blades , and

    weaving belong to this category.

            The second type, the artificial, was produced by a variety of

    methods: stamps, sticks, perforations , and impressions , with

    fingers and threads, by applique, and by the application of grill

    ornaments of clay over the surface.

            The tempering material consisted only of sand and gravel;

    graphite or mica were occasionally used. All this pottery was made

    by hand and not by the wheel method.

            Dwellings . Incomplete circles of stone with openings facing

    the south were found in Ulan - Khoda and may represent the foundation s

    of pole tents covered with bark. Similar remains were found at

    025      |      Vol_VIII-0979                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

    Peschannaya Bay on Lake Baikal, and at the Angara site of "Yershy ". ."

            While no bone or wood implements were found in Ulan Khoda ,

    due to the unfavorable conditions for preservation, the excava–

    tions by M. P. Ovchinnikov and N. I. Vitkovskii of the burials

    along the Angara r R iver furnish us with important information

    about the Siberian N n eolithic bone industry.

            One of the most interesting tools was a type of a dagger

    with a slot into which small stone blades or saws forming the

    edge of the blade were inserted. The daggers were either single

    or double edged. A perfora t ion at the base was used to attach

    the handle. A number of striking tools out of bone and reindeer

    horn were found in the shape of daggers and narrow, cylindrical

    spear points, with pointed or flattened ends for shafting. Very

    small points similar in shape were apparently attached to the

    main shaft in the opposite direction, and served as teeth.

            Various types of harpoons were found: with 2 - to 3 large barbs,

    or numerous small ones, arranged on o r n e or both sides, and

    attached to the shaft by various methods.

            Skillfully carved fish hooks with retaining barbs of bone,

    or smaller ones out of animal claws , were discovered; also bone awls, perforated

    needles , kept in containers of tubular bird bones, bone spoons,

    various handles, etc ., were discovered . This Angara site [ ?]

    represents the largest collection of N n eolithic bone industry.

    Only a few examples from the Yenisei region and separate finds

    elsewhere in Siberia are known.

            Other remains of N n eolithic dwellings were found in the

    Baikal region which were square in ground plan.



    026      |      Vol_VIII-0980                                                                                                                  
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            Siberian N n eolithic man also used caves for habitation. A

    number of them were found at the Birusa site on the Yenisei r R iver

    above the city of Krasnoyarsk. The excavations of A. S. Yelenin

    disclosed a cultural horizon at a depth of 2.2 - to 2.5 meters, contain-

    ing a large number of stone implements (knives, chisels, scrapers,

    nuclei, and microlithic flints which may have served as insertions

    into daggers or other weapons) and some bone implements (harpoons

    and awls). Subsequent excavations by Soviet scientists of the

    Birusa caves established five cultural horizons at various depths.

    The N n eolithic horizon contained some tools of P p aleolithic type, but

    no pottery. Pottery was found only in the upper horizon and in

    association with iron tools.

            Numerous kitchen refuse heaps along the shores of the Pacific,

    were composed of shells, edible sea animals, fish bones, and the

    bones of dog, wild boar, roe deer "Kosulia" (Capreolus capraea Capreolus capraea ), hare, etc.;

    bird bones, charcoal, ashes and fire - places.

            The stone industry included polished axes, chisels, knives,

    arrow points, and sinkers. The bone industry included needles, awls,

    arrows , and spear points. Flat-bottomed pottery of various shapes and

    ornamentation was also found.

            The best known burials are the N n eolithic burials of the Baikal

    region where two main types were found : ; T t he Kitoisk and the

    Glazkov.

            A. The Kitoisk type : included no intra- or supra-terranean

    construction. The bodies were covered with ochre and placed at a

    shallow depth, with the arms extended along the side s of the body,

    face up and head pointed to the northwest, southwest or sometimes

    north west east . Necklaces of animal teeth ( Cervus maral , elk , and wild

    boar) or of bird talons were on the neck and forehead, and brace-

    027      |      Vol_VIII-0981                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

    lets of the same materials were on the arms. Awls and needle

    containers for bone needles were found near the arms. Axes of

    nephrite, knives, stone arrows, spear points, bone harpoons and awls,

    clay pots, potsherds, etc., were found around the skeleton, but

    no traces of metals were found.

            B. The Glazkov type : The grave was covered with a conical

    pile of stones, and the grave itself was formed by stone slabs set

    in the shape of a coffin. No ochre was used. The skeleton was

    placed on its back, with the hands placed alongside the body, the

    head oriented to the southwest. Evidently the bone and stone

    industries were not well developed. Some copper knives, rings of

    white nephrite , and beads of a bone paste absent in the Kitoisk

    t u y pe were found with the Glazkov burials.

            Kamchatka . An important contribution to our knowledge of

    Siberian archeology was made by Waldemar Jochelson, who excavated

    a number of graves in the Kamchatka peninsula in 1910-11. His

    investigations provide important material on the ancient mode of life

    of the Kamchadals who were not acquainted with metals prior to con–

    tact with the Russians, but used varieties of quartz, obsidian,

    flint, and schist.

            A number of sites were excavated and traces of pit dwellings

    with entrance passages were found. These pits were mostly oblong–

    rectangular in shape, although some circular ones were found which

    approach the shape of the semi-subterranean Koryak dwellings.

    In some cases the channel passage was in the middle of the [ ?]

    [ ?] oblong side of the pit, and in others it was in the

    middle of the transverse side. The passages ranged in length from

    7 to 16 feet. The largest pit was 34 x 30 feet, and the smallest

    16 x 15 ft.



    028      |      Vol_VIII-0982                                                                                                                  
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            The grave findings included stone lamps, pottery , and remains

    of the stone and bone industries. The stone lamps were circular,

    elliptical , or egg- like in form and were made mostly of hard rock

    material - sandstone, porphyrit e, and andesitic lava. No soap–



    stone lamps, like those of the Eskimos, were found in Kamchatka.

            Two types of coarse clay vessels were found: (1) with

    handles inside and with holes near the upper rim of the p i o ts, and

    (2) more elaborate pots with ornamental designs. The first type

    was very c ur rd de and appeared to have been worked from single

    blocks of clay which were beaten into shape. Sand, gravel , and

    sable tail hair was were used for tempering. The inside handles ears were

    used for suspending the pots over the fire. An example of this

    type was 18 inches in diameter at the rim, 8 inches high, and had

    a flat bottom. Some of the pottery was in the form of shallow pans.

            A different type of pottery was found in northern Kamchatka.

    The majority of the remains of small vessels were more decorated

    than those of southern Kamchatka, and the decorations consisted

    of dots, lines, zig - zags, and holes for suspension near the upper



    rim.

            The stone industry consisted of lance and arrow heads of

    quartzite; knives and drills of various materials; polished axes

    of green quartz, schist, jasper, chalcedony, agate, etc., hook

    sinkers; stone pestles , and whet stones.

            The remains of bone implements included bird - bone awls for

    splitting reindeer sinews, arrowheads, foreshafts, harpoon heads,

    and other bone implements of undetermined use. The decorations

    included bone belt buckles, some of which were ornamented with

    029      |      Vol_VIII-0983                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

    Zig - zags, curves , and circles, bone combs, and bone implements

    for pottery ornamentation.

            Later excavations in Kamchatka by S. I. Rudenko in 1945

    resulted in the establishment of three cultural phases: (1) the

    Old Kamchadal phase - the fishing and hunting culture, perhaps

    genetically connected with the N n eolithic culture of Siberia;

    (2) Ainu culture which seems to have penetrated from the south –

    the Kuril ian Islands or Ainu, about 1000 A. D.A.D. 1000, and (3) N n orthern

    Koryak, the most recent, which penetrated Kamchatka from the

    north, and represented the ancient Koryak culture.

            Metal Cultures : Metal appears in Siberia comparatively

    late, and not at the same time in various parts of Siberia.

            In the continuous forest of the northern half of Siberia,

    for a long time the chief occupation of the population was

    hunting and fishing. They constantly moved around in small

    groups and both need and opportunity to develop metal were small.

    The groups which occupy the northeastern portion of Siberia, until

    quite recent times were living in the Stone Age.

            It is in the southern forest-steppe areas where both animal

    husbandry and agriculture were developed, supporting a larger

    population. There the N n eolithic cultures were supplanted by the

    M m etal cultures, long before our era. It is in this territory

    that we find remains of ancient mines, as well as casting molds.

            S. A. Teploukhov , who spent many years working in the region of

    the upper Yenisei region, offered a scheme for the reconstruction

    of the successive cultures in the Minusinsk region based on his

    classification of the modes of burial and grave furniture. He

    030      |      Vol_VIII-0984                                                                                                                  
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    distinguished nine periods: (1) The typical Middle Yenisei Paleo–

    lithic with bone and stone industry; (2) the Afanas ' evo culture -

    the oldest metal culture (copper, some bronze); (3) the Andronovo

    culture, 1800-1500 B.C.; (4) the Karasuk culture which appeared

    about the 10th century B.C. and marked the beginning of the "animal

    style" in decoration; (5) the Minusinsk kurgan culture lasting from

    the 10th century B.C. up to our ear.ra ( T t his is the classical culture

    of Minusinsk, the peak of art development ) : (6) the Tashtyk culture

    (3rd - to 7th centuries A.D.) marked by the use of alabaster masks;

    (7) Khirgiz graves of the 8th and 9th centuries; (8) G g raves of the

    9th - to 13th centuries (little known); and (9) G g raves of the 13th to -

    14th centuries, with silk brocades, silver ornaments, etc.

            Andronovo Culture : Named after the village of Andronovka in

    the Achinsk region, where burials of the Andronovo culture were

    discovered. The graves of the Andronovo culture are widespread

    in Siberia. They were situated haphazardly, covered with a low

    flat fill, and often surrounded by circular enclosures of stone

    slabs. The burial chambers made out of stone or wood slabs were

    situated under the fill, in ground pits. As a rule skeletons were

    placed on the side with flexed legs and arms, or ei ie nted toward the

    E e ast with meridianal deviations.

            Sometimes the graves were found with extra-graves where

    bodies were cremated. The grave furniture consisted mostly of

    flat-bottomed pots of two types: (1) vessels with straight sides,

    crudely made and often completely covered with deep , pitted or

    incised ornamentation; (2) well-made vessels with concave-convex

    sides covered along the smooth sides with geometrical ornamenta-

    031      |      Vol_VIII-0985                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

    tions (triangles, rhomboids, meanders, swasti c k as, etc.) This

    type is the determining type for the Andronovo culture. Plates

    with or without handles were encountered, and stone scrapers ,

    and points still survived. Metal objects were encountered in

    this culture much more than in the Afanas ' evo culture. Weapons

    were represented by copper daggers with flat , figured handles.

    Ornamentation included: flat plaques, semispherical plaques,

    spiral cones, and other plaques, tubular bracelets, and plaque

    decorations for leather. Some copper ornaments were covered with

    thin gold leaf: earrings, spirals, rings (ornamented with tri–

    angles ) : beads of flat copper, or cast, cylindrical and spherical

    beads of stone and paste, and animal teeth. The bones of sheep,

    horse s and bulls (remains of the burial feast) showed developed

    animal domestication. The complete skeleton of the a dog was

    found in one of the graves.

            The Andronovo C c ulture of animal herders has been found in

    W w estern Siberia from the Yenisei to the Ural s and from the latitude

    of Tomsk south as far as Semipalatinsk. It is considered syn–

    chronical with the Seiminsk culture of European Russia, and is

    dated as 1500 B. C. onward.

            The first stage, the Middle Yenisei Paleolithic , has already

    been described. The second stage , - Neolithic, is represented by

    the Afanas ' evo culture , named for the type site of a series of

    burials located near Afanas ' evo mountain, in the vicinity of

    the town of Bateni on the upper Yenisei river. The graves do

    not have any surface indications, average 1.5 meters in depth

    and are filled with stones. The body was buried in a flexed posi–

    tion oriented to the southwest: some graves contained several



    032      |      Vol_VIII-0986                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

    skeletons. Funeral furnishing was scant and consisted mostly of clay

    pottery: egg-shaped pots with pointed bottoms completely orna-

    mented with geometric incised designs in the surface: metal

    (copper) ornaments, found only in one case (transition): and

    animal bones (fish, deer, domesticated horse and cattle, and

    sheep) which indicate fishing, hunting, and animal husbandry.

    The necklaces made of shells ( Corbicula fluminalis Corbicula fluminalis ) , which was were also

    used for decoration worn on the arms and legs, were especially

    interesting , and were apparently obtained in trade , because the

    nearest place in which this mollusk is found is in the delta of the

    Amur-Dar ' ia river.

            This early N n eolithic culture apparently had a wide distribu–

    tion , since similar finds were recorded throughout the Minusinsk

    area and in W w estern Siberia (on the Ob ' river, in the region of

    the towns of Biisk and Banaul ,. ) and apparently flourished about

    2000 - to 1500 B.C. In its later stages it represents a transition

    to the metal stage, the earliest metal culture - the Andronovo.

            The fourth stage, the Kara-Suk culture : named after the

    type site located on a terrace on the Kara-Suk river. It is

    characterized by burials with thin stone enclosures with the

    mound hardly noticeable. The shape of the enclosures is either

    round or square. Sometimes a main burial was joined by the enclo–

    sures of other burials (often child burials). The graves were

    shallow, and rarely exceeded 1 m. in depth. The grave walls were

    lined with stone slabs and oriented mostly northeast. The body

    was placed on the back and was oriented northeast. The skeleton

    material was rarely complete, and sometimes parts of several

    skeletons were found in one grave (secondary burial). The remains

    033      |      Vol_VIII-0987                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

    included food offerings, (bones of sheep, goats, ox, and birds):

    the grave furniture consisted of clay pots, copper ornaments,

    and beads. The pottery was spherical with round bottoms, and

    wide, straight necks. These were made of washed, well-baked

    clay, and the outer surface was smooth and sometimes shiny.

    Some vessels were ornamented (a row of triangles, single or

    double vert r ical notches, rhomboids, round notches in pot, and

    circular depressions. Stamped ornamentations were also found.

    Also copper temple rings, mirrors, finger rings, [ ?] with

    two semispheres, bracelets, pendants, and knives with a character–

    istic bend between the handle and blade were found in the graves.

    Numerous stone statues with human or stylized heads , sometimes

    with ram's horns , are apparently a part of the Kara-Suk cultural

    complex. This culture apparently follows the Andronovo culture

    and is genetically connected with it, and represents the local

    development of metallurgy in full bloom.

            The Kara-Suk culture of agriculturists was succeeded by

    the culture of the late Minusinsk Bronze which may have had a

    restricted distribution outside the Minusinsk area but persisted

    in Minusinsk for a long time and was richly represented by the

    kurgan burials.

            Minusinsk : About the 8th or 7th century B.C. a rich metal

    culture appeared in the Minusinsk depression - the Minusinsk

    d k urgan culture, which genetically represents the development of

    the Kara s -Suk culture and the cultural connections with the

    Scythians. [ ?] This varied and extremely virile culture is repre–

    sented by a great many burial mounds (kurgans), numerous surface

    034      |      Vol_VIII-0988                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

    finds, and apparently was produced by a settled population of

    hunters and agriculturalists who practiced a non - migratory type

    of animal husbandry. Three main stages of this culture have

    been distinguished on the basis of the burial forms and the

    cultural remains found in them.

            The first stage is characterized by low burial mounds,

    surrounded by square stone enclosures with larger slabs marking

    the corners. Burial chambers were made either of four slabs or of

    wood with a stone slab cover. One or several bodies were found

    with clay pots, for liquids, with a grooved ornament around

    the rim. Other cultural remains include copper and bronze daggers,

    axes, arrowheads, knives, awls, needles, mirrors, fishing hooks,

    conical beads, head ornaments, ornamented bone combs, eared

    celts, axes with openings for shafting, and sickle-shaped knives.

            The second stage differs from the first in the arrangement

    of the larger stones of the enclosures, larger size of the

    mounds, and a greater number of bodies interred. Pottery is

    usually without ornamentation. Metal objects are characterized

    by specific style of decoration which utilized parts or whole

    animal forms on the handles of daggers, knives, etc. Peculiar

    to this style is a mode of representing eyes and nostrils by

    round holes. Large bone plaques representing animals in combat

    and bone arrowheads were found.

            The third stage is represented by very high mounds, usually

    located singly , and having a large number of stone slabs at the

    foot of the mound. Extensive burial chambers contained several

    burials. Cremation is indicated present , and the furniture consists of

    pottery and hollow knives. A custom to of substitut e ing models for

    the real objects appears at this time , as seen by miniature

    035      |      Vol_VIII-0989                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

    copies of large metal kettles, knives, daggers, etc. , placed

    instead of the real objects.

            Separate elements of the Minsuinsk culture are encountered in

    both E e astern and W w estern Siberia. Thus, for example, the third

    stage is encountered in the Ob ' basin , ; the kurgans of Altai and

    Tuva have similar objects, though in general , there are indica-

    tions of cultural ties with the steppes of Central Asia.

            The Pazyrik Burial of Altai . The nomads of Siberia, con–

    stantly moving with their herds, occupied a more or less restricted

    territory, buried their dead in clan cemeteries, and often

    erected large mounds over the graves of their notables. The

    kurgans of the Chu river, the Noin-Ula kurgans , and a group of

    large stone-covered mounds of the Altai belonging to the Bronze

    Age are of this type. In 1865, V. V. Radlov excavated two such

    kurgans (Katanda and Bukhrama). In 1927 the Russian Soviet Museum of

    Leningrad excavated two of these kurgans in the central Altai and

    the expedition of 1929 resulted in the spectacular finds of the

    now famous Pazyrik burial.

            It is an artificial hill of large stones 2 meters high and

    some 50 meters in diameter. In the center under the stones was

    a pit 7.2 by 7.2 meters [ ?] by 4 meters deep, which contained two

    burial chambers constructed of logs and thick boards. Outside

    the chambers in the northern part of the pit was a place for

    horses. The whole structure was covered by several layers of

    logs (three hundred), and then by earth.

            The usual frozen condition was present there as in the

    three other excavations of the kurgans of stone piles. The human

    036      |      Vol_VIII-0990                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

    burial had been looted, but the horses' burial was intact. A

    bronze celt with a broken handle bore witness to the unsuccess–

    ful attempt at robbery.

            In the human burial chamber there remained: (1) a well–

    preserved sa cr rc ophagus decorated by figures of birds: (2) rams'

    heads cut out of leather and gilded: (3) remains of a felt carpet

    with a design of lions' heads, used for the covering of the

    walls of the burial chamber: (4) sharpened sticks and broken

    spades used in digging, as well as many other wooden objects.

            The remains of ten mummified horses, which had been preserved

    by the frost were found in the horses' burials. They had been

    killed by the blow of a bronze double axe and thrown into the

    pit. Ten saddles, bridles, and saddle trappings were thrown over

    them. On the head of one of the horses was found a reindeer

    mask made of leather, felt, and fur , with the horsn of natural



    size
    . On the neck was a "neckpiece" made of felt, leather, and

    horse hair. The other mask and "neckpiece" were together with

    the saddles, as well as stick-shields and fur-pouches for pro–

    visions.

            All saddles and bridles were of one type, the latter decora–

    ted with numerous carved wooden pendants, covered by sheet-gold

    and silver. The former consisted of two soft pillows of finely

    carved leather and felt, stuffed with reindeer hair, and covered

    with a cloth of leather of felt.

            Except for a comparatively small series using plant motifs,

    the saddle decorations reproduced animals and scenes of animal

    life. They were very unusual but well executed. Eagles, elk,

    reindeer, mountain - goats, bears, griffins, birds, and fish, as

    037      |      Vol_VIII-0991                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

    well as human faces were represented, with wood, leather, felt,

    fur, horse - hair, silver, and gold as the media, and red, blue,

    and yellow pigments were used to color the exceptional objects

    of art.

            Not only the horses' harnesses but all the objects found

    with them were covered with ornamentation. The saddle covers

    made of felt, leather, and dyed horse hair were decorated with

    birds; the tail-covers were also ornamented. The masks were

    especially intricate, being made of felt and leather and covered

    with sheet gold. On the front part of the mask was the figure

    of a bear cut out of fur. Another mask represented the struggle

    of the "Bears" and the griffin, the latter with large wings and

    sculptured head decorated with bison horns. The stick-shields

    were attached to the right side of the saddles with special strips

    of leather. In spite of their small dimensions, these undoubted–

    ly represented the armor. They were made of well-polished wood

    interwoven with leather, and in them we can recognize the shields

    known to us from the representation of the fighting Scythians on

    the gold combs of Greek workmanship found in the Soloha kurgan.

            One little sack was made out of the head of a lynx and

    corresponded in form; the other was cylindrical with a round

    leather bottom. Both were sewn with colored pieces of leather

    and fur. These are characteristic of contemporary Turkic-Mongolian

    tribes, particularly the second type.

            Tashtyk Culture. The next stage, the Tashtyk culture, appears approximately

    at the beginning of our era. It is characterized by the presence

    of iron and plaster (gypsum) masks on the faces of the buried.

    Instead of the enormous kurgans of the preceding culture, we

    038      |      Vol_VIII-0992                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

    have large burial grounds, with the graves barely noticeable on

    the surface of the steppe. The burial pits contained log chambers,

    with the body placed on a wooden platform. The grave furniture

    is poor, consisting mostly of pottery somewhat similar in form

    and technique to that of the preceding culture, but with a new

    motif of decoration: incised or raised spirals. Miniature

    bronze pots, gilded glass beads, wooden vessels, bone and iron

    objects , and remains of food offerings complete the list. Both

    cremation and a type of mummification were practiced. The skulls

    were "trepanned" to extract the brain. In some cases, the soft

    tissues are preserved, as well as chestnut brown hair. The

    faces were covered by plaster masks, the inner surface of which

    preserved the complete facial outline, and the outside of the

    mask -- cheeks, lips, nostrils, and some designs of the forehead

    were painted red.

            Toward s the third or fourth century A. D., the second stage

    of this culture appeared, which is characterized by stone-pile

    graves containing log chambers, pottery with raised ornaments

    around the neck, and a different type of mask. The new type was

    not made by pouring the mask over the face, but was modeled

    separately. The physical type represented shows a wide and flat

    face, broad, flat low-bridged nose. The eye slits were painted

    blue, the hair falling to the neck was solid blue with black

    lines, the cheeks, ears, and lips were red.

            Other Iron cultures are represented by numerou d s surface

    finds and caches found all over W w estern Siberia, which point toward

    contact with the Urals and are represented by bronze kettles,

    039      |      Vol_VIII-0993                                                                                                                  
    ARCH. OF SIBERIA

    mirrors with handles, and animal representations, bronze and

    iron arrowheads, and a diversity of plaque-huckles, with

    animal representations, birds and humans.

            Remains of the 12th to 14th centuries A.D. are varied, little

    studied, and as yet not systematized. Such are the shallow

    graves found near Krasnoyarsk, where wooden burial chambers con–

    tained the remains of brocade and silk clothing, silver orna–

    mental saddles, silver and gilded vessels, and Chinese mirrors.

            Still later burials are more easily identifiable ethnically

    and show the early contact with Russian culture.

           

    Eugene A. Golomshtok

    Prehistoric European Arctic Cultures


    001      |      Vol_VIII-0994                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop.

    Gutorm Gjessing

    [Translated from the Norwegian

    by Karin Fennow]


    PREHISTORIC EUROPEAN ARCTIC CULTURES

            If the problem of prehistoric European arctic cultures is approached

    from the point of view of physical geography, with the southern limit of

    the arctic area fixed at the July isotherm of plus 10°C., approximately

    the whole of northern Europe falls outside the framework of this article.

    In that case the only regions that could be considered would be the northern

    and eastern parts of the Kola Peninsula and the Russian coastal area east of

    the White Sea (from about 65° N. lat.). But this kind of limitation is not

    justifiable from an archaeological and ethnographical standpoint. The Lapp

    culture, which extends as far south as Røros (63° N. lat.) in Norway and

    Dalarne (about 61° N. lat.) in Sweden, must be defined as an arctic culture.

    In the Neolithic age, with the relatively warm subboreal climate then pre–

    vailing, the southern limit was approximately the same. At the moment it is

    difficult to fix the boundaries of the arctic cultural area for the Mesolithic

    age, primarily because it is now believed that the kind of finds made provide

    few clues for determining the differentiations in the material culture. The

    European paleolithic cultures will not be discussed in this article, unless

    they come within the later arctic cultural area.

            The northernmost birch forests in Norway extend as far as Hammerfest in

    Finnmark (about 71° N. lat.), or at the same latitude as that of Point Barrow,

    002      |      Vol_VIII-0995                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arctic Cultures

    Alaska, and evergreens grow at the same latitude as that of Point Hope.

    But the coast and the sea have always been especially attractive to man.

    In the western part of the European Arctic the majority of people live on

    the coast; moreover, most of the inland dwellers live close enough to the

    coast to enable them to spend part of the year there. Archaeological mate–

    rials indicate that the sea exerted an even stronger attraction in prehistoric

    times.

            The oldest purely arctic culture in northern Europe, the Komsa culture,

    should be thought of as an originally paleolithic culture. True, its chronology

    cannot yet be said to be entirely accurate, but the archaeological patterns are

    in all essentials purely paleolithic. The Komsa culture should be defined as

    being mainly Aurignacian in character, with a Mousterian basis and a Magdalen–

    ian superstratum. The fact that mesolithic patterns also occur is of minor

    importance in this connection, since there is no doubt that the culture con–

    tinued far into the Mesolithic period, probably even longer. Johs. Bøe, who

    made the great monographic study of the Komsa culture, has concluded that the

    oldest finds go back in time about 10,000 to 20,000 years, that is, to the

    late Magdalenian period, a chronology with which most Norwegian archaelogists

    agree. On the other hand, Rolf Nordhagen, the botanist, attempted to prove in

    1933 that the Komsa culture was actually an interglacial form of culture that

    was cut off from other cultures by the glaciers in the last ice age. He

    visualized an interglacial sea-hunting people living on an ice-free margin

    of land which is now submerged. As the ice retreated and the land sank, the

    people moved up onto the present-day shore. However, both Johns. Bøe and

    Gjessing have since proved that, entirely apart from the fact that it is

    based on an antiquated chronology of the west- and middle-European Aurignacian

    003      |      Vol_VIII-0996                                                                                                                  
    EA-Orn. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arctic Culturs

    epoch, this argument is not archaeologically valid. According to modern

    information, the Komsa culture must have come in from the east in the late

    glacial period, when the ice had retreated so far that migration across the

    Kola Peninsula was possible. On the basis of the glacio-geological studies

    of J.P. Gerasimov and K.K. Markov, the last ice age covered the entire Kola

    Peninsula and the area eastward to a line running approximately from Archangel

    in the north to Vologda, to the east of Leningrad. In other words, the whole

    of Siberia and eastern and southern Russia were free of ice, and should to a

    high degree have permitted an early migration from the east.

            The Komsa culture was discovered in Finnmark by the late A. Nummedal in

    1925. Nummedal subsequently found a total of 87 settlements; Gjessing has

    also found some, so that the Finnmark figure is now about 100. Nummedal and

    Gjessing found the first traces of the Komsa culture in 1928 on Fisher Penin–

    sula, in what was then Finland. Finnish studies were undertaken later; how–

    ever, these did not lead to the hoped-for results. The first Komsa settlements

    were found on the Kola Peninsula in 1936, and the culture's area of distribu–

    tion was thereby temporarily determined. Certain finds from Torneträsk

    (Torne Marsh) in north Sweden, which were discovered by an amateur and reported

    in 1935, were supposed to constitute a Swedish parallel of the Komsa culture.

    But these finds have proved to consist to a significant extent of natural

    formations. The "Torneträsk" culture has therefore been dropped from the

    discussion.

            The Komsa settlements are found especially on old shore formations.

    There are no remains of dwellings and no cultural strata, so that it has

    proved impossible to arrive at any stratigraphy. The artifacts lie for the

    most part in the surface layers of gravel, with some of them only occasionally

    004      |      Vol_VIII-0997                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arctic Culture

    down among the stones. Remains of fireplaces have been found in a few

    settlements; one of them still contained the remains of charcoal (birch,

    betula ; probably dwarf birch, betula nana ). The settlements were all

    located along the coast, often on islands, or in places that might have

    been islands at the time when sea level was higher. Accordingly, the boat

    [ ?] must not only have been known, but must also have played an important

    role. If Bøe's chronology proves tenable, the climate must have eliminated

    boats made of wood or bark; consequently skin boats must have been used. The

    only implements preserved are made of stone, primarily of red and green crude

    quartzites; but local flint (dolomite flint) and hornstone were also used,

    particularly for small implements. The types of implements are chiefly scrapers

    (racloirs and grattoirs) of numerous kinds, gravers (burins) — also of many

    varieties — some discoid implements, hand axes, sharpeners for horn axes,

    knives, arrowheads, etc. The numerous scrapers and gravers indicate that

    implements made from organic materials must have played a fundamental part.

    It has been concluded that some of the large scrapers were used for scraping

    skins, and the great quantities of burins indicate that bone products, and

    particularly antler products, were very important. According to A. Rust's

    studies of the burins contained in the important reindeer hunter finds from

    Meiendorf in northern Germany, they must certainly have been used primarily

    for splitting reindeer horns for use in preparing implement materials.

            Even though our present knowledge of the Komsa culture is meager, we

    can nevertheless give the following picture. In the earliest Komsa period

    geographical conditions were about the same as those of present-day Greenland,

    with an ice-free coastal strip having land ice on the land side and drift ice

    on the ocean side. Hunting was carried on in the area between the land ice

    005      |      Vol_VIII-0998                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arctic Culture

    and the drift ice. People lived as close to the sea as high tides and

    breakers permitted. Although at present we have no knowledge of any houses,

    it is possible that men lived in turf houses of approximately the same con–

    struction as the later Lapp dwellings, to which we will revert. Seals were

    hunted from boats (with harpoons?), reindeer and other land game with bows

    and arrows.

            As mentioned above, the chronology of the Komsa culture has not yet

    been accurately ascertained. Since we have no stratigraphy, we have only

    Quaternary geological data to go on. The lack of Osteological material

    precludes a climatic-historical chronology. As a result of all this it

    has to date been impossible to arrive at a comparative chronological group–

    ing of the material. In 1928, A. Bjørn attempted to divide the Komsa culture

    into three chronological groups, but his grouping proved to be incorrect; nor

    could the results of the efforts of Bøe and Gjessing be considered satisfactory.

    This led to Bøe's belief that the Komsa culture had existed for only a rather

    brief period. His theory visualized a hunting people completely dependent

    on the seal; as the climate grew more favorable and the seals generally moved

    eastward, the people were forced to follow them over the same route along

    which they had once migrated westward. However, in all probability the Komsa

    culture was of very long duration. Actually, it merges in its first phase

    with the neolithic slate culture that came in somewhat prior to 2000 B.C.

            The mixture of types from the most varied periods, with the Aurignacian

    patterns dominating, but also with Mousterian and often Magdalenian types as

    well, gives an indication of the way in which the Komsa culture entered the

    westernmost arctic area. For we re-encounter the same cultural mixture in

    late-paleolithic settlements on the plains of central Russia, in Siberia,

    006      |      Vol_VIII-0999                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arctic Culture

    Mongolia, and northern China. We know of paleolithic finds from the Angara

    and Yenisei valleys in Siberia, from Tomsk and from the region around the

    Ob. The distance to the Kola Peninsula is therefore not deterrent. Bjørn,

    who was the first to point out the similarity to the Asiatic finds, con–

    ceived of a central Asiatic point of radiation. Certainly, with finds and

    investigations as sporadic as they are in Russia and Asia, it is as yet too

    soon to ascertain the routes of migration in detail. The main thing is that

    already in this early period we encounter a cultural continuity extending

    across the major part of northern Eurasia.

            The Komsa culture in its pure form is not known south of Finnmark. How–

    ever, there are a few finds from Nordland (about 67° N. lat.) with crude

    quartzite implements of a Komsa character, together with other artifacts

    belonging to the Fosna culture, a corresponding cultural form that arises

    somewhat later than the Komsa culturs, and which is known to have existed

    in an area extending from southern Norway northward to the southern part of

    Nordland. The Fosna culture is linked with the north German Ahrensburg

    culture and with the Polish Swiderian culture; through these links the Fosna

    culture may also be traced back to the eastern European (and Asiatic?) late–

    paleolithic cultures.

            The Fosna culture also seems to have flourished until it merged with the

    neolithic cultures, even though in partial co-existence with the Nø [ ?] tvet

    culture, a Campignian-like culture emerging around 6000 B.C. which is found

    in different minor variations in most of southern Norway. The northernmost

    offshoots of the Nøstvet culture extended as far as southern Nordland (Traena).

    Studies of a Nøstvet dwelling site indicate that it might be possible to

    reconstruct the house approximately in the style of a l L app dwelling. There



    007      |      Vol_VIII-1000                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arctic Culture

            20 are indications that this form of construction was originally of whalebone

    — if so, it must presumably date back to as yet unknown houses belonging

    to the Komsa culture. But all this is very hypothetical. A road paved with

    flat stones ran from the house down to where the shore was when the dwelling

    was inhabited; there was also a paved boat landing. The oldest layers in a

    large cave on the same island, where vast settlement strata have been exca–

    vated, are ascribed to the same culture. Several other dwelling sites con–

    form to an identical pattern, but they have not yet been studied. The

    source of the Nøstvet culture has not been agreed upon to date. It clearly

    belongs in the great belt of Campignian-like cultures that extends from

    western Europe far into Russia. But while the Nøstvet culture was formerly

    believed to be linked with the Danish Ejøkkenmødding culture, more recent

    studies indicate that it is more closely allied to the Russian Campignian

    cultures.

            With the transition from the cool and damp Atlantic climate to the

    warm and continental subboreal climate, the enormous south Russian and west

    Asiatic grass plains dried up. The Kalmyk plain and the Kirgiz plains

    became steppes, or rather semi-deserts, and the nomadic people had to migrate

    in order to find grazing lands for the cattle and horses. Tribe after tribe

    left their native soil, some going westward, some eastward. With time the

    entire European continent became a billowing sea of folk migration. Unrest

    spread; under the pressure of the migrating, nomadic Indoeuropeans other

    tribes with entirely different cultures were forced to move on. The results

    of all these migrations can also be traced in the Arctic, for people and

    their cultures eventually arrived there, as well. Two great, in the main

    parallel, cultural migrations with a general east-west direction can be

    008      |      Vol_VIII-1001                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arctic Culture

    traced in the northern Eurasian area. But these two great main branches of

    cultural elements absorbed numerous — if not innumerable — contributions

    from other cultures.

            The so-called "comb pottery" culture presumably spreads out fanwise

    toward the north from one place or another in southern or central Russia.

    Its place of origin cannot yet be determined, but the pottery seems to be

    linked to early neolithic Pontic pottery (the Oussatova finds), and the

    implement culture seems to have some kind of distant relationship to the

    "cord pottery" of Indoeuropean cultures. The b c omb-pottery culture is

    primarily characterized by pottery decorated with distinct comb markings,

    by definite forms of gouges and adzes; moreover by the use of flint and hard,

    flint-like stone implements, among them specific types of arrowheads, large

    flint knives, big, round scrapers, etc. In the west this culture penetrates

    to the eastern Baltic regions, and spreads in a somewhat diluted form to

    Poland and parts of eastern Germany — eastern and western Prussia and

    Silesia (generally speaking, the area that became Polish after World War II).

    To the north it extends as far as the White Sea in the Archangel region, and

    then goes westward across Finland (where it leaves its mark on the whole

    country) to the Scandinavian Peninsula. In Scandinavia it is encountered

    in a fairly pure form in the northernmost parts of Sweden and Norway, but

    it really affects the neolithic hunting culture of the entire peninsula.

    To the east it extends right through the whole north Asiatic continent

    to China and northeastern Asia. In general, the comb-pottery culture belongs

    to the great north Eurasian forest belt; but in some places it penetrates all

    the way to the sea — for example, in northern Norway, at the White Sea, at

    the great Siberian river mouths, and at Bering Strait.



    009      |      Vol_VIII-1002                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arctic Cultures

            At the above places the comb-pottery forest culture encounters the

    other great branch of cultural migration — the arctic coast culture —

    which extends from north of the timber line down along the coast of the

    Arctic Sea. The latter culture is characterized by an extensive use of

    slate, horn, and bone in its implement industry, and by the use of skin

    boats; in other words, it is a pure arctic culture. Since the comb-pottery

    forest culture and the arctic coastal culture merge in a number of arctic

    areas, we cannot omit the forest culture from the survey of the coastal

    culture. As we have mentioned, the two cultures also converge at Bering

    Strait, and from there they are carried over to North America, where first

    and foremost they leave traces in the Eastern Woodland Pattern. This becomes

    particularly clear now that it has been proved that the "Red Paint" culture

    of Maine is simply a variant of the Eastern Woodland culture.

            However, a number of the cultural elements involved (cord-marked pottery,

    gouges, barbed projectile points of slate, etc.) did not belong to the Eskimo

    cultures, unless they reached the New World around the time of the birth of

    Christ, or somewhat earlier. Since the majority of these elements are also

    absent from the implement inventory of the northwestern coast, migration

    across the Aleutians also seems to be out of the question. Judging by the

    American distribution, it seems natural to view this Eurasiatic admixture

    in connection with the immigration of the Algonkians, and thus the origin

    of the Eastern Woodland culture must be assigned to a much earlier date than

    the one accepted at present, for in all probability the Athapaskan immigra–

    tion also occurred in the period between the Algonkian and Eskimo immigrations.

    In Siberia the comb-pottery culture belongs to the [ ?]fanasievskaia culture,

    which should be assigned to about 2000 to 1500 B.C., according to Teploukhov.



    010      |      Vol_VIII-1003                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arctic Cultures 250

            Unfortunately, studies of the regions along the Russian and Siberian

    coasts of the Arctic Sea are so sporadic and incomplete that studies of the

    arctic coast culture must be mainly confined to northern Norway and North

    America — a circumstance which makes it difficult to arrive at accurate

    conclusions.

            However, as far as the forest culture is concerned, there is a long

    series of thoroughly investigated finds, especi l ally from Finland, but also

    from Russia. It can safely be stated that the forest culture is the older

    of the two cultures, even though they co-existed throughout long periods.

    The forest culture seems to have entered Finland as early as around 3000 B.C.,

    or certainly not much later, and eventually spread over practically the entire

    country. To date it is rarely found in the northernmost regions — the present

    Soviet Petsamo — but this can certainly be largely attributed to lack of

    investigation. It appears in Finnmark (in northernmost Norway) contemporaneously

    with the coast culture, presumably around 2200 B.C. Particularly important in

    this region are the well-dated, large dwelling sites from Karlebotn in Nesseby,

    with comb-marked pottery of an older, but far from the oldest, type, with the

    oldest slate implements and also some small implements made of hornstone, local

    flint, etc., with Komsa culture patterns. The mixture of pumice in the pottery

    indicates that this is not a question of materials imported at random; the ex–

    tensive use of pumice began on the north Norwegian coast at just this time. In

    particular, the comb-pottery culture was centralized at Ladoga-Karelia; in

    general, it covered the entire Iadoga area, where fish were plentiful and

    trading opportunities were many. Trade was primarily concentrated on the im–

    port of carbonic flint from the interior of Russia and of east Karelian green

    slate; these materials were then re-traded in regions to the northwest and southwest.

    011      |      Vol_VIII-1004                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arctic Cultures

    The rich sculptural art, chiefly small objects carved out of horn or bone,

    clay, slate, or flint, were an outstanding feature of this culture. Among

    other things, axe and club heads appear in the late comb-pottery culture;

    some of these have the whole head shaped like an animal's head, while others

    have the neck part shaped like an elk or a bear head. All of these were

    apparently made in Olonets and then exported to the interior of Finland; a

    few specimens have also been found in Sweden.

            The forest culture was a pure hunting culture; there are no indications

    of either agriculture or animal husbandry. Good illustrations of the hunting

    and the inland fishing appear on the great petroglyphs found in the vicinity

    of Lake Onega. (Studies of these petroglyphs were published by V. Raudonikas

    in 1936.) skiing was also a factor in hunting, including ski hunting with

    the skiiers disguised as the pursued animal. In addition, a certain amount of

    fishing was carried on along the coasts, especially in the Gulf of Bothnia.

            Petroglyphs and pictographs that are part of the arctic and subarctic

    hunting cultures have also been found in northern Russia along the White Sea

    (V. Raudonikas, 1938), and on almost the whole of the Scandinavian Peninsula;

    there have also been a few Finnish occurrences. Some of the petroglyphs in

    north Norway are considerably older than those of the comb-pottery culture,

    in that the oldest ones appear to date back to the Mesolithic age, presumably

    around 6000 B.C. (G. Gjessing). The entire oldest group is confined to

    Nordland. As the Komsa and the Fosna cultures merge in this area, it is

    unfortunately impossible to determine as yet to which of the two cultures

    the art in question belongs. The oldest petroglyphs are completely naturalistic,

    and depict the big game hunting and fishing that was chiefly concentrated on

    reindeer and bears (including polar bears), whales, and seals, with halibut the

    012      |      Vol_VIII-1005                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arctic Cultures

    only fish. The birds represented are swans and geese. Later on, in the

    Neolithic age, the art develops stylistically, eventually producing pro–

    nouncedly formal representations. Simultaneously, strong influences

    originating in the comb-pottery cultural area enter into the Scandinavian

    petroglyphs and rock paintings which now also appear. As a matter of fact,

    the art forms now begin to manifest the characteristic g blanding of the

    forest and coast cultures; among other things, there are representations

    of boats that are clearly skin boats of the umiak type. We are also familiar

    with the same type of boat from the White Sea petroglyphs; the Onega petro–

    glyphs, however, depict an entirely different type of boat — the dugout.

    Skis are also known to have been used in the Scandinavian arctic area. Two

    skiiers are depicted on a northern Norwegian petroglyph, and there are bog

    finds of skis from both north Sweden and Finland that have been assigned to

    the Stone Age by the pollen-analytical method.

            As stated above, the coast culture can best be studied in north Norway.

    It was a seminomadic sea-hunting culture, with fishing, sealing, and whaling

    playing a dominating part. The fishing was carried on from boats, with

    reindeer-horn hooks and with lines and sinkers. A northern Norwegian

    petroglyph from Ofo f ten (T the Skjomen Petroglyph) depicts a boat and a

    halibut swallowing a hook on the end of a fishing line. An implement that

    had been attached to the boat to facilitate the glidings of the line was

    found in a Finnmark settlement (the Skjåvik dwelling site). Studies of the

    weight of Stone Age sinkers — as well as of the dimensions of the hooks —

    indicate that some of this fishing took place in very deep water, presumably

    in depths almost as great as those of the big northern Norwegian fishing ground

    of today at Lofoten and on the Finnmark coast. This certainly indicates that

    013      |      Vol_VIII-1006                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arctic Culture

    fishing was not carried on for daily consumption alone, but also for accumu–

    lating winter provisions. Reindeer-horn harpoons of several different types

    were used in seal hunting, which must also have been carried on from boats.

    Some harpoons are so big that they may have been intended for catching small

    whales or walruses. The whales utilized are primarily the smaller dolphin

    varieties, but larger whales, such as bottlenose and white whales ( Orcinus

    orca
    ) occur as well. However, it is possible that the larger animals were

    not actually hunted, but that people made use of stranded carcasses. Hunting

    of land game was also of great importance. In Finnmark reindeer were obviously

    the most important game; while in Nordland, Troms, and north Sweden elk were of

    primary importance. Bear hunting also played a great part, as did undoubtedly

    other game as well. It might be of interest to mention that the bear cult

    found in the entire circum-arctic area (Hallowell) can be assigned to as early

    a period as the Stone Age for both the forest and the coast cultures.

            The implement artifacts are primarily characterized by a tremendous

    quantity of slate arrow and spear heads, as well as by great numbers of slate

    knives of varying types — some hunting knives, some fishing knives, and some

    knives used in various ways for work on skins. In addition, there are hooks

    of varieties that were certainly also present to some extent in Russian comb–

    pottery finds; harpoons with and without barbs, including types strikingly

    close to certain old Eskimo and northern Indian implements.

            An entire village consisting of 72 house ruins was studied at Karlebotn,

    nearby the above-mentioned comb-pottery dwelling places. This village pattern

    was prevalent in both northern and western Norway. Some of the houses in

    Finnmark were rectangular or round houses made of earth and stone; others

    were subterranean houses, dug deep down in old shore terraces, with a long

    014      |      Vol_VIII-1007                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arctic Culture

    corridor somewhat reminiscent of Eskimo dwellings. Both types of houses are

    encountered farther east in the European arctic area, the first type on the

    Kola Peninsula, the second on Fisher Peninsula; in both places they are

    arranged in exactly the same kind of village groups. (S. Palsi, F.B. Zemliakov.)

    A comparable settlement was also found on Traena Island in Nordland, but its

    dwellings were of entirely different types. The most important kind of dwellings

    were of entirely different types. The most important kind of dwelling in the

    latter place was probably a large, rectangular house, with the roof supported

    by two rows of poles — actually the same type of house that was in use during

    the Iron Age in large parts of the southern part of the Scandinavian Peninsula.

    Besides living in houses, the Traena people occupied caves. They apparently

    used the warm stone and turf houses in the winter, and moved into the cool

    caves when summertime came. The various house types in Finnmark must have

    been similarly used in different seasons.

            Meanwhile the forest culture v f lourished. New influences came in from

    eastern Asia, some of them, moreover, reaching the New World (for example,

    textile pottery, derived, apparently, from southeastern Asiatic mat pottery).

    The textile pottery arrived in the forest culture as early as in the Stone

    Age, and in the remote areas (northern Scandinavia and North America) was

    variously imitated. Somewhat later, bronze also appeared in this [ ?] culture,

    which thereupon passed into the so-called Andronovo culture (about 1500 to 900

    B.C.). The finds from this "Arctic Bronze Age" (studied by A.M. Tallgren)

    extend only to the arctic coast at the White Sea and in Finnmark, where it

    otherwise had little effect.

            There was never any real Bronze Age in the arctic cultural area. A pure

    Stone Age hunting culture continued to predominate there — a culture based to

    015      |      Vol_VIII-1008                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arctic Culture

    a great extent on older traditions originating in the comb-pottery culture

    of north Russia and Finland, and in the coast culture of north Norway and

    the Fisher and Kola peninsulas. Acquisitions from the "arctic" eastern

    Russian Bronze Age represent only random imports in this case. In Finland

    the authentic comb-marked pottery is replaced by other types, such as

    textile-marked pottery, the so-called Kiukaise pottery, etc., approximately

    all of which originated in the period between 1500 and 1200 B.C. These

    pottery varieties also came into the northern Norwegian coast culture to

    some extent. Through some interesting finds from Kola, which were excavated

    and documented by A.V. Schmidt, we also know of the existence of imitations

    of textile pottery. In addition, the finds contain a good many bone and horn

    implements, some of which point backward to the coast culture and some for–

    ward to the great Kjelmøy settlement finds in Finnmark. Although only a few

    studies have been made, it can be stated that the coast culture generally

    appears on the Kola and Fisher peninsulas in a form identical with that in

    which it appears in north Norway.

            To date it has been difficult to build up an accurate chronology for

    the European arctic area for the period between about 1500 B.C. and the

    centuries immediately following the birth of Christ. In this case we lack

    the great dwelling sites with usable stratigraphy, and similarly we lack

    reliable finds of imported articles to link the area to more southerly

    cultural areas. An additional difficulty is that it has not been possible

    in southern Scandinavia, either, to prove which of the large stone implements

    belong to the Bronze Age. Moreover, the Finnish chronology is essentially

    based on finds from southern Finland; therefore we do not know if the course of

    northern Finnish culture was parallel to that of the southern culture. There

    016      |      Vol_VIII-1009                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arctic Cultures

    are indications that the northern development was the slower of the two.

            We will therefore have to content ourselves temporarily with estab–

    lishing a group of finds that will fill in this space of time. In the

    future it will probably be proved that some of the series of finds usually

    attributed to the period before about 1500 B.C. actually belong to this

    later period. From the huge cave Kirkhellaren on Traena, which had cultural

    strata up to 1.80 meters thick and where people lived from the transition

    period between the Mesolithic and Neolithic eras as long as until the sixth

    century A.D., and where we therefore have good stratigraphy, it can be seen

    that a number of the cultural elements attributed to the Scandinavian Stone

    Age (up to about 1500 B.C.) flourished throughout the entire Bronze Age

    (about 1500 to 400 B.C.) and possibly even longer (G. Gjessing). Moreover,

    a grave find from Finnmark contains a curved iron cutting knife of a south

    Scandinavian type from the period around 200 B.C. to 200 A.D., as well as

    fragments of pottery of a type assigned in Finland to the period around

    1600 to 1200 B.C. It is therefore necessary to count on some revisions of

    the Finnish chronology accepted to date.

            The Kjelmøy settlements in Finnmark cast more light on the subject.

    (O. Solberg). Kjelmøy is a little island, located in the easternmost part

    of Finnmark, where people lived during the summer months and caught fish and

    seals on a large scale. Walrus teeth and some whalebone were also found

    among the animal bones. The finds contained an abundance of bone and antler

    fishhooks of several dimensions and of two distinctly different types,

    clearly used for fishing of various kinds, as well as a quantity of reindeer–

    horn harpoon heads of several varieties, an object that should probably be

    defined as a harpoon front piece, gigs, arrowheads, sinkers, reindeer-horn



    017      |      Vol_VIII-1010                                                                                                                  

            10 EA-Anthrop. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arctic Cultures

    knife handles, pottery, etc., etc. Thanks to the so-called "reel" that was

    attached to the edge of the boat to facilitate the gliding of the fish line,

    we are absolutely certain that fishing was carried on from boats. Moreover,

    the find contained netters, so that fishing nets must also have been used.

    The arrows, all of them made of bone, were doubtless used for shooting birds.

    Reindeer antler was the chief material used for making implements; but there

    were extremely few reindeer skeletons or raw reindeer horn among the great

    masses of animal bones, and a striking absence of waste material left over

    from the implement work. Consequently, reindeer hunting must have been

    carried on from other dwelling places, undoubtedly on the mainland, and

    these must have been winter quarters. In other words, we also encounter

    here the same seminomadic way of life that characterized the older coast

    culture. Meanwhile, the hunters on Kjelmøy did not life in a pure Stone

    Age. The knife handles — at least to a great extent — appear to have

    belonged to iron knives, and fishhooks and harpoons occasionally have a

    small iron tip. This also brings up the interesting thought that, although

    the iron was undoubtedly imported, it was partially worked by the hunters

    themselves.

            In 1909, O. Solberg assigned the Kjelmøy finds to the period between

    about A.D. 700 and 1000, but evidently this date is too recent. The oldest

    layers can scarcely be dated later than about A.D. 300, and there are indi–

    cations that further excavations will merely serve to assign them to an

    even earlier period. For example, we have found a quartzite scraper and

    an earthenware vessel that are similar to the types contained in the above–

    mentioned Kola finds, and also in finds from Finnmark that must be older

    018      |      Vol_VIII-1011                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arctic Cultures

    than the Kjelmøy finds.

            The Kjelmøy finds should be defined as coast Lapp, for many reasons.

    The earliest information we have about the coast Lapps is derived from an

    interesting narrative presented by the Norseman Ottar of Troms to the

    British King Alfred the Great at the close of the ninth century. The

    rather detailed picture he gives of the coast Lapps completely corresponds

    to the one we get from the Kjelmøy finds. Ownership marks scratched on some

    of the Kjelmøy find implements were made by the same system as that used in

    historical times by the Skolt Lapps in the Petsamo area, who even today live

    in the immediate vicinity of Kjelmøy. It should also be mentioned of old

    coast Lapp dialects which could be found in Finnmark and Troms are closely

    related to Skolt Lappish. Moreover, there are grave finds which can be

    defined as Lapp from an anthropological point of view, containing articles

    of exactly the same type as those we know from the Kjelmøy finds. The

    definition of the Kjelmøy culture as coast Lapp is therefore well founded.

    This brings us to the ethnological problem.

            The comb-pottery culture in Finland and north Russia is believed to

    belong to primitive proto-Finno-Urgic peoples who are known to have occupied

    the whole of north Russia in earlier ages, certainly spreading as far south

    as Ladoga. There is one weakness in this theory, however, since the Finns

    apparently first entered Finland in the Iron Age. Moreover, we cannot

    ignore the possibility that the comb-pottery culture belonged to the Lapps'

    ancestors, who must once have acquired their present-day Finn-Ugric language

    from earlier Finno-Ugrians. It has been proved that the Lapps once lived as

    far south as in the area around Helsinki in Finland, where Lapp place names

    are not rare, and as far south as Lake Onega in Russia. We must also consider

    019      |      Vol_VIII-1012                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arc [ ?] ic Cultures

    the possibility that they may have lived even farther south, for a fairly

    strong Lappoid racial strain has been observed in Poland (J. Czekenovski,

    J. Mydlarskij, etc.). As early as 1866 the Norwegian archaeologist Oluf

    Rygh maintained that the north Scandinavian slate culture was Lappish;

    later on, Oscar Montelius, the great Swedish archaeologist, expressed the

    same opinion. This interpretation was generally abandoned around the turn

    of the century; however, as mentioned above, we still have valid grounds

    for considering it. Because the Kjelmøy culture is built to such a great

    extent on traditions originating with the older coast culture, an interpre–

    tation of this kind would be reasonable on that basis alone. It is a question

    of the fishhooks, the types of harpoons, the "reels," and of the style of

    decoration. On the other hand, the pottery seems to be based more on tradi–

    tions originating with the Finnish Kiukaise pottery and other pottery from

    younger cultures in the Finnish comb-pottery area. The difficulty with

    defining the Stone Age coast culture as primitive Lappic arises primarily

    from the dwelling types encountered on Traena; their construction is of a nature

    hard to visualize as ever having been used by the Lapps. In general, the

    ethnological problem with regard to these Stone Age cultures is far from

    satisfactorily solved, and the attempts made — first by V. Tanner and later

    by K.B. Wiklund (the latter with support from Nordhagen's chronology of the

    Komsa culture, among other things) — to prove that the Nomsa culture is a

    primitive Lapp culture have such flimsy foundations that they must be con–

    sidered pure guesswork. Wiklund was of the opinion that the Lapp race

    became highly specialized in the Finno-Scandinavian Arctic Sea coastal area,

    in that the Lapps were isolated from all other peoples during the last

    glaciation. It seems rather certain that none of the forms of culture

    020      |      Vol_VIII-1013                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arctic Cultures

    mentioned up to this point was Indoeuropean.

            The oldest trustworthy anthropological proofs of the Lapps having been

    in Finno-Scandinavia are some east Finnmark graves that contain the above–

    mentioned iron cutting knife of the period around 200 B.C. to A.D. 200.

    In this connection, doubt is inadmissible. The graves also contain some

    large, circular, quartzite scrapers, which link them to a group of finds

    that is represented in particularly large quantities in northern Sweden,

    and to a less degree in Finnmark and Troms. This group of finds is charac–

    terized by an extensive use of quartzite, and seems to have originated under

    the influence of the Olonets late Stone Age culture. Some scholars have been

    inclined to detect a Lapp folk element. Judging from circumstances in northern

    Norway, there is scarcely any basis for finding any ethnological conflict

    between this group of finds and the slate culture.

            Numerous graves have been examined in Nord Varanger, along the northern

    si [ ?] e of Varanger Fjord — the easternmost of the big Finnmark fjords. The

    oldest of them is approximately contemporary with the Kjelmøy finds; the

    most recent belongs in the early Middle Ages (12th century). The Varanger

    Fjord graves are also the source of rather abundant skeletal material, which

    K.E. Schreiner has studied. Evidently the population had a basic Lapp strain

    at the time, but there was an extraordinarily thorough mixture with both

    Nordic and east Baltic races. The Nordic elements can be explained by close

    trading relations with Norsemen from farther south in northern Norway; perhaps

    also with Swedish traders ( Birkarlar ) from the Swedish Viking period village

    of Birka at Lake M [ ?] laren, where international trade was based to a great

    extent on the exploitation of the northern Lapp areas. Norwegian activity

    in Finnmark began as early as the migration period (about A.D.400 to 600),

    021      |      Vol_VIII-1014                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arctic Cultures

    as can be seen from both Norwegian and Lapp place names. Lapp place names

    such as Makk a â rav'jo and Rakkerav'jo must thus have been acquired in the proto–

    Norse period, since av'jo corresponds to the proto-Norse augo - island. A

    large gold and silver hoard found on an island in Lakse Fjord, Finnmark,

    which should presumably be assigned to the 7th century, has some Scandinavian,

    some east Baltic, and possibly also some Russian ornaments, but it must have

    been deposited by Lapps. The fact that the treasure must have been very

    valuable (it has been estimated that in south Scandinavia the gold articles

    alone were worth a sum equivalent to at least $4,000) indicates that the Lapp

    trade in maritime products and furs must have been very important even before

    the 7th century. During the latter half of the eighth century the Norwegian

    traders began to settle at diverse places on the Finnmark coast; presumably

    these settlements were, among other things, bases for the Norwegian expeditions

    along the Murmansk coast to the White Sea which are described in the historical

    sources of the Viking period. For instance, the above-mentioned Ottar made a

    voyage of this kind.

            Trade played a large part in northeastern Europe in approximately the

    same way during the late Viking period and the early Middle Ages. At the close

    of the pagan era the whole region north of 63° N. latitude was still the scene

    of arctic hunting. The Syryenians were active in the area from Kama to Pechora

    and Vychegda, the Karelians from Ladoga to the White Sea and Murmansk. The

    furs were bought up by Russian (i.e., mainly Swedish) buyer-capitalists in

    Novgorod and Sølv-Bolgary, who sent traders on annual visits to the wilderness.

    It is not inconceivable that they may have gone as far westward as to north

    Norway. In all events, the Lapp trade could not have been directed toward

    Norwegian traders alone, but also to a high degree toward the east or the

    022      |      Vol_VIII-1015                                                                                                                  
    EA-Anthrop. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arctic Cultures

    southeast. The above-mentioned Nord Varanger Lapp graves contain a remark–

    able number of Russian (partly east Russian) silver and bronze ornaments.

    This is also true of the Lapp grave finds from the more southerly part of

    north Norway, as well as to a great extent of the Lapp sacrificial finds

    from north Sweden. (G. Hallström).

            The date when the Lapps began keeping domesticated reindeer has not

    been definitely determined. Some scholars have suggested that reindeer were

    tamed [ ?] in the Scandinavian arctic area as early as the Stone Age, but the

    basis for that argument is very weak. However, according to Ottar's narra–

    tive, reindeer keeping was an actuality in the ninth century A.D., and the

    Nord Varanger grave finds contain fragments of characteristic Lapp reindeer

    sledges. Incidentally, the oldest available information about reindeer

    keeping comes from the Chinese monk, Huei Shen, who wrote in A.D. 499 about

    both driving and milking reindeer. Prehistoric reindeer keeping, however,

    was not the kind of reindeer nomadism with which we are familiar from more

    recent periods. The newer system began to develop in the sixteenth century,

    probably as a result of the steady increase in the Norwegian population along

    the coast, and primarily because the immigration into the fjore regions, which

    started on a small scale in the fifteenth century, drove the Lapps far into the

    innermost fjord basins. Thereupon competition in wild reindeer hunting became

    so strongly intensified that both the coast and the mountain Lapps were forced

    to alter their economy to a considerable extent. It appears that from this

    time forward the reindeer was primarily important as a hauling animal and as

    a decoy for use in hunting wild reindeer.

            Lapps have never lived east of the Kola Peninsula. On the other hand,

    N.V. Tchernetzov has published reports about finds from a presumably pre-Samoyed,

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    EA-Anthrop. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arctic Cultures

    p u rely arctic sea-hunting culture from Yamal, where the kayak was used,

    among other things. In general this culture is so characteristically arctic

    that is it has even been assumed to be Eskimoid (H.B. Collins).



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    EA-Anthrop. Gjessing: Prehistoric European Arctic Cultures


    BIBLIOGRAPHY

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    18. Koudriavtsev, P. Les vestiges de l'homme pr e é historique de l' a â ge de

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    Minusinskago kraya.
    Materialy po etnografii, IV, 1929.



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    37. Wiklund, K.B. Untersuchungen über die älteste Geschichte der Lappen und

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    Trudy Aicpe III. Leningrad, 1937.

           

    Gutorm Gjessing


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